The Harleian miscellany; or, A collection of scarce, curious, and entertaining pamphlets and tracts, as well in manuscript as in print, found in the late earl of Oxford's library, interspersed with historical, political, and critical notes

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J

1

l>i

X

THS

H ARLEIAN MISCELLANY ;

OR, A

COLLECTION

OF
SCARCE, CURIOUS, AND ENTERTAINING

PAMPHLETS AND TRACTS,

A9 WELL MN MJNUSCRIPT AS IN PRINT j

fOOMD IN TBI L4TB

EARL OF OXFORD'S LIBRARY,

IMTEI8PES8BD WITH

MISTOHJCAL, POLITICALy AND CRITICAL

N O T E S,

VOL. XL

LONDON:
TRINTED FOR ROBERT DUTTON, GRACECHURCH-STREET.

aiUL

«.

I

7.

r

CONTENTS.

VOL. XL

AN Inquiry into the Causes of our Naval Miscarriages : With some
Thoughts on the Interest of this Nation, as to a Navai War, and of
the only true Way of manning the flfct, Dedicated to the Parlia^
meut of Great-Britain. ¥r\^ the s^c\[n<i Edition in Quarto, con-
taining thirty-seven pages, printed at London, 1707 - • - - - 5

The Character of a Sneaken London, printed in the year 1705.
Quarto, containing five pages, and the picture of Janus in the
Title-page ---------------.-. (j8

Loyalty, attended with great News from Dfake's and Raleigh's Ghosts.
Presentinjf; the true Means whereby Britain may be recovered from
her Maladies, and obtain a lasting Happiness, Honour, and Re-
nown. In an Heroick Poem. London, printed for the Author, in
1705. Quarto, containing sixteen pages -..-------33

Providence Displayed; Or, a very surprising Account of one Mr. Alex-
ander Selkirk, Master of a Merchant-man, called The Cinaue-Ports;
who, dreading that the Ship would soon after be lost, he desired to
be left on a desolate Island in the South Seas, where he lived Four
years and Four months, without seeing the Face of Man, the Ship
being afterwards cast away as he dreamed. Quarto, containing
twelve pages ---..----•-----^---40

The Hoyal Gamesters : Or, the old Cards new shuffled, for a Con-
quering Game. Quarto, containing four pages * • . ~ - . 45

Reasons humbly offered to both Houses of Parliament, for Passing a
Bill for Preventing Delays and Expences, in Suits in Law and
Equity. London, printed, and are to be sold by John Morphew^
near Stationers Hall, 1707. Quarto, containing twenty-two pages 49

A Trip to Dunkirk : Or, a Hue and Cry after the pretended Prmce of
Wales. Being a Panegyrick on the Descent. Said to be written by
Dr. Swift. Printed^ and Bold by the Booksellers of London ,aad
Westminster, 1708 «--------- --.-^,0

The Mighty Miracle: Or, the Wonder of Wonders at Wiodmill-Hil).
Being the invitation of John Lacy, Esq ; and the rest of the ins^^ic^i
PxopEets, to all Spectators, to comt 00 Tuesday uexli iV^ ^b\)cil>%|
oftkJs Jasuuu M9/, i^ete, to their •xceedUng AM)lM»Vlt»^l)ih ^3Eir|

•

may (without any Prejudice to their Eye-sight) behold Dr. Emms
arise out of his first grave, and dress himself in his usual Habit to
all their View, and with a loud voice relate Matters of Moment,
preaching a Miraculous Sermon, giving a strange Account of past
and future Events ; the like never seen or heard in England before,
exceeding any Wonder or Shew that ever was seen on Windmill-
Hill, at any Holiday-time. Licensed according to order. London :
printtd for J. Kobinson, in Fleet-strc^et, 1708, Folio, containing /
one page ------^ 63

Esquire Lack's Reasons why Doctor Emms was not raised from the
Dead, on the twenty fifth of May, accordingto th^ French Prophets
Prediction. Liiodon, printed for J. L. in Barbican, 1T09. Folio,
containing one pagp -----«-- ----.---jj^

An Account of the late Scotch Invasion; as it was opened by my Lord
Haversham in the House of Lords, on Friday the tweaty-nfth of

. February, 1708-9. Printed in the year lt09. Quarto, containing
forty-six pages ------.----- ----^^

The Geography and ^iistory of Mons. First written in French for the
Service of an Imperial Officer in the Army about Mons, and now
done into Englisn for the Satisfaction of our British Officers. By
John Mack Gregory, L. L. L. Professor of Geography and History.
Printed at Edinburgh, in the Year 1709. Quarto, containing four
paces ---------- .....89

The Geography and History of Tournay : First written in French, for
the Service of Prince Eugene of Savoy, and sent inclosed in a Letter
to him. when he marched to besiege Tournay, and now done intu
English for the Satisfaction of our British Gentlemen and Officers. .
By John Mack Gregory, L. L. L. Professor of Geography ^end His-
tory. To which is prefixed, as an Epistle Dedicatory, the Author's
Letter to Prince Eugene. Printed at Edinburgh, 1709. Quarto,
containing forfy-four pages -------------114

A Letter to a new Member of the Honourable House of Commons,
touching the Rise of all the Embezzlements and Mismanagements
of the Kingdom's Treasure, from the Beginning of the Revolution
unto this present Parliament. To which is added, an Actoimt of
the National Expences, from November 3, 1640, to November 1659;
and from November 5, 1688, to Michaelmas, 1700. Amsterdam,
Printed in the year 1710. Quarto, containing twenty-eight pages 140

King William's Ghost. From a Hall^sheet Folio, printed in 171 1 - 162

A Representation of the present State of Religion, with Regard to the
late excessive Growtn of Infidelity, Heresy, and Profaneness:
Drawn up by the Upper House of Convocation, of the Province of
Canterbury, and transmitted to the Lower House for their Approba-
tion. Folio, containing five pages, printed in 1711 - - - - 16S

A particular Description of the famous Town and Cittadel of Dunkirk,
with all its Fottifications, viz. Rice- bark forts. Harbour, Peere, the
Bason, the Number of the Ships in the Harbour, and Cannon in
each port, as it is now in the Possession of the Queen of Great-
Britain. Printed 1713. Quarto, containing twenty-one pages - 170

The Br— -sii Ambassadress's Speech to the French King; M. S. - - 181

-Europe a Slave, when the Empire is in Chains : Shewing the deplor-
able State of Germany, from the Invasion of the French, and the
fatal Consequence of it to us and all Europe -------- 183

A Satyr on the Earl of Oxford, Lord Bolingbr— k, Mr. Moor,'^and Mr.
Prior, M. 8. 19^

VerMS spoke to the Lady Henrietta-Cavendish Holies Harley, in the
X/ibiarf of St John*8 College, Cambridge, November the 9th Aon.

CONTIKTI. * fil

Page

An Epititpk on BotU^Jlde, the French King Lewis XIV« MS. - - . ig6

An aathentick Relation of the many Hardships and Su£ferings of a
Patch Sailor, who was put on Shore^on the uninhabited Isle of As-
cension, by Order of the Commodore of a Sc[uadron of Dutch Ships.
Taken from the Original Journal foiind in his Tent by some Sailors^
-who landed from on Board theCompton, Captain Morson.Com-
mander, in January 1725-6. Octavo, containing twenty-eight
pages -..-, 197 '^

Advice to a Young Clergyman, how to conduct himself in the common
Offices of Life, in a Letter from a late Right Reverend Prelate. Oc-
tavo, containing twenty-five pages ----^------. sos

The Travels of three English Gentlemen, from Venice to Hamburgh,
being the Grand Tour of Germany, in the Year 1734. MS. Never
before published ---I.----.-----. --^ 818

A Joomey from Laubach, or Lubiana, to Gratz, the Metropolis of the
Dutchy of Stiria. MS. Never before published --.••. 239

A Joomey from Gratz, the Metropolis of Stiria, to Vienna in Austria,
MS. Never before published. . ---------... 345

The Continuation of the Travels of three English Gentlemen. A
Journey [froBi Vienna in Austria to Prague, the Capital of
Bohemia ---------------.--. $83

The Conclusion of the Travels of three English Gentlemen, '&c. MS. 319

A Letter to tht I^ight Reverend the Lord Bishop of Cloyne. By a
Gentleman in the Army, in the year 1739 ....... .355

The true and wonder^l History of Perkiu Warbeck, proclaiming him-
self Richard the Fourth. London : Printed by £. G. for Nathaniel
Butler, and are to be sold at his Shop in PauFs Church-yard, at the
sign of the Pyed Bull. 1618. Quarto, containing one hundred and
twelve pa^es ---..---.-.--..--. 367

Chorographia : Or, a Survey of Newcastle-qpon-Tine. The Estate
of this Country, under the Romans. The Building of the famous
'Wall of the Picts, by the Romans. The ancient town of Pandon.
A brief Description of the Town, Walls, Wards, Churches, Reli-
gious Houses, Streets, Markets, Fairs, River, and Commodities ;
with the Suburbs. The ancient and present Government of the'
Town. Ab also, a Relation of the Cofinty of Nortbumberls^nd,
which was the Bulwark of England against the Inroads of the Scots.
Their many Castles and Towers. Their ancient Families and
Names. Of the Tenure in Cornag^. Of Cheviot-Hills. Of Tine-
dale and Reedsdale, with the Inhabitants.

Potestas omnium ad Cssarem pertinei, proprietas ad singulos,

Newcastle, printed by S. B. 1649. Quarto, containing thirty-four
pages, besides the Title and Pretace to the Reader ...... 445

A Declaration pf the Right Honourable James, Marquis and Earl of
Montrose, Lord Green and Mugdock, Captain-General of all his
Majesty's Forces, raised and to be raised for his Service, in his
Kingdoms of Greai-Britain,. concerning his Excellency's Resolution
to settle his Majesty, Charles the Second, in all bin Dominions, July
9, 1649. London, printed in the year 1649. Quarto, containing
five pages ...--.-...---...,.. 469

A Winter Dream.

■ Qua me tufpemnm insomnia terrent f
Sapefuturarumprasagia somnia rerum. Virg.

Printed Anno Domini Quan Do ReX AnglomMVec\lN\cX\XjXs»l
Capdvus, 1649. Quarto, containing twenty-two pag<e« • • - - ^a^

Iv • covTEtrxs.

A. Letter to the Lord Vairilbc, and his Council of Wtr, -with divers
Questions to the Lawyers and Ministers: Roving it an undeniable
Bquity, that the common Peofile ought to dig, plow, plant, and*
dwell upoii the Commons wijthout hiring th^m, or paying Rent to
any. Delivered to the General and^the <^ief Officers, on Saturday,
June d. By Jerrard Winstanly, in the Behalf, of those who have
hegun to dig upon George-hill in Surrey. London : Printed for Giles
Calvert, at the Black Spread Eagle, at the W«st £nd of St. Paul's, -
1649# . Quarto, containing sixteen pages .-.«.-.- -485

l^atural and Revealed Religion explamingeach other. In two Essays.
The iSrst shewing what Religion is essential to Man. The second,
the State of Souls after deaSi, as discovered by Revelation. MS.
Never before published --.---------- •494

A> View of St. Helena, ah [sland in the Ethiopian Ocean, in America,
now in possession of the Honourable Kast-India company, where
their ships usually refresh in their Indian voyages. With an account
of t^e admirable voyage of Domingo Gonsales, the little Spaniard, to
the Worl^ in the Moon, by the help. of several Gansa's, or large
geese. An ingefiious Fancy, written Inr a late learned Bishop - - 611

^ Paradox : Proving the Inhabitants of the Island, called Madagas-
car,- or St. Lawrence (in things temporal) to be the happiest People
in the World ---. 6S4

A most learned, conscientious^ and devout Exercise or Sermon, held
fbrthy the last Lord's-day of April, in the year 1649, at Sir P. T/s
house in Lincoln's Inn Fields, by Lieutenant General Oliver Crom*
well : as it was faithfully taken in Characters by Aaion Guerdon.
London, printed in the year 16d0. Quarto, containing seventeen
pages *-...--..------------ 544

t^ews from the Channel : or, The Discovery and perfect Description
of the Isleof Serke, appertaining to the English Crown, and never
before publickly discoursed of: Truly setting forth the notable Stra-'
tagem whereby it was first taken, the Nature of the Place and People,
dieir government, customs^ manufactures, and other particulars, no
less necessary than pleasant to he known. In a Letter from a Gen-
tleman, now inhabiting tl^re, to his friend and kinsman in Lon-
don. London, printed by John Lock, for John Clarke, at the Bible
nod fUrp iu West Smithneldi 10TS. Quarto, containing six pages 652

V

I 4

THE

HARLEUN MISCELLANY.

AN INQUIRY

nrro
TRE CAUSES OF OUR NAVAL MISCARRIAGES:

With some Thoughts on the Interest of this Nation, as to a Naval War»
and of the only trae way of manning the fleet. Dedicated to the
Parliament of Great Britain.

[From the Mcond editioB in Quarto^ containing tliiity-MTen paget, printed at

London^ Ijo/.]

Md^ it please your Honours:

IF Crcesus's dumb son could speak, when he saw the knife at his
fathei^s throaty I hope I may be justified, when I plead in behalf of
my country, our common mother, whose reputation, wealth, and
security are now so highly concerned.

How it comes to pass, I need not say; but it is a melancholy reflexion
to consider, that from the beginning of the war with France in King
William's reign, to this day, a naval war seems to have been neglected,
ana accounted only a thing by the bye; and a war by land, carried
on in foreign countries, h^ been regarded as our principal business,
though nature and reason plainly dictate the contrary.

Nature has assigned us an island, and kind Providence furnished us with
materials to build ships, and with men of able bodies and stout hearts
to man them ; nor has the divine goodness been wanting to supply
us with navigable rivers, and safe harbours ; by which we may be
enabled to defend ourselves, and annoy our enemies.

By all this it is plain, we have bad it in our power, by a right manage*
ment of our fleet, to reduce our common enemy of France, and to
have had the whole trade of the Spanish West-Indies, as the reward
of the blood and treasure we have expended in defence of our own,
and the liberties of Christendom. It has been in our power, not onl^
to seize the French colonies in North and Sioutii Kmene^Li >av)X Xo
eatahVish our tndeia the Spanish West-Indies, bexond nvYaXkhctc o>^x
anceston could do. We have been engag<^ la O^iervcie o\ x^

A 3

6 AN INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES OF

monarcby of Spain, from the usurpations of France; and thk
intitled us to fix a place of arms in any part of their dominions, as

, would best suit such a design. It is therefore strange, that when our
attempt upon Cales miscarried (the reason of which is still a mystery)
we did not immediately^ sail up the-Streigihts, and ti^e poascisMon of
Port MahrOQtf ia Miliorca^ and- make it a fcaitwaj^ for our fleet, a
magazine for our naval stores, for careening and refitting our men of
war, as we did in the reign of King Charles the Second, during our
war against Algiers.

This neglect deserves so much the more inquiry, that it is common for
those, who design an invasion, to secure a place of arms and retreat
in the country they invade, without which an invasion seldom proves
successful ; for, if the^ be no sucb- place, the invaders by a cross
accident may be left to the mercy of the invaded, or obliged to return
home in winter, and lose all the advantages gained^ during the
summer. . .

Had we*p6ssessed Port-Mahone, and kept a fleet there superior to the
French, it would naturally have had thv following consequences.

I. We might have prevented their sending forces to Italy by sea, which

' would soon have put an end to the war in that country; and^ haying
no way to recruit their troops there, they must have surrendered pri-
soners of war.

Z, We should have ruined the trade of Marseilles with the Italians,
Spaniards, and Turks; and not only have secured, but considerably
advanced our own trade in the Mediterranean.

5* The Isle of Majorca would have declared immediately for the Em-
peror, as they have since; and the inhabitants, who are accounted
the best seamen, for privateers, of any in the Streaghta, would hav^
been of considerable use to us, having a natural aversion to the French
and Castilians.

4. When Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia had seen us masters of the Medi-
terranean, in winter as well as summer, they would have cast off the
French yoke, on our sending a squadron to visit their coasts, whereby
King Charles might easily have taken possession- by land ; and,, c6n-
scquently, the charge and hazard of this voyage,, which w& wefb put
tO| had been prevented «

5. We should have had a considerable trade with the Spaniards, even
before they had been reduced, by means of neutral ships (etching our
goods from Port Mahone, and bringing Spanish goods thither for us
to carry home.

6. When the Rovers of Barbary had once found us masters of those
seas, they must have given over their piracies, and applied to a fiair
way of trading; by which we should have enlarged our trade to Bar-
bary, to our great advantage.

71 By being masters of Port-Mahone, we should naturally become

guarantees of aU treaties betwixt the Turks and any Christian nation :

for the Turks, seeing us sovereigns in those seas, would never find it

their interest to break treaties. The French first acquired their re-

pauuioii at the Ottoman Porte, by pretending to be sovereigns of the

' Mediteramcdni but, since the Turks have been 9(cci\^ ui\^ecm^^^

OUtt NA^AL MI^AKRIA^ES^ fto. ' f

liy Bering us nMst^ks of t%iC sea in the saiifiner ttticMi) the Fpench
have sunkf at leabt> o&e half, at the Ottoman conn; which deafly
proves fhey mast haVe sunk- intirely^ had- we kept a fleet aU the year
in> #ie Stt«eightSk

S: We'sheuld have rtived the lives and ships h)#t in the ^reat stormy had
•we" wintered iti Port Mahone; and, likewise, pvevented the vast
charge of makkig good those ships, and repmring the damage others
have sustaihed,' by c6ming home kle in tempestUons Maisonb; to
say nothing of oar gi'eat loss of seamen, o<^casioned by want of good
provisioti^^ end pardcularly of clothes, on returning home from a hot
'Country in the winter season. How it may fare with Sir CK>ud^y
Shovel *, God only knows ; but a great many hearts ake for him^
considering how indi^rently he was provided when he came from
before Tkoulon, and tiiat it is now a season of long nights, subject
to stonny and f<^y weather ; whereas, had Port-Mahone' been in
our hands, we might have been supplied widi all nece^sa^ stores,
both- from Africa and Europe.

9* To mention no more, had we been masters of Port-lVTahone, we
might have maintained pur fleet in the Streights with Httle or no
expence to ourselves, by obliging the pope, princes, and states of
Italy to contribute towards their maintenance. This would have been
but reasonable, considering we prevented their faUing under the
French yoke, which aU of them m their turns have found unsupport*
able. In this case^ it had been just, that the court of Rome, who
have fomented all the wars, which now destroy Christendom, should
have borne -the- greatest share. And, had the pope pretended his
apostolical treasure was low, it is known he can raise money to cany
on a war against us, whom he calls hereticks, and for that end can
suppress monasteries; which therefore would be more reasonable he
should do now, to help to maintain those who preserve his dbminions
from bring swallowed up by the power of France. But, had he
proved stubborn, we could soon have made him comply, by blocking
up the mouth of the Tiber, and bombarding Ancona and Civita
Vecchia: for, as f Algernon Sidney says, Home was more afraid of
Blake, and his ffeet, than they had been of the great King of Sweden,
when ready to invade Italy with a hundred-thousand men. About
which time, the Duke of Florence, by Blake's means, was glad to
pay six-hundred thousand scudi's for our friendship.

Another omission, in the beginning of the war, was our not having ten
or twelve men of war constantly cruising in the latitude of Martinico,
and Guardahipa, which woutd have cut off their communication of
supplies from France, and soon have obliged those islands to surrender
to us. '

We might likewise with five or six tnen of war, two or three bomb-
yesaels, and two or three thousand men, not only have recovered
Placentia, which is our own, by right, and have seised the , great
fleet of ships, commonly there to catch fish in the summer; but Ukft*

• H« MP liM «» (fttf baaki afSdttj, wemt the Laiul»»*liid, oo U» nMs^te l*|0Aa4»-
f Vheommn ofGormamnmt, tccoaA etUt. ^ 19a*

a4»

• AN INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES OF

wise by the assistance of New Eogland, aad New York^ have subdued
Canada, the advantage of which is inexpressible; for, by this means
all North America, the fishery and for trade, must have intirely
come into our hands; and this would have occasioned a vast con*
sumption of our own manufactures and product^ especially of our
coarsest woollen cloth, which takes up the greatest part of our wool.
On the whole^- this must soon have occasioned business for two or
three hundred sail of ships more than ever we had to that part of the
worid, the profit and advantage of which would much exceed that of
our East-India trade^ and be a peculiar advantage to the western parts
of this nation.

Another omission^ at the beginnii^ of this war, was our neglecting to
send a strong squadron to the Bahama Islands, to intercept the
Spanish gall^ns^ and prevent the landing the plate at Vigo ; which
would have been twenty times^more advantageous, than our accidental
rencounter at that place.

The happy situation of Jamaica, and our noble settlement upon it,
enables U8 to make ourselves sovereigns of those seas; which would
soon put an end to our enemy's trade with New-Spaki, and make alf
that profitable trade our own.

The last omission^ I shall take notice of is, was our not sending two or
three men of war, with some merchant ships, into the South Seas,
at the beginning- of the war; by which we had made ourselves masters
of those seas, and put the Spaniards there on a willing necessity of
trading with us, and consequently have brought several millions of
gold and silver into this nation, which have been carried into
France.

Whatever might have been said against our making war with Spain at
first, when they had done us no harm, and of the provocation they
bad received by the treaty of partition, which was a direct breach of
the grand alliance in l6S9y and declared by the commons of Eng-
land to be in its nature unjust : or whatever the Spaniards might then
plead, from natural right, to chuse what prince they please upon the
failure of a royal family ; it is plain now, that our assisting the house
of Avistria to maintain King Charles in the possession of ^ose domi-

- nions, to which he has been legally called by the lords of the soil, is
just and equitable,^ on that consideratioq, as well a» by vertue of the
said grand alliance.

It is upon your most augnst assembly, that the eyes not only of Great-
Britain, but of all Europe, are fixed, as from whom they must
expect their fate;. for it is. in your power, by God's blessing, in con-
junction with her Majesty, to recover this nation, and the whole
confederacy, from their weak and languishing state, and to restore
them to perfect health and vigour, by a strong offensive naval war.

The radicated distempers, under which our strength is consumed, pro-
ceed chiefly from these two causes :

l.That, in so[ne late reigns^ our parliaments were influenced by places

and pensions. By this means, in Charles the Second's reign, they

sMt Still, and suffered that luxurious monarch to assist France, in

eaalAring the rest of Europe; and in alatci rcign vierctaSjLfiiio^lwtft

' OUR NAVAL MISCARRIAGES, &c. 9

. that natural affection and duty they owed to their country, and vrfaollf
drowned incovetousness; so that, instead of contriving how to better
the nation by the happy revolution, their chief care was to* get money
for themselves, and to bring in others to share in the bribery, that
they might form a party strong enough to prevent the ' root of all evils'
beinc punished as a crime. Thus our naval afifairs lay negleeted| and
nothing was done concerning them, but taking away six pence per
, month from the poor seamen who had too little before* However,
it had thb effect, that it occasioned the erecting a new office, which
gave rise to several new places, to gratify those who would blindly
pursue the measures of the court. What gi^rat debts, the managers
then run the nation into, are too sensibly felt to be denied ; and the
scandalous peace, they suffered 1o be made, ought not to be men-
tioned, were it known only to ourselves. From all which it is plain,
that it is impossible for us to thrive when our parliaments are in-
fluenced by places and pensions; for, in that case, be the ministry
and the power of the parliament in the hands of what party soever,
it is all one. It was a blessing more peculiar to Queen Elizabeth's
reign, than to any other we can find almost in our history: that her
ministry and Court pursued the interest of their country, as knowing
their own was thereby best secured.
The second cause of our distempers was the Cramping of the executive
power, and not allowing it the inherent right of all government to
employ whom they think fit to serve them. Thus the administration
iar itigrossed by a party, and the subjects as well as the prince deprived
of their natural right. This has been the effect of excluding men from
civil employments by religious tests, and making the conscience ac-
countable to man, which has no sovereign but God ; and is such a
Itardship upon the dissenters in this nation, as some popish countries
are not guilty of, whereprotestants enjoy this right. It is well known,,
that, in the arbitrary gpvernment of France, the protestants of that
nation were capable of the greatest posts, till the edict of Nants was.
revoked. And, accorduig to tlie treaty of Westphalia, in those popish
parts of the * Empire, where the protestants had the liberty of their
religion, they were made capable of publick employments; and
what the papists abroad, and the high-flyers at home, have got by
pursuing the contrary measures, is of so little value, that they have
no need to boast of it.
Besides the example of most other nations, which is against us, it is a
pr<»titution of the most sacred ordinance of religion to a worldly end,,
for which Christ never appointed it. His command was, * To do it
in remembrance of him,' and we no where find he has required it to
be done, in order to get money or a place. I think, upon casting
up our accounts, it will not appear our affairs have prospered better,
than they did before the enacting that test; and I wish the profaaation'
of so solemn an ordinance be not one of the procuring causes of our
great losses, by an infatuiation which seems to be judicial.

* Vid. Uie IBXeetor.ofPMlmtiae'sVeclMntioa in fs\roar<i>f his protastuit svibjecU
tjrA. B»Idwia; and the King of 3wedeu*» Ute proceedingft, ia t«V«1\ou

10 AN INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES OF

The design of the following sheets is to propose an easy, safe, and speed j
method for redressing such disorders in our naval management, and to
prevent the like for time to come. And, since they have all been
approved by experience, it is hoped they will be the more taken
notice of. Nothing but integrity, courage, and diligence, with the
blessing of God, can recover our naval glory, and make it the terror of
other nations, and the security of our own, as formerly. Then we should
quickly be able to reduce France to reason, which can never be effected
without destroying its naval force; and, how tiiat can be done by a land
war only, I am no more able to comprehend, than how the ,8ea
officers in a late ivign, voting for a standing army, were like to main-
tain the dominion of the sea. And, that God may direct your august
assembly in the prosecution of that noble design, shall ever be my
desire, as it is that of all the honest j)eople of Great-Britain.
i4tk October, 17 07 •

The witgto rekitte the glory of the English arms by sea, as it is done by

landf SfC.

Sir,

SINCE her • Majesty's happy accession to the throne, the reputation
of the English arms, by land, is advanced to so high a pitch in the
world, by the conduct t)f her wise and brave generals, who have revived
the old English way of fightings that there seems to be nothing wantmg
to compleat our military glory, and to make it equal to that of the
Greeks and Romaiis, but a rectification of those things, which have
hitherto obstructed our being equally glorious in our naval atchicve-
ments, for which our situation, genius, and materials givcus the advan-
tage over all the people of the world.

Therefore, Sir, in order to letrievc our honour that way as effectually
as we have done the honour of our arms by land, I presume, to sollicit
your advice, whom I know to be a person of consummate experience in
those matters, and of unquestionable zeal and affection for your queen
and country. The occasion of my giving you the trouble is this: some
worthy gentlemen of our house have under consideration, how to man
ouf fleet with less trouble and inconvenience than has been done, since
the year l660. As to which our most sensible members are at somf
loss, considering that the methods taken for this end, since that period,
have most of them proved ineffectual, and particularly that the batbaroue
method of pressing has been as far from answering the end, as it is
arbitrary^ tllegalf and inconsistent with the liberty of the subject, upon
which, we in England have always valued ourselves. Besides, it is no
inconsiderable objection to this method, that it exposes us, of revolu-
tion-principles, to the reproach of those who are enemies to our con-
stitution. An instance of which be pleased to take, as follows:

Bein^the other day at the water-side, I saw ^press-gang hauling and
dnggHngmmma, in « (DOSt barbarous maameri in order to send him on

* Qmmm Aa»e.

OUR NAVAL MISCARRIAGES, tea. If

boiid a pM»-ketdh. When I came ud, I found him to be a citieen of
subvtance^ atid interposed in hi« behalf (for which, the inhuman crew
thfeatened to hew roe in pieces with thoir cutlaces, and had certainly
done it| but that a gentleman of my acquaintance stepped in, and told
them^, I was a parliament*roan* Being thui happily rescued, my friend
and 1 retired a little from the crowds and while we were discoursing
upon the subject, and bewailing that free-bom Englishmen should be
thus treated like slaves, a non-juring pareon, and one of his hi^*flying
disciples, who knew us, accosted us thus, with all the bitterness that
their resentments against our present establishment could suggest : ' Ha f
Gentlemen, this is one of the fruits of your revolution, wherein, your
managers outdo the barbarity of Oliver, and the other usurpers; and we
must tell you, gentlemen, that you revolutioners are but mere bunglen
at rebellion in comparison of thom, tor they ordered their matten so,
that they were feared and dreaded abroad, and became popular at
heme; and,-. had they not fisUen out among themselves after Oliver's
death, we had never been blessed with the happy restoration; but the
conduct of your party is such, that of its own nature it must bring
about another of the like sort.' I was about to rc?ply, that the recdm
tion was not to blame^ for the instance, they upbraided us with, since it
was directly contrary to the principles of it : but they satisfied them<^
selves widi having thus vented their malice, and immediately marched
off.

But to return to my subject, I am heartily sorry that, notwithstand-
ing those kcts of violence, and that arbitrary method of manning our
fleet, it is seldom or never manned so well, and so seasonably as it ought
to be ; and, when any one enquires, why our naval preparations neither
answer the end they are designed for, nor the charge of the nation about
them, the common answer is, that they cannot get men, and it is every
year worse and worse, in this respect. Therefore, Sir, 1 am of opinion
that there is some other method to be taken for redressing that grievance,
which has not been hit upon since the restoration; for it is evident, we
do not want men in the kingdom, that are fit, and would be billing to
serve th«r country as cheerfully by sea, as oUr soldiers do by land.
Were the afiain of the fleet as well managed as those of our army, we
might haive our navy in as good season at sea, as we have had our armies
in the field, by which we have prevented the French, and had the
advantage of Uiem in this reign, as they had the advantage of us, for the
most part, in the last.

I must then beg of you to help us with your advice in a matter of so
great a concern, not only to England, but to the whole confederacy:
and in order to this I take the liberty to put you in mind of some dis*
courKSy we have had together about the method of breeding and manag-
ing seamen in the parliament-times, when you had the command of a
ship. I remember, particularly you told me, that, in 1632, you was
bound apprentice to a captain that used the Turky trade; that wheti
your time was out, and you bad gone two or three voyEg|e% a& ^ cnrn-
mander for yourself, you had a captain's commission \o seiv^ xV^^ ^vk^
Wament bf had, a$ had several others, amotig whom were Boxitti ^^
Pean, wio wan afieiwards admirals i and tliat you usta uX \niX Tt\a&»

If AN INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES OF

captain of a man of war, and served your country in that station, till s
year or two after Olivei^s death, when, matters falling into disorder, you
threw up your commission, and returned again to the merchants service.
I have heard many things, from you, relating to the management of our
fleet in those days, which I am confident might be serviceable now,
if you would be at the pains to recollect and set them down in writ-
ing.

I do further remember your frequoit complaints, how the altering of
those measures in King Charles the second's reign, when our parliaments
as wel 1 as cou rts., being engaged i n an interest opposi te to that of their coun-
try, by bribes, pensions, and places, contributed to raise France to that
formidable height, she since arrived to : By this means it was, that we
were brought to join with that ambitious prince in a war against the
Dutch, and were made deaf to the earnest sollicitations of the Spaniards^
Germans, and Hollanders to engage with them in a war against France,
though the Spaniards made us very advantageous proffers ; particularly,
that they would for ever prohibit all French manufactures and product
from coming into their dominions in Europe or America, and offered us
the beneficial trade of supplying them, with what of our product they
wanted in both. The refusal of this made the Duke of Bergamonero,
the Spanish ambassador, reflect upon our then court in the severest
terms, while he spoke with the greatest honour of our nation, who con-
tributed largely towards a war with France, but were frustrated of their
design, and cheated of their money, by the managers of that time. But
this was not all, the. French became so insolent as to rob us of our New-
foundland fishery, to insult our ships in our own seas, on pretence of
want of passes, and carried some scores of them into France, though
they had such passports as our court did then ignominiously sub*
mit to.

In this manner was France suffered to aggrandise her naval power^
without any remarkable controul from us till the late happy revolu-
tion, since which, we have felt the dismal effects of it, and have seen
that monarch in a condition to outbrave us and the Dutch both at sea*
But now, sir, we have reason to hope that the mischievous practices of
that luxurious reign are the just abhorrence of this, though we have not
yet been so happy as to fall upon proper methods compleatly to retrieve
the glory of our naval arms: And since we are now in alliance with
the house of Austria, and have advantageous articles for making our-
selves capable of enlarging our trade in the Spanish West-Indies, I hope
you will freely impart your mind on the subject desired, since nothing
can be more acceptable to court and country ; an advantage we could
not promise ourselves in some of the late reigns, when you and 1 were
forced to whisper our complaints about the decay of our shipping and
trade, and our inglorious loss of the dominion of the seas.

Nor can you have forgot, that even since the revolution, yon and I

have frequently bewailed the nation's disappointment in having those

things redressed ; because some, who were then in the management, de-

signed their own interest more than that of the country, which occasion-

ed a bungling war, which concluded (to speak iu the softest terms that

matter wJli allow of ) in « defective peace*

OUR NAVAl. MISCARRIAGES, &o. U

We are now, sir, blessed with a reign, when our House of Commoiitis
aot managed with a prospect of pensions and places, split and divided to .
procure votes for carrying on the designs of factious and covetous roiaii-
ters : And, therefore, it is to be hoped, that a naval war, which, as it
suits our genius best, is also most for our advantage, will be fully en* '
coui^iged in order to a speedy reduction of France, and to the recovery
and enlargement of our West-India plantations and trade, I beg your
answer, sir, with aU possible speed. Feb. 12, 1705.

•5ir,
I HAVE received yours, and though I have no opinion of my own
capacity, I will answer it the best I can, rather than be wanting in any
thing that may cultivate our friendship, or serve my country. I very
well remen^ber our former discourses, you speak of about our naval ai-
{uiv, and am very sensible, that our want of seamen is one of the great
causes, why our naval preparations come so far short of answering tha
design and expence of the nation; and, in order to redress this grievance,
I will recapitulate such of the methods we took to. prevent that mischief
in the parliamfsnt times *, as I thii^k may suit the present occgssion. .

1. Fardcular care was taken to punish and suppress those abominaUo,

habits of cursing and swearirig, drunkenness and uncleanness, so com*

mon among our seamen, that they can scarcely speak, without such

horrid imprecations, and blasphemous oaths, as no Christian can hear

without horror ; and wherever they come, they bring such k contagion

of vice along with them, ap makes all people, of any morality, to detest

them : So that none, who have any regard to the present or future

state of their sons and other relations, care for having them on board

the fleet, but rather dissuade them from it, which is none of the least

causes why we are in such want of seamen. For you may believe me,

sir, that though these crimes, I speak of, seem to have lost much of that

odiousness, which attends them, by their frequency in the great city, it

is not so with the generality of people in the country ; they abhor such

profligate fellows, and neither care that they should keep company, or

match with their children or servants ; for, besides the hatefulness of

their crimes, when once they are so debauched, they are generally good

for nothing after, but bring such women as they marry to want, and

^lake them and their children as dissolute as themselves, which contri*

butes to fill the nation with the worst sort of beggars. Had this com^

mendable practice been continued, we should not have had such a late

scandalous instance of an admiral prosecuted, when be ought to have

heen pursuing the service of her majesty, and his country, in so

criticid a juncture, for basely assaulting a justice of the peace, who

had the courage and honesty to put the law against swearing in

execution upon him.*

2. In order to g^ve our seamen a true taste of religion, we chose the
foberest and most religious men we could get for commanders, provided
they were otherwise well qualified, as I told you before, and instanced
^ Boum^ Dean, and others. We generally chose such as had be^tv

W AN INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES OF

bred to TMvigation and trade, who, knowing the sweets of it, were not
for prolonging a war for the sake of their commands, but endeavoured
all they could to bring it to a speedy conclusion; because they'knew a;
long war to be destructive to commerce, which is the great support of
our country; and, when the war was over, they did not think it beknlir
them to return to trade again, as I instanced in myself: and, by that
means, our sea-commanders, in time of peace, had no need of pensions,
or half-pay, &c. except they -were disabled; and by consequence were
no burden to themselves, or the government. Besides, you know, that
a man, who would make any thing of trade, must be frugal and sober ;
and being accustomed to that way of living, they Qot only set their crew
a good example, but obliged them to follow it. But this is scckrcely to
be expected from poor and decayed gentlemen, pages, valets, and othen
of that sort, who, in the late reigus, purchased commands by interatj
or the money of their friends ; not but that I think it the interest ^
England, to breed as many of the younger sons of the nobility and gen-
try for naval commands as are sober, and inclinable to it, and other-
wise qualified* And, since it is lawful to be taught even by an enemy,
I think the French King's practice, in that matter, very commendable,
^ad the care he takes, to have young gentlemen of his best families in*
structed in naval affairs, very well worth our imitatioiu

3. We took special care to have chaplains a-board our men of war,
who were pious and diligent, whose conversation, as well as doctrine,
impressed the seamen wi)h thotights, that there was more in rdigion
than a mere ibrm ; and who took care to see tlfem read their bibles and
practical pieces, especially those that were most adapted to a seafaring
life, which the goverment took care to have -them provided with. An^
Aat it might not be thought the design was to make them only precisians,
they were likewise provided with books of navi^tion, and the histories
of the brave atchievements of our own coimtry inen, and others, by sea
and land; and with accounts of remarkable deliverances from dangers
at sea, which were diverting, as well as instructive, and kept them -from
mispending their time ip debauches, and other criminal exercises, which
are too common amongst our seamen df late. This created an honest
emulation among thtih to exceed one another in improvements ef that
sort, and shamed the illiterate into a necessity of leamii^ to read ^nd
write, that they might be capable of conversing with their f(?llows, and^
(bf preferment, when it offered.

4. When offenders were punished, the officers ordered it in such a
manner, that the pqor wretches might be convinced, that the punish*
ments were itiflicte^d for their good, and not to gratify the revet^ or
passion of any commander. And, to keep the officers to their duty in
this matter, the government demanded an exact account of the :behavi-
our of their commanders in those respects ; and suth as took no iQare of
their own behaviour, or of that of their ship's-cotppany, were turned
out, and made uncapable of employment : 'So that a few examples of
this nature quickly reformed the *flieet.

5. There was particular oare tdken to have our provisions good, and
io plenty: We bad few complaints in those days of stinking meat, or
^^ dtiak, on board our fleet. Thofse concerned m iVie N\ctQia\&^^ &c.

. OUR NAVAL MISCARRIAGES, &c« 15

were not allowed to raise them&elveB estates, by pinching the teamen's
bellies, or buying the. worst sort of provisions, and making the govern-
ment pay for the best. Nor did we hear then of any superior officers
going shares with inferiors to connive at them, in defrauding the govem-
menty and cheating the seamen,. &c. of their provisions, or pay. We
were also very careiful to keep them sweet and clean ; and such as were
sick, or wounded, had every thing necessair provided for themi and
were carefully looked after. This created such a love and esteem in the
seamen to their officers, that they were willing, on all occasions, to.sa-
criSce their lives, rather than suffer their commanders, or country, to
&11 under any disgrace, by non-performance on their part. [ cannot
omit, on this occasion, to tell you what I have frequently heard our
great and good admiral, Blake, say amidst his ships-company, * That
the meanest of them were free-born Englishmen, as well as himself, and
that officers and mariners were all fellow-«crvants to the govemioent of
their country.' This prudent and tender]behaviour towards the seameii,
made them look upon themselves as indispensably obliged to respect
their officers as dieir parents ; and when any of them fell under due
chastisement, there was nothing like mutiny, or discontent, at it among
their fellijws : So that the oUtinate suffered without pity ; and, for
others, they were more ashamed of their crime, than of their punish-
ment.

6. There was due care taken of their pay, which was the life of the
cause; for as soon as any ship came to be laid up^ or refit, the books
were made up, and money ready at the port to pay off the men as soon
as th^ ship was moored (for the stores were then taken out by hired men
that belonged to the yards) the seamen's short allowance was paid at the
same time to a fiirthing ; whereas now they have a double trouble to
«t dieir short allowance money at the victualling-office, which was
formerly pajd them at the same time with their other wages. Nor had
they any difficulty in receiving their tun and gun-money (the wvae now
with pnse-money) and, if they had been upon any extraordinary service,
there was a crown or ten shillings a man oven them to drink the govern*
memCi h^th ; and their plunder was honestly shaited ajnpng them,
without any embezzlement b^ the officers. I cannot express the satis-
faction I have had to see wuh what chearful and lively countenances
our men would come to the pay-lable; and, as they swept the money
into their h9^ they would pray for the prosperity of the government,
and for the h^dth pf their noble captains, and other officers; so that
they parted with mutual love and respect: * Aig^ when their com-
mander told them, that they hoped they would be ready tp serve the
j^^ment again^ upon . the £rst notice given them^ tiuey would pro-
mise It with gjwt x:hearfulness, and be as,good as their word«

I must likewiae leU you, that our men, being ithus accustomed to
j;pod discipline, and ^ regular waj of livii^ they did not ^nd their
mf»3,ey, as our seamen fi^uently 4o iy>w, hefio^ ibty receive it, but
carried home cohsideraUe sums to their ftaoiUes, or other friionds. And
tkfi first thii^.tbef did, was to put gopd clothes on duehr backs; and
coming hcmie'beUer dad than their companions they kft v^Vtfy^^ ^^^
taving more mone^ in th&rpocba^ idfter bdn^ a y eax at ««a, x)^!^!^ ^^^^

16 AM INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES OF

fellow-Taboarers and servants could scrape together in seven yean, ft
raised an emulation amongst young men of the like condition, to serve
th6 government on board the ticct, since they knew not how to dispose
of themsekes to so much advantage elsewhere.

7. The government took special care to pay off the quarters of the
sick and wounded every week in the ports where they were; thismadp
them be carefully looked after, and the people were fond of having them
in their houses, because they knew their money was good, and ready
whenever they wanted it : And their doctors and surgeons, knowing this^
would not siiffer them to be in any house, but where they were carefully
Attended. This saved abundance of their lives, and speedily effected their
cure ; and the government, knowing the importance of this, and that it
not only saved their men but their money, whatever straits they were
under, they never suffered money to be wanting for these weekly paytr
tnents. But, to say the truth of them, those at the helm then managed
affairs so, that they scarce wanted money for any thing, though they
had not two thirds in proportion to what we now pay to the chaise pf
(he navy.

These, sir, were tfa^ methods we then took, and to which, under
God, we owed most of our success by sea : For it is incredible to think
what virtue, joined with British gallantry, is capable of performing.

We are not then to wonder, since those methods fell into disuse, thfit
our success has fallen so much short of what it then was ; but I persuade
myself, that if your house * would seriously take these things into coqv
^deration, and lay them before her Majesty, she is a princess of that
piety and wisdom, that she would soon be induced to take proper mei^«
fiuies for retrieving that commendable, but antiquated practice.

This, I hope, will deserve more than ordinary application from your*
self, and other good patriots, especially when you consider, that the
great decay of our naval glory has been chiefly occasioned by the neg*
lect of those measures since the restoration, of which I shall take leave
to give you a brief and melancholy view.

1. You know that, in the parliament-times, men were advanced for
their merit, and that furnished us with commanders, who raised theni^
selves by ^eir courage and conduct. I shall instance only in three, qf
the couiity of Dorset, viz. Cuttins, Steyiier, and Martin, who, originally,
used the Newfoundland fishery, but were all advanced for their good
service, and are very well known to such as have read the naval ac*
counts of those times. Martin, you know, was made captain of a fouri[i
rate, in which alone, at Solbay, he fought four Dutch men of war, and
made them run ; and, at Portland fight, being captain, or, as we now
say, commadore, of ten men of war, he caniie in nrom Portsmouth just
after the fleets were engaged, and did such wonders, that the govern-
tnent resolved to have given him a flag, as the Just reward of his gallan-
try ; but his death prev^ited it. In those days, valour was equally rev
warded in a merchantman, as in a ship of the state ; nor was seniority the
readiest step to preferment, then, without a proportion of merit. Buf,
^Qon after the restoration, that method was altered, and men were ina4e

* Of CvmmoMi i

OUR NAVAL MISCARRIAGES, &c. 17

captains for their standing, as dances are made doctoTB in &e univep-
sities. Andy instead of the good morals and harmless conversation of
our seamen in the parliament-times^ there was nothing but tarsing,
swearing, damning, sinking, and obscene nasty discourse to be heard
on board our fleet ; so that it looked more like the suburbs of heli, than
a chriftian navy. On this occasion, I cannot but take notice of an early
instance we had of the dissolute practices and profaneness of thatTeign ;
which was thus : Some of our seamen, who brought over King Charles
the Second in the Nascby, told me, that the first time they ever heard
Common-prayer and God damn ye was on board that ship, as she came
home with his majesty. Not that I would reflect upon the established
form ; for, be it common, or extemporary prayer, it is certainly more
ihan heathenish to hear people say, ' Lord, have mercy upon us,' and
cry, ^ God damn us/ with one and the same breath. One great cause
of the increase of this profaneness was the raising of mien, to be officers
and commanders, from letter-men, as they call them ; a practice intro-
duced by King Charles the Second, on pretence of recommending, by
his letters, the sons of the nobility and gentry to be bred up for com-
mand on board the fleet; which at last were obtained for coachmen,
footmen, and the relations and friends, and sometimes stallions and
bastards of lewd women, who had interest at court ; or other mean and
dissolute persons procured such letters for money ; which quickly filled
our fleet with the worst of men for officers, and their contagious exam*
plf soon infected the seamen, and made our fleet a sink of all wicked*
ness. By this means, the old and true method of breedings sea-com-
manders was neglected ; and those upstarts, valuing themselves upon
their letters of recommendation, and the interest of vicious courtiers
and debauched ladies, became insupportably proud, carried it towards
their inferior officers with contempt (which deprived them of all autho*
rity) and treated their seamen like dogs ; so that there was neither vir-
tue, good understanding, or courage, to be seen in any of our ships of
war, except where the commanders were men of sobriety and merit,
which, God knows, was much the least number : Whereas, in the paD>
liament-times, as I told you before, our commanders were not only civil
to their seamen, but, sometimes, familiar with them ; which procured
them their love, and abated nothing of their due respect. We had,
then, no double lieutenants to the nation's charge, but one on board a
ship, and he was the captain's companion ; the warrant-officers were the
lieutenant's companions, but especially the master, who had, then, the
sole power of sailing and working the ship, without depending, as now,
on the lieutentanfs orders. Our masters, their mates, boatswains, gun-
ners, and carpenters had, then, as much command over the seamen,
and were better obeyed, than the lieutenants are now ; and, indeed,
they deserved it. For most of our warrant-officers, then, were fit to
command, and very often did it with great reputation, when their supc*
rior officers were killed, or disabled in fight. I will give you an instance
of this, in the parliament-times : When twenty- two Dutch ships en-
gaged ^ve of ours off of Leghorn, most of our captains and lieutenants
*;jre killed and disabled in that unequal conflict', yetxh^^^x.'^^^^
ifell mjanaged by the warniotK)fficer8, that, after a \oiv% axv^ VAo^^'^

IS AM INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES OF ^

I
/

conteit, t&e Dutch could take but one of our ships, and that too^ aftet
the men were most of them killed or wounded.

I shiUl give you another instance of Sir John Leake's £i,thery who, be^
iRg gunner,' of the Princess, in the first Dutch war, under King Charles
^e Second^ had the fortune, in two several engagements, to command
her, after her superior officers were killed or disabled, and brought her
oflf safe, both times : The first was in an engagement with the Dutch^
and the oAer was in the Baltick, with three Danish men of war. H«
expected to be made captain of her, as he well deserved, but was dis-
^>poittted, another person being made captain, before he came home.
Mr.- Leake was afterwards gunner of the Prince, in the next Dutch war,
when. Sir Edward Spragge being adnural, she carried the flag, and was
so disabled, that Sir Edward was obliged to leave her. She had near
four hundred of her men killed and disabled ; her rigging was cut itt
pieces,' and most of her upper tire of guns dismounted. As she lay by
thus like a wreck for some time, a great Dutch man of war came down
upon her, with two fire-ships, either ta bum, or carry her off; and
the captain-lieutenant,' thinking it impossible to defend her, ordered th«
meix to save their lives, and the colours to be struck. Gunner Leake,
hearing this, forbad it, ordered the captain-lieutenant off the quarter-
deck,' took the command upon himself, and gave the Dutch so warm a
reception, that he obliged them to shear off, and brought the ship safe into
harbour: For which good sei*vice he wasdeservedly advanced to be master-
gunner of England ; an- office he .discharged with great reputation till
the day of his death, which was in- King WiUiam's reign. To convince
you fully of the mischievous practice of depriving the master, and other
warnintofficers, on board our men of war, oftheir former authority, and
particularly that of taking from the master the power of navigating the ship^
and conferring iton the lieutenants ; if youplease to inquire into the num-
ber of ships lost and damaged at sea, for want of due care, within thes«
hundred years last, you will find our loss of men of war, since the lieu>*
tenants assumed the power of navigating to themselves, tabe three timet
greater, than when it was intrusted with the masters, who were then
the iiblest seamen in the nation, and made liavigation Uieir constant
business ; -whereas too many of our lieutenants spend most of their time
in a riotous manner on shore, and. cannot Ibrbear tiieir customary ex-
cesses, when they go on board.

• A second defect, in- the management of our naval afiairs, was the ne^
•feet of raising the seamen^ wages to twenty-one and twenty-nine shillings
per month, as it ought to have been, in proportion to the advance of the
wages of labourers and servants on shore. Ifi King Charles- the First's
time, we raised their wages^ according to that proportion, from nine and
fourteen* shillingSy which was the establishment in King Henry tha

• Eighth's time, to fourteen and eighteen shilling^' per month; whick
,4Cing Charles was obliged to do, to prevent the deserting of his seamen^
' 'When wc had war with France ; and the parliament, when the Dutch

fell upon twenty-one of our men of war, off of Dover, with forty-two of
.theirs, who w^re soundly beaten, did, for the encouragement of our
•seamen,; advance their pay to eighteen and twenty-four shillings p9r
Mioaib. So that, ^ccoiding to this proportion above-menlioiied, of ser*

Oim NAVAL MISCARRIAGES, &<-. !§

vttnts and labourers wag^. King Charles the Second ought to have
raised the seamen'^ pay to twenty-one and twenty-nine shillings pef
month ; but, instead of that, sixpence per month has been deducted
from them to build an hospital * ; which is like taking from the poor
to build alms-houses.

Sir» You and our other good patriots ought to Consider these things^
and take care not to have our seamen imposed upon by French projects*
such as that for registering seamen, which can never have any effect so
long as the encouraging part of it is not put in practice, especially since
those things, wherein the French naval management is worthy our imi-
tating, are altogether neglected ; such as, his taking care to have his
seamen paid at the end of every voyage, or, at least, at the end of every
year; and his particular care to hinder their spending their money while
they are in harbour, before they are paid off, or when they come in to re-
fit : Concerning which, his f orders are. That, if any publick-house
trust them above the value of a groat, the people not only lose what
they so trust, but are also fined, and made uncapable of keeping a pub-
lick-house ever after. This is so much the more reasonable, that he takes
care they shall want for nothing on board, and therefore he will have
them spend their money at home, with their friends and relations.

A third abuse, introduced into our navy since the restoration, is, That
some of their officers have assumed a sovereign power, by making- such
laws concerning the seamen, as are Contrary to Magna Charta, and other
good laws made to preserve the rights of Englishmen ; such as, forcing
them, to the service without a law for it, and making them lose their pay,
under pretence of queries and runs, without due course of law, or by
the verdict of a jury. We are not to wonder, that such practices were
connived at, in reigns when parliaments were influenced by places and
pensions ; but, if any such thing be continued, in a reign like this,
when the Queen values herself upon nothing so much, as being a com-
mon mother to all her subjects, it must proceed from our own neglect
to lay such grievances before her in a regular way, so as to have them -
redressed and prevented. In order to this, I humbly think, it were
proper that your house should make an inquiry, how many thousands
of our poor seamen have lost their pay, by the illegal methods above^
mentioned, without any hopes of recovery ; for, as long as that wicked
practice passes unpunished, it is enough, alone, to prevent our fleet's-
being well manned, though you give all the money of the nation to-
wards it. . '

There is another abuse, relating to their pay, which ought to b^
carefully avoided ; and that is, the paying them when they go to sea,^
and not when they come home* The prejudice that this does to the
nation in general, and to the seamen's families, relations, and. creditors
in particular, is not easy to be expressed. Tiie prejudiced t does the n^'
tton is demonstrable thus : That it carries great sums out of the kingdom, ^i
which the seamen spend abroad, and, by consequence, never return to*
circulate hero again : I make no doubt but, upon inquiry, it would
i^pear, that naany hundred-thousand pounds have, by this means, keem^

• Wot Setaaea, nt O/eeuwiok. ^ The King of ¥tiac«'&«

4o

AN INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES OF

carried out of the kingdom. The damage it does their fomilies is every
whit as evident; for they starve at home, while the seamen squander '
away their money abroad; and so their wives and children become a
burden to their respective parishes, and many of them think themselves
.excused, by their straits, to take lewd and other unlawful courses for a
livelihood. And, for such of them as, are honest enough to. give any
part of what they receive, at the port where they are paid, to their
wives, other friends, or creditors, it puts their wives, &c« to an intoler-
able charge to go for it ; and the poor sailors themselves are forced to
pay double rates, in those ports, for what* clothes and other things they
want, because they had not money to buy them elsewhere at the best
hand. The damage it does their creditors is as plain as the other ; for,
when the seamen spend their money abroad, they have nothing left to
pay their debts at home; and thus their landladies, who. trusted them
for victuals and drink, and shopkeepers, who trusted them for clothes
and other necessariesi are likewise defrauded of their money. I will
give you one plain instance of this: Our seamen were never known to
have more money among them on board, than when they sailed from
Portsmouth upon the descent ; yet they would not pay their landladies
Or creditors one farthing; but, laying hold on that clause of the act of
parliament for manning the fleet, That no seaman should be detained in
custody for any debt under twenty pounds, they told their creditors,
with horrid oaths, that the parliament had given them their money,
and they would not pay them a groat : But their landladies, to be even
with them, would not, after this, give them credit for one farthing, till
th9 seamen first gave them a bond for twenty ^twot pounds; and thus
that act was eluded. By this you may see, sir, that all the preposte-
rous methods, which have been taken, for manning our fleet, these forty
years past, have signified nothing ; that the difliculties in manning it
still grow upon us, and that nothing will prevent it, but our following ,
the old and laudable methods above-mentioned.

Another abuse, relating to their pay, is, the robbing many seamen of
it, by queries and runs formerly mentioned ; by this means, and the
tricks of calls and recalls, many of those poor fellows have been kept
out of their pay, for ten or twelve years ; and thus their creditors, who
advanced money on their tickets, to keep their wives and chilcken from
starving, have been cheated of their money, by putting a run upon the
* seamen, after those tickets were given out, when they have been turned
over to another ship.

Another horrid practice, that has crept into the management of the

' fleet, is, the difficulty of getting the pay of seamen, who die in the ser*

vice; for the pay of such is generally put off to the last, and many times

never paid at all ; by which the families, relations, or creditors of the

deceased seamen have sustained great loss. You may easily imagine,

this is a great hinderance to the manning our fleet, and creates a great

aversion in the seamen themselves, as well as in their wives, and other

relations, to the service of the government; for we may readily conceive,

* that it is a sensible argument^ when wives, children, and other relations

till la seaman, that he had better stay at home, and work at day-labour,

for ihe maintenance of himself and &mily, than go into the fleet; where^

OUR NAVAL MISCAHRIAGES, &t. 21

in case of his death, to the danger of which he is so often exposed, they .
not only lose him for ever, but have no hopes of recovering his money,
by which they are brought to sorrow and want at onc*e : Whereas; were
this, and the other inhuman customs above-mentioned, prevented, the
seamen, and their relations, would be more willing to serve the govern* .
ment, than to ^erve merchants ; for, though the latter give more money,
yet, the saqne being paid abroad, at the respective ports of delivery, it
is generally spenjt there, and very little of it brought home for the ute
of their families.

It has likewise been the practice of late to keep seamen on board our
men of war for several years together, by turning them from one ship to
another. This has been a great discouragement to the poor men ; for,
besides the injury it does to their health, it deprives them of the com-
fort of enjoying their families and relations ; and by this, and the other
hardships above-mentioned, many of them have deserted the service^
and turned Fyrates, or have gone into the service of foreign coun->
tries.

The whipping and pickling of seamen, a barbarous practice, which
has been much used of late, has likewise been a great hinderance to the
manning of our fleet, and tends so much to debase the spirits of our
eeamen, and is so inconsistent with that good nature, which has always
been observed to be peculiar to our nation, that one would wonder how
such a practice came to be introduced, or so long suffered, without be*
ing declared contrary to English liberty, and the authors and inflicteis
of it made infamous by the public k justice of the country.

These, sir, are a few of the many ill customs that have been brought
into the management of our navy since the restoration, and have occa*
sioned a decay of our seamen, and by consequence of our naval glory ;
and, among the other consequences of it, this is none of the least, that
it discourages young seamen from marrying ; and you know very wel]|
that the hinderance of propagation is a loss to the nation's capital stock.
So that, except those abuses be redressed, and the war brought to m
speedy conclusion, the numbers of our people must needs diminish ; and
we shall not only want seamen, but land-soldiers, and other useful
hands that might have been employed in manufactories, husbandry,
planting, and other ways for the defence of our country, and increase
of our cbramonwealth.

The growing complaints of our great want of seamen upon every oo*
casion to get out our fleet, and the difficulty to recruit our land-forces,
is an undeniable proof of what I assert, and therefore deserves the most
serious thoughts, and utmost application of your house, to prevent the
ill treatment and decay of so useful a part of our people, as our seamen
must always be to .us who live in an island.

To this end it is my humble opinion, that your house should order
an inquiry to be made into those things, and particularly into the abuses
relating to their pay ; and that thb should not be wholly intrusted to a
committee, but be made the business of the whole house; and that those
grievances may be fully and freely debated there, for avoiding such
practices 9B have been too frequent in managing comm\l\js^t ^^ %& \s^

c 3

«2 AN INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES QF '

have complaints of publick grievances, rather stifled than duly inquired
into and redressed.

For my part, I should think it proper, that the commissioners of the
navy be ordered to bring in an exact account of all the money remaining
due to the seamen since 1688, with the names of those seamen, the
ships they belonged to, and tbe time of their service, and where one man
has been in several ships; that the money due to him in every such ship
be set down against his name, with the I'easons why he has not been
paid. This would help you to unravel the mystery of iniquity, and put
you upon a certain method of preventing such practices in time to come:
for to whom should those poor men make application for help, but to
the commons of England, to whom they are so usefuU There they
might expect a fair hearing, and impartial justice, without being brow-
beaten, hectored, and tricked out of their rights, which they so often
complain is their hard lot elsewhere.

This would quickly retrieve the loss of our trade and honour, and
humble France effectually; which I am afraid we shall scarce be able
to do, notwithstanding our glorious successes by land, until we have
utterly destroyed, or at least broke, their naval power; which, in all
probability, had been long e're now, and the war brought to a happy
conclusion, but for our naval mismanagements above-mentioned, and
others of the like nature.

I should think, Sir, that nothing can better deserve the inquiry of the
commons of Epgland, than how it comes to pass, that we and Holland,
the two greatest maritime powers of the world, have been so long in
confederacy, yet so many of our American settlements have been ruined
by the French; and the rest of our valuable plantations there are
exposed to continual danger, by that same enemy, whom for several '
years we have run down by land, and to whom we are so much superior'
at sea? It is really a surprise to every thinking man, that we haye not-
been able hitherto to prevent the French King's being master of the trca*
sures of the West Indies, and to stop his bringing home their plate con*
tinualiy to his own country; while we ourselves are in such want of
bullion, that we are forced to melt down vast quantities of our current
money. '

■ Had .any man pretended to foretel twenty years ago, that England
and Holland should" be in war with France and Spain, and not be able
ina course of fifteen or sixteen years war to preventsuch losses as both of us
have had by sea, and in our plantations, by the naval power of France, nor
to make ourselves so much masters at sea, as to hinder their continual
supplies of money from the West Indies, while we ourselves are in such
want of it! I say, fmy man, that should have pretended t6 foretel this,
would have been looked upon as a false prophet, and brain-«ick enthu<«-
siast, void of all reason ;' nor .would he have been less ridiculed and
despised, who should have ventured to say, That two such wise and
warlike nations could have £iiled of efectual measures, to prevent such
a bloody, lasting, and expensive war by land, when it was in their power
to have brought it to a short conclusion, by a vigorous war at sea: for
had we onqe seized the .French King^s purse, in the West Indies, which.
? would think we might easily have done by our own native strength

OUR NAVAL MISCARRIAGES, ke. 2S

tibere, seconded by a strong squadron of men of war, and a competent
number of brisk cruisers upon his trade, he must soon have dropped
his sword ; for Ifi* that case Spain, instead of being an advantage to him^
must have proved such a ))urden as would have broke his back* I am
the more confirmed in this opinion, because I have very good informor
tion, that had we but a few years ago sent a competent squadron, weU
manned, to the West Indies, we might have easily been masters of
Canada, the French plantations there being in so great want, till they
were supplied by a convoy of about sixty sail, that they could not have
avoided submitting to us; and by that means we should have effectually
secured our own plantations in Northern America; whereas now, from
memorials and other papers that I have seen by men who are concerned
to understand the state of that country, it appears that we are still in
danger of greater losses in those parts, than any we have yet sustained.

There is one thing more I cannot but take notice bf, as the result of
our want of seamen, occasioned by the mismanagements abovementioned;
and that is^ that many times our losses^, by storms at sea, proceed from
vant of convoys in due time; and thus ;t happens that our Virginia an4
Barbadoes fleets, which^ in time of peace, used to come regylarly homq
in July, August, or September, now, for wai;t of qonvoj^s jn due time,
do often make it September or October before they set out /rom thence,
and are by consequence exposed to the tempests of the season : many
^mes our merchant fleets outward-bound, also, lose their seasons and
markets for want of convoys; which is not only a great Joss to our mer^
chsmts and tradesmen, but also to the government, who lose in propor-
tion of their customs, what the merphants lose in trade*

Though merchants and other private adventurers may be ynder djf«
Sculties, and insuperable discouragements, in representing those thingi
to such persons as they think capable to give them case and redress; the
commons of England can never be under such circumstances, as to
make it inconvenient or unsafe for them to make due inquiries into the
causes of 9uch misfortunes, and to advise to such methods as may preveitf
the like in time to come.

Whatever views others may have in prolonging a war, it is the interest
of the people of England, whose representatives you are, to bring it to
a speedy and honourable conclusion. And I think it is plain, that the
reducing of the Spanish West Indies to the obedience of King Charles *
would be the speediest, as well as the most effectual way of doing it
This would give us, at the same time, an opportunity of enlarging our
trade ii> those parts, and of getting some convenient ports to secure it,
which, by the articles of the treaty t» we are allowed to retain, if we
take them out of the hands of the French; and this is the least the
Spaniards ought to srant us, in consideration of the blood and treasure
we have spent on their account^ Nor is there any reason why we
should not rather be intrusted to conveigh and bring home their plate,
to be made use of for our mutual wealth and defence, than that it
sfiould be suffered to come under the French Kin^s management, to be

*th9 Utt Emperor, nho laid cldm to the crown of Spain ; see Rights of Austria to

Spain, in Vol. X.
f Witit th9 BMidKiog Charles th« I^ftk.

c 4

U AN INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES ke.

made use of against us both. I know it is objected by some, that tiiis
would give umbrage to the Spaniards, and increase the aversion of that
country against the House of Austria. But this can have no we^ht
with any man of thought, for to suffer Che treasures of the West Inoies
to continue in the French King's power, is the most etfectual disservice
that can be done, not only to the house of Austria, but to all Europe;
nor is there any more reason that the Spaniards of King Charles's party
should conceive umbrage at having their West Indies under the manage-
lAent and protection of us atid the Dutch, during the war, than those of the
Duke of Anjou's * party do at the French King's having the manage-
Daent and protection of it at present; or, if both of them be jealous at it,*
there is no cause to be given why we should regard the one, more than
he does the other.

The cas0 being thus. Sir, I hope that you and our other patriots will
take it intd coiisideration; and since we have already contributed so
much towards the security of the United Provinces, by proccuring them
a good frontier*, and have likewise done so much for the empire ; it
vould seem but reasonable that we should think of doing something that
may be of advantage to ourselves, with relation to our trade, lest it take
another channel, and so we, who have done most of any of the allies,
should also come to suffer more than any of them by this long and ex«
pensive war.

This is the more reasonable, because our allies the Dutch are very
careful of their trade, and maintain an advantageous commerce with the
French, notwithstanding the war; and likewise with the Spanish West-
Indies by way of Curassaw ; so that they have brought home double the
plate from thence since the war, that they did in time of peace, whereas
we have brought home far le&s. And, on this occasion, I cannot but
think the Spaniards of Kin^ Charles's party might easily be induced to
crant us and the Dutch the same conditions of trade to the Spanish
oominions, exclusive of all others, that the Marquis de Bergamanero
offered us in King Charles the Second's reign, as has been mentioned
already.

I am not of capacity to judge, whether it be absolutely necessary,
in order to carry on the war in Spain and the West-Indies, that we
should diminish the number of our. forces in the Netherlands: but,
according to my poor way of reasoning, I should think, if the Emperor
would recli'ess the grievances of the Hungarians, and persuade the other
Popish princes of the empire to redress the grievances of the German
ptotestants; our allies in Germany and the Netherlands might find the
French employment enough on that side, and leave us and the Dutch
with part of our fleet and forces to manage the war in Spain, and the
West- Indies. And, since both of them require a naval force, we should
have the money for their provisions and pay circulate among ourselves ;
whereifi vast sums of our money are now spent by our army beyond sea,
to the inriching of our allies, while we ourselves; are impoverished*

We should also, by this means, recover the plantations we have lost,
S3cure those that are in danger, deprive the French of theirs, and re«

« WowPhiUp KtefOf Spain.

f.

POSTSCRIPT. es

tntve our New-found-land fishery, which would be a constant nursery
for seamen, and recover our trade to the Streights, &c. that depended
upon it.

This, Sir, in my humble opinion, would be a speedy and efl^ctual
way to retrieve our naval glory and trade, and to humble France, so ai
to put it out of their power to impose the St. Gerraains family •, upon
us, and enslave Europe, which is the chief design of the war. *

But I am afraid we shall be far from obtaining it by a land war onk/,
while the French King is master of the Spanish West«lndieS| of such a
naval force, of so good a trade, of such large dominions, secured by
strong firontier garisons, and of such an absolute power over his sub-
jects. . '

I shall conclude with this observation, that, since we are in an
island, it obght to be our principal care to be always in a condition to
man onr fleet well, and betimes, as it ought to be that of governments (Mi
the continent to be always in a condition to man and provide well their
frontier towns ; because the neglect of the one may be as fatal to us, ab
the neglect of the other to them : and, since our situation is so happjr
as to make us need novstanding army, in time of peace, it would seem
to be our interest to enlarge and advance our trade, so as w.e mat
always have a competent number of seamen in readiness to man otijr
fleet, whenever occasion requires it.

This is what I have to suggest about retrieving our naval glory; and,
if it may be of any use to the publick, it is wholly due to you who
imposed this task upon me; only, I beg your pardon^ that I could not
send it time enough for you to make use of last year, but, I hope, it
may do as well this* I am,

January 4, Sir,

1706.

Your humble Servant.

POSTSCRIPT.

Sir,

I HAVE been longer than I intended, but hope you will excuse roe,
because you know when once I am engaged in this subject, I cannot tel|
how to leave it. But to make the thing as easy as possible to yourself
and others to whom you may impart this, I shall make a brief recapitur
lation of the whole, that you may have the substance of what I have
said at one view :

1. Take care to reform the morals of your officers and seamen, acr
cording to the methods above-mentioned, lest otherwise heaven as well

as the common enemy be engaged against you; and, though there was

*

* Tho%B that clailn the erown of Great-Britom, bj herrditaiy right, {irom1i:iik|^)«Rv«^\:M^i6eov4

who rtsidod M 8t. Qwnaaua,

ftf FOSTScwrr;

nothing in tliis, you 86e there axe political reasons, why our officers-
and seamen ought to be sober and regular in their conversation.

2* Be sure that the punishmei^ls on board the fleet be such as may
convince the seamen, of the odiousness of their crimes, and not such as
may debase their spirits, or make them think that the officers seek to
gratify their own brutish revenge, contemn their fellow>crealures and
subjects, usurp a legislative power, or invade. Magna Charta, and the
birth-right of Englishmen.

3. Take care, their provisions be good and plentiful ; that there be no
connivance at frauds to the prejudice of the seamen; and let them be
kept sweet and clean, carefully looked after, when sick, and in all other
respects used kindly.

4. Lfet them be duly paid, when they come home, that they may
have some comfortable enjoyment of themselves, with their wives, re*
lations, and friends; and that the money, we pay them, may circulate
among ourselves. Let their short allowance, and prize-money, be duly
paid, at the same time with their wages, and their plunder be duly
shared among them.

5. Let the quarters of the sick and wounded.be duly paid, and let
their doctors and surg^ns on board, or a-shore, be skilful and careful,
luid furnished with good medicines.

6. Take care that men be advanced, according to their merit; and
let not seniority, without other qualifications, or letters of recommend-
tion, and money or interest, be the ordinary steps to advancements
And, to this end, let a list of all those, who behave themselves well on
any occasion, be carefully kept, and at the end of every expedition Idid
before the prince and parliament.

7* Let seamen's wages be raised according to the present proportion
4>f the wages of servants and labourers, as was the old commendable
practice: for it is a disgrace to the government, that privi^te persons
should pay and reward better than they.

8. Let there be money always at the pay-office to satisfy the execu*
tors of those who die in the service, or those who have lawful powers to
receive the pay of such as have been turned over into other ships, before
the ships, they belonged to,., vfere paid : and let an end for ever be put
to that mischic^vous practice of calls and recalls, in attending upon
which, many have spent the greatest part of their pay, before they
received it. ^

9. In a word, let all those abuses introduced into the management of
our fleet, since the restoration, be inquired into and redressed ; and let
commissions be given to such as havp been bred to navigation, and have^
a good repute among the mariners : for such pflicers will be able to raise
most of their men by their own reputation.

These jnethods will save many thousands of pounds, to the nation,
thiEit are spent by press-gangs, press-ketches, and in provisions and wagef
to keep men on board ships, that are laid up, during the winter, to
prevent their running away .^ *

Had these things been put in practice at the beginning of this war^
thenehad been no compidAnt for want of seamen; the decay that hat

POSTSdRIPT. f 7

^ce happened in cur trade and manufactories (the natural consequence!
of war) would have brought more into the service, than we should have
needed ; and when the war had been over, and trade restored, those
tradesmen would have returned from the fleet to tHeir former employ*
ments, which would have prevented our being overstocked with seamen,
for the rest must have been employed by merchantmen.

Before I conclude, I must put you in mind, of what you and I dit«
coursed before the present wari was proclaimed, when you asked mj
thoughts about the great naval expeditipn we had then in hand.

You may remember, I told you, that, if it was designed for Spain;
my opinion was, that we should, in the first place, seise the Isle of
Minorca, and, by consequence, possess ourselves of the noble port of
Mahon ^, erect a magazine of naval stores there, and send thither our
hulks to careen as we did in King Charles the Second's time^ wheiv
we had a war with the Algerines, and as we did during the last war at
Cales.

By having a good fleet, or at least a strong squadron, there all the"
year, we should have been masters of -the Mediterranean, and have pre-^
vented the French from sending recruits to Italy and Spain : and as the
plain result of this the Duke of Savoy had not been reduced to such-
straights, nor the confederacy obliged to so mitch expence and danger
in sending him. relief; nor had Barcelona, and all the advantages which,
King Charles gained in Spain, been in so much danger of being lost hy
the opportunity which the French had to attack Barcelona by sea and
land, in retaking of which they were visibly disappointed by the imme-
diate hand of heaven. Nor should the French, after such a blow at
they received there, have been in a condition to march their troops round,
to regain Castile, dispossess our allies of Madrid, retake Carthagena on
the Spanish coast, and Alcantera on the frontiers of Portugal, to the
evident hazard of driving King Charles again out of all those Spanish
dominions, the reducing of which has cost England so much blood and
money.

Nor should we have been under any necessity of courting the expen-
sive, and hitherto almost useless, alliance of the Portuguese; but,
having such a good harbour and place of arms as Port-Mahon, we
should quickly have been masters of Majorca, Sardinia, and Sicily,
have reduced Naples to the obedience of King Charles, and obliged
the Italian potentates, the pope not excepted, either to ^ome into the
dliance, or to pay contributions: Which would have prevented his
visible partiality in favour of the house of Bourbon, that has kept the -.
war so long on foot, and has so much endangered the liberty of Europe,-
and the protestant religion, and given the French King so fair a chance -.
to destroy our own liberty and religion, by imposing, with the assistance -
of our male-contents at home, that St. Germains pretender upon us,,
and making him real as well as titular King of Great-BritaiH and
Ireland.

I shall onl^ add, that had we, according to the maxims of all wise
^nvaciers, first secured ourselves of a port and place of arma upon thQ i

' Tbit wu dose aft«rw»r4»>

M THE CHARACTER OF A SNEAKER,

tkirts of tiseir dominions, as we might easily have done by seising Foft»
Mahon, we should have prevented the fatal nii«mahagement of the war^
in Italy and Spain, where sometimes the French, and sometimes tbe
allies, have had the advantage of one another, by a sudden run, ai
happens in a g^roe at football ; and had we J^ept that port after the war
was over, which could, not well have been denied us, we might have
made ita.magaxineand station for ships^ to command the Mediterranean,
and protect our Streights trade, and should thereby have been in condi*
tion, by a naval-power (without incurring any danger from standing
armies) to hold the balance of Europe in ouir hands ; which, as it is
our natural province, is England's greatest security and glory.

From all this. Sir, I hope, that you and the rest of our good patriot!
will take care to propose due methods for retrieving our naval glory,
and to see that the vr^r be so carried on, asit maybe brought to a speedy
and honourable conclusion; which, in my humble opinion, can* never
be done, except by our. naval force we deprive the French King of the
continual supplies of money he has from the West-Indies, or cany the
war into his own country. And, I think, Sir, itis but reasonable, that
having done so much already for the house of Austria, and our other
allies the Dutch, we should now begin to thiak of doing something for
ourselves, that others may not run away with the greatest part of the-
proit, while we have borne Aegrtategi proporimn of the clwrge of tha
war.

THE CHARACTER OF A SNEAKER.

London, printed in tbe Year 1705. Quarto, containing fire pagei, and the

Picture of a Janus in tbe title-page.

A SNEAKER is wmetking so very like nothings that it requires %
mdaphyiical hmin to define him. He is amererep^t/e, that should
^ave had ihe serpent for his father, by his creeping upon his belfy, and
JSne for his mother, by his readiness to comply with temptatiofu. He was
bom with a tongue, but his eyesight took away the use of it; for he no
Booner saw the golden apple of preferment, but he laid hold of it, and
was silent.

He might be a chameleon 'for his different appearances, but he knowv
not how to live upon air. He is a mere weathercock, though not a
high-church-roan, and always faces about, and turns his backside upon
every wind but what blows from the court. He is for sending over for -
the j^retended prince of Wales, and breeding him up in the doctrines of
^e church of England one session of parliament, aud for letting in John

THIS CHA&ACTBR OF A SNEAKER. f^'

€!aWin into St. Stephen's chapel another; he is for saying Kfaig WilKaitt
made a felonious treaty in the last reign, but is for a more dangerous
agreement in this, since the partition only affected us in our concdms
abroad, but a comprehension would ruin us at home. In short, he
is good for nothing, for H turn est LUietv^ is a standing rule in prxh

He was poet-laureat to Monsieur Poussin, and lodged in the same
house with him, when he sneaked out from his company the last time
they met together, at the Bluo-posts; but now his St. Maw's Muse has
given the French troops a Cornish hug, and flung them all upon their
back^ as may be seen in his excellent metre, inscribed to the Duke of
Marlborough, as it is inserted in that valuable paper, called, The
Diverting Post.

He has been a member of parliament for one of our universities, yet
shrinks back from the defence of the doctrines of that church which it
ackiibwledged by his electors for the only true one. He is a man of
great reach and abilities, in distinguishing metals ; and, if he did but
know the difiference of the mizen-mast from the main, as well as that of
a louis d'ore from a guinea, he might make an admirable commander of
the navy.^

. He is a gentleman that has slept away the remembrance of what re^
commended him to be knight of the shire for -^ — , and dreamt himself
into a place in the exchequer; which has dazzled his eyes so, and con-
founded his understanding, that he sits down, as if at his journey's end,
with a pension of fifteen-hundred pounds per annum, and thinks he has
done enough for his country, who sent him up to town to do their busi-
ness, not his own, in making provision for himself.

ifle is one that was to play the Devil with therObservator, for writing
against the church, before his tryal, but had not a word to say for it
after; some-body had lived so merrily, as to forget the day of the month
on which he was found guilty. His hand is always open, though his
mouth is shut. His heart is as good as any man's in England, for the
church established ; but charity begins at home, and let the national
religion sink or swim, as long as one is taken care of.

He is against tacking the occasional conformist's bill to the land-tax,
not for the sake of his country, but himself. He is tacked to an office,
which he is loth to be disjoined from ; and, for that cause, hinders the
other's conjunction. He is cap in hand to his electors, before they
return him for their member ; but, when once got upon their shoulders \
he will ride f them to some purpose. It matters not what instructions
they give him; great men are allowed to have treacherous memories,
and he will not part with that title to greatness.

He is an Aristotelian, tho' he loves the mammon of unrighteousness
too much to be a philosopher; and his actions are sufficient arguments
to shew, that the corruption of one thing is the generation of another I,
fe. He makes appear, that the defection of a good man to a bad part^

* At country elecUons* it is customary to carry the members chosea ia triumph on men's

shoulders about the town.

t Hector and sponge upon those he represents*

I Thia it th« AriitotdUm prtedpie iflTiuitarus ; bat the aneakw vuOyapU W Vo ^)a\A&\%.

^.

so THE CHARACTEB; OF A SNIAKER.

is the accettion of an ill one; and, if he did not know himself ta havtf
made a wrong and unjustifiable choice, he would never be ashamed of
declaring his mind in favour of ic ; which shews modesty has not for-
saken him, though honesty seems to have bidden him adieu.
' Though he is not qualified to be one of bis grace of Canterbury's chap«
lains, because he is not a churchman good enough, he may serve for
one of his water-men, for to look one way, and row another, is their
business. He was put into a post, under pretence of being a church-
man, but imagines, the ready way to keep in ir, is not to be against the
dissenters; for some-body has said, -They are too great a body to.be
disobliged; and he knows he stands but upon slippery ground, while .
he gives not implicit obedience to some-body's orders.

He is one that has been deputed by the people to make new laws, and
hinks it' of no consequence what becomes of the old. He is of a modern
^ut ; and the very reason, that should be of force with him to stand up
for the church, slackens his resolutions to defend her. She has been a
church from the beginning, and King Solomon's mistress ^ is too anti-.
quated, and out of date, for a courtier^s embraces.

He is a pretended stickler for the queen's authority, just so k>ng as he
receives the queen's money, while, to shew how undeserving he isof her royal
&vour, he confederates himself for She downfall of the queen's religion.
He is an Englishman with a Scotch heart, an Irish pair of heels, and a
Spanish countenance. His policy consists in a demure look, his courage
in withdrawing himself when there is an occasion; his constancy ia
yariation; and his honesty is what you think fit to call it^ 6>r 1 know not'
where to find it.

He is for a single ministry f, that he may piay the Tom-double under
it, and had rather the management of afiiurs should be in one great lord's
or court lady's hands, than in several; because the fewer the super*-
intcndants, the more may be the miscarriages of those that are subordi-
nate to them, without being discerned. Not that he is of this temper
ibr any other account^ since, notwithstanding bis pretended affectiona
for her Majesty's person and government, he kans more towards a
commonwealth than a monarchy, and bad rather the executive power
was to be intrusted with a committee of safety^, and he to be the
Obadiah of the party, than to be lodged where it is.

He was for resuming of grants the last reign, for fear there would be
none left to be given away in this, and always for having commissioners
to state the publick accompts, till, by getting into a post himself, he
was rendered obnoxious to their censures. He is against flinging out of
the house all members of parliament pouessed of offices erected since the-
year 84, because a sneaker |{ was in employ before that time of the day y
and under-hand makes an interest against the Occasional bill, because he
is a sort of an occasionalist himself.

1

He goes to church, because the queen does, and is ready to give his
i(Ote foras many millions &s shall be desired; because he knows how to^
make the double account, his quota comes to, out of them. He is a

* The cfanrch of God. 4- A |»rime minister.

t The fOTfrnment was to sttled. when the parliament rebelled against Kioy-Charlea the ilrtt.^

# VJiL The partxfuUr person hereby^ iotended;

THE' CHARACTER OF A SNEAKER. 81

state hermophradite, an ambidexter : Jacob T— — n with his two left*
legs makes not such an aukward figure as he does. He is like the satyr
in the fable, that blows hot and cold with the same breath, and never
does any thing praiso-worthy, but when he blushes for shame of his
playing at hide and seek, with his old principles, at the sight of an
old

Dr. D' nt is a saint to him, and played the man ; for he no sooner

changed sides, but his peace abroad and war at home told the world so.
But he plays the child's part ; and, because he shuts his own eyes,
thinks no creature in the world sees him. The one cares not who knows
what he is, and the other would be taken for what he is not. Of the
two sinners the first is the more commendable, for that Devil can less
do mischief, that appears in his own shape, than the form of an angel
of light.

He never looks upon her Majest/s arms, but Semper Eadem ^ gives
him the gripes, fof he knows he had not been what he is, had he con-
tinued what he was. He is Regis ad Exemptum f only in his doaths*
not in his principles, and pays a greater deference to her Majesty's way
of dress than her worship. He is a figure of nought or cypher, that is
of use only when you Come to tell noses ^ and rather weakens then
strengthens a party, but when the yea's and no's set the clerks in parlia*
ment at work, and make them fall to numeration.

He is the very reverse of one of the members of the rump parliament,
even while he sides with them that justify their proceedings. They set
aside the house of lords as useless; he is for pulling down the authority
of the house of commons, even while he has the honour to sit in it, and
making a surrendry of their right in one point,, that he may hfi takeii
for a man of peaceable dispositions in all others. Moderation is hia
pretence, but getting of money immocleratcly is his practice, and Undc.
kabeat qwarat nemo sed oportet habere J:, is a lecture that takes up his
whole consideration.

He forwards the dispatch of the publick business, that he may be the
soonera fingering the. piiblick funds J and, havit^ railed himself into an
office, is under dreadful apprehensions of being railed out of it a^in. To
conclude, he is neither fish, flesh, nor good red-herring; he is the pinicftifw
eaUeiu of all parties, yet never serviceable to aHy. He is always in
motion, yet might as well sit still for the good he (toes in being so; and,
if any city, town^ or county, wants such a representative for the ensuing
parliament,, he will give him as lusty promises as the 'best shall, and is
ready to be returned to the clerk of the crown, when his electors shall
think fit; if not, let them look out for one that will cone up to his word,
and their expectations, for I shall npt pretend to direct them, when they
have such an' ample field to choose in. For I am an enemy to black
lists, and am for leaving' the' people of England to the freedom of
Sections*

* i. e. Always the tame ; the Qaeea's motto, t Confonnable to his sovereign's ezemple.
% Ho bodj enquires where he msj get it ; bot it must be bad.

..\-.

( 52 )

LOYALTY,

Attended with

GREAT NEWS FROM DRAKE'S AND RALMGH'S GHOSTS.

Presenting the true means whereby Britain may be recovered from he*
maladies, and obtain a la&ting happiness, honouj*, and renown. In
an heroick poem.

Vicimusy o magnis tandem exauditu Piorum
Vota DeuSf nunc alma salmSf nuncseeula curat
Omnipotens.

London, printed ibr the Author, in 1705. Quarto, containing sixteen pagef^

TO THE QUEEN.

May it please your Majesty^

THE sense of my unworthiness would have discouraged me from
this bold address, had not ^ur Majesty assured the world of your
roost gracious condescension to forgive greater trespasses*

Most gracious Swereign^

My plain Muse has herein been favoured to represent the mature
conceptions of some of your Majest/s loyal subjects, who are deservedly
esteemed among^ the most wise and understanding persons, and such who
have merited from the crown equal with most; which, if hib late
Majesty had lived a few days longer, would have been apparent to alU

I humbly crave pardon for this presumption, and beg the honour of
your Majesty^9 gracious acceptance hereof, praying (with all loyal and
dutifql subjects) for your Majesty's long and prosperous reign, to the
glory of Gpd, and the protestant religion^ which is, and shall be th#
conatant »nd mo6t hearty petitioa of,

YourMajest/^

Most loyal,

And most humble servant,

John Sadlsa.

}

GREAT NEWS, tec. ' . 5$

HAD not the sovereign of the glohe took care^
£v'n on the precipice of black despair,
To send us a deliverer of our isle,
Who changed the gloomy scene and made us smile :
(Illusti^ous Nassau *, that bright* rising sun)
Britannia had been ruined and undone f*

A i>ew meridian light he did erect;
And by diffusive rays of heat protect;
Chacing away the frightful shades of night,
When arm'd Destruction stood in all our jsight.

Look! look U^what splendid form does now surprise,
Moving with com'ly gate before our eyes ?
Each step it softly does to us advance ;
Looks not with pale, but shining countenance;
So graceful, that the near approaching sight,
Instead of terror, does command delight.
And to a sweet composure does invite*

Drake^s Ghost,

\

Forth from that sweet place where bless'd 8hade3 do dwell,

To my dear Albion 1 1 ana sent to tell ;

Kind heav'n for her has blessings treasuj'd up.

The hieroglyphick is this golden cup ;

This cup of consolation in my hand,
Britannia ! Now be wise and understand.

When the proud daring powers of Spain combinM ||,
And in a frightful grand armado joined ;
Which they Invincible did proudly call;
Old Belzebub could not forbear, and all
Th' infernal fiends, who then began to grin,
To see his subjects toiling in their gin,
And compass'd in ■

When Plutus' mustered up his furious legions
Through all his sulphurous, dark, and smoky regions.
Drawn forth in line of battle, to invade
Thy land: And when hi3 grenadiers, with spade.
Thought with one mighty thrust to shovel down
This isle into the sea, with nod and frown;
Propitious heaven all their measures brake.
And by a word of full command bespake,
Bespake me § for the instrument, and gave
A mandate that I should Britannia save.

* William Prince of Orange. t B j a popish King and covaeO. t iMg^wd-

R la 1508. } Admiral Drake.

VOL, XU D

I

S4 GREAT NEWS FROM

The famoui Qoe^ Elmbeth dieti reiftt'd;
Whose admiral I mM; and (When obtained
This joint commission) heaven did then inspire.
And taught me to prepare new works of fire * ;
Wing'd with a thundering vengeance, and Mich ro%
Such desolation asne^er known before.

Most of their floathig Cyclope isles then flew
Up, through the wounded air, in open view ;
While some sunk down in Neptune's watry grave,
With shrieks fo th' Virgin Mary f, them to save.

The eccho weary'd was with frightful sound,
More dreadful than rous'd CwbVus barkings, round
The Gulph of Scylla and Charybdis (where ,
Tremendous horror and anuurement stare
On one another with erected hair.)
The Spanish monarchy was then overthrown;
And looking round for help, but finding none.
Sunk down and gave an universal groan.
Her isles in Western Indies then did shake,
And all her territories in the name of Drake |.

Go, tell, — ■ Drake's ghost a prophecy has brought,
Worthy of glorious Anne's most ponderous thought :
The British vessel shall through billows flee,
Far from the prospect of the Vulturels eye;
And, from the new world which I first surveyed,
In gold and silver mines they soon shall trade.

In this grand juncture of your state afiairs
Britain, with open eyes, and heart, and ears„
That happiness shall seek, and seeking find,
Which heals her maladies of eVry kind.
The rest — my brother's following ghost reveal*^
Hark England ! for it now most plainly deals.

Dear Albion ! once again Adieu ;

' Think on thy Drake and {Uleigh too;
Thy friends, thy faithful friends most true,
It descends, &C.

Behold! dear Raleigjb's ghost approaching stands

Before us now, and awful love commands :

See ! witn what graceful motion it draws near 1

Allures our sight, instead of raising fear.

* This alludes to the first inwQtum of Fire-Bhifs, as yon will read oo piafa 10S» voL T.
tTho usual exclamation of papists in time of trouble or dattgllr*
t Sea Drake's vojrafes round the wodd.

}
1

DRAKES AND RALElGH^S GHOSTS, 35

Raleigh's QhoH.

Forth from th' Elysian shcide's sweeC rest^ I riae^
Assuring England we do sympathise
In her afflictions | and will now^detect
Who are her greatest fbes, she does the leaat suspect*

Vipers who in her bowels lately bred ;
And, eating through, thrust forth each pois'nous head;
From whence Great-Britain such convulsions felt.
In whose swoln womb this ven^mou9 brood faas dwelt*

These aro new monsters, who old Rome oilt-do ;
And all the kte Ignatian ^ order too.
Such, who compact with all the pow'n of hell.
Therein eternally, eternally to dwell ;
May they but bring a total desolation
On their own hated mother (English) nation.

Prom hence, such paroxysm^; such torturing pain^
Such jealousies and discontents do reign.
By whose inchantment^ England's smote so blind.
Her blissful paradise she cannot find, .
The place which. heaVn to her has late assigned.

Shake off those charms; from lethargy arise^.^
And take the counsel of the truly wife ;
I'll be thy conduct, who am Raleigh's ghost.
And bring thy navy safe to Parien's coast :t
Bless'd Havilah t, whose dust is ore, and shines
Rich, and resplendent from her golden mines.;
The grand Emporium of the world for tradd,
Which for heavVs dearest favourites was made*

I (Gundamore^s || terror now) am sent to you.
From the consulting shades, forthwith to shew
The bright transparent mirror oi their heart,
And from them now I faithfully impart
This news to my dear native land ; the isle
On which heav n's countenance begins to smile.

By their commands I now aro sent to tell ■
England all. other nations shall excell
In ev'ry blessing, will she timely take
Our counsels, and herself most happy make.

* Jesaits; Ignatius Loymla being Uielr Fbunder.

+ Darien is that Isthmus, or neck of land, on which Carthagena, Portobello, «c. are tituaU
in the WesMndiea. ^ ^

t A common aaoM in any coaatry rich in goid and silver mines ; an epithet taken from Genesu
ii« ver. 11.

. I Gnadamore was the Spanish ambassador fit the court of England, who procured Ral«lfK%
deaeh.

© 2

$f GREAT NEWS FROM

Darien^s thy right by gift ; arise, possew
The same ; and to thy lasting happiness
Fix now the famous aera ; then disband
Thy armies ; for heav'n's stroiig protecting hand
Will be thy bulwark, and thy strong defence
From Frenchified-Spanish insolence.

By this means will the Evangelick light*
Chacc from those monuments of love their night
Of Pagan darkness, who now draw their breath
In dismal vale, among the shades of death.
Where Jini and Ojiro f constantly do haunt.

Who, by this gospel-beam, will strait avaunt.

O what a blessing, Jthen, would England be,
To cause the deaf to hear, the blind to sec !

O let this counsel with impression sink
In thy most serious thoughts ; in time bethink ;
If for conversion- work thou hast respect,
Heav'n all thy steps will order and direct ;
Then, for religion's sake, thy golden trade
Shall thrive, and truly prosperous be made*
Th' angelick guard a trophy then will raise
To dear Britannia's loud immortal praise.
And Lewis I, to thy rich imperial crown,
Shall bow ; ^ court all thy favours, fear thy frown :
While Europe stands amai^'d at thy renown.
And all earth s monarchs, who shall know thy fame,
Will then rise up their blessings to proclaim,
When they shall hear Britannia's awful name.

Now let the dreadful doom of James the First ||,
(Who all his popish successors sore curst)
Light on those black infernal minds, who join
This enterprise to break ; or shall repine
Against this deed, which heaven's broad seal does sign.

Bi^and with perpetual stigma all, all those
Who thy felicity in this oppose,
And treat 'em as thou would'st thy greatest foes ;
And they no less deserve all good men's hate, *
Who of strange mountain bug-bears do relate,
Nigh barien ; (like those wicked spies of old^
Who of tall Anakims round Canaan told)
Confronting Providence with brow most bold.

Shake off thy charms, and from deep sleep arise ;
And take the timely counsel of the wise :

« Tke gospel preached by protestanU. ^ Two Pagan deities. t The King of FlnaM.
// Who wei poiseii«4 hj the D«ke ot ILuc^ldOfj^tBi. ftM y« ^1. NtA» vT.

DRAKE'§ AND RALEIGH'S GHOSTS. Sf

Thick scales from thy blind eyes will then drop off, *
And thy deaf ears unstopp'd ; whilst all who scoff,
Insulting o*er thy maladies, will find
That heav*n*s slaw mills will them to powder grind.

Shake off thy strong intoxicating charm,
And thyself with fixM rei3olution arm ;
I'll be thy conduct (Britain's Martyr's Ghost)
And bring thy navy safe to Darien's coast.

ril haste ; and, at your sovereign's call, prepare
A figure, which all England's foes will fear.
Nor can the shades (tho' happy) take full rest,
Tilj Britain's of her Paradise possessed,
Where she, with peace, trade, honour will be blessed.
[Raleigh's Ghost vanishes, &e.

Kind heav'n assist us, rightly to improve
This noble magazine of treasured love.
O cleanse our drowsy souls from filthy dregs,
Screw up our craa'd Theorbo's dusty pegs.
And let each funding heart-string tuned be
To a most sweet melodious harmony.
And to a fervent soul-transforming praise,
Since heav'n resolves, by such endearing ways,
Britannia's griefs to heal, and her to glory raise*

Most welcome news these happy shades do bring,
Who, by divine instruction, know the thmg.
That timely will prevent the nation's woe;
Who is Britannia's friend, and who her foe.
Not like the doubtful oracles of old.
But, with love's freedom, modest, plain^ yet bold,
They tell, wherein our happiness consists ;.
' Removing from our eyes ^e strange inch«nting misti.

O, honour'd England ! sure thy fame will spread,
And, in thy adversaries *, strike a dread.
Since two such men f rise fh)m the dead to held
With sympathy, as if both did feel
Our griefs ; and all the happy shades likewise
Consulted, how to make us great and wise.

May all those parasites an entrance find
In Strombolojs and Etna's mouths t, who blind
Our nation's eyes, by their Satanick arts.
To hide true understanding from our hearts^

• France and Spmii. t At Dnke and Baldgh. t atrombolo Mul Btnm art two fcMBiiif

aouatains.

o 3

}

ii ^EEAT NEWS FROM

Now le^stio longer rub our fefttMng sore,
Lanc*d by great Raleigb to the very core ;
Wk But wait in patience *tiU we understand

What glorioiis Anne will say, and what command.

The vapours, which did late infect our air, 1

Depart; and our late. clouds do disappear; >

We'll haste to court, in hopes to gain the royal ear^ j

And may we, when we next together meet.
With news celestial, one another greet.

Mean while, to strengthen our assurance, we
Illustrious, Anne wiil view; whom all do see
Encompassed round in heaven's dear embrace^
Shioiug with glory from its smiling face.
Which crowns her both with majesty and grace.
And, tho^ great Nassau's absence made it night,
Soon after rose this more resplendent light*

Of equal honour to the British throne.
While William or Eliza, she is known ;
Who does with new advancing lustre shine,
And lives the terror of the humbl'd Sein.

We've seen her arms. Great Britain's cross display,
While bafl'd France does own, our Anna's ray
Did, by the brightness of her dawning reign.
Just enti'iDg on the globe, and late began,
What e'er their tedious monarch wrought, exceed,
And taint his -grandeur by one single deed.
And pull the &ding laurels from his head.

Nor will, 'till ^he the mighty work has done.
Sheath up, and the contested balance won^
And finish what the great Nassau begun.

The tr^ch'rous See of Rome, and haughty France^
She now has put in a confounding trance.
Which, in all joyfu} hearts, does now inspire
New consolations from a heav*n-born fire;
And into ev'ry loyal breast instills
What with new love and ^miration fills*

To France and Rome she is the sterling mirror
Of heartrdistr9«ting grief, and thundering terror^

Let Vigo 9peak, if any strength be left
In these, who of their senses were bereaft.
And breathless^ hid themselves ip paoyntains plefjt,

}

}
}

DRAKE'S AND RALEIGH'S GHOSTS. 39

Let France tell, who Anne's banner viewM with dread^
When Marlborough her victorious army led
Up to the shaken empire, to defend
From Lewis's stroi\g invasion ; and did send
All his slain host to their infernal place,
And did his captiv'd generals pride abase.

Marlborough, so great and brave, he gave 'em li^
From his loud cannons flames (in dusk of night)
For decent burial of those warriors all,
Who durst aspire to grasp th* imperial ball.
The diadem and scepter (to enslave
All Europe) thus, he sent those hectors to the graveu

Let their sad ghosts arne to tell th' alarms.
Which smote France deaf and dumb thro' Britain's arms,
In spight of Maintenon's * delusive charms.

Since Rome and France proclaim it certain death
To speak of this great conquest but one In^ath,
tict those shades rise, tho' they but once appear
Mot now to tell the news which all men heart
But to torment, and strike 'em dead with fear*

We'll give 'em leave Te Dewns now* to sing,
Since welcome post such glorious news does brings
If Lewis means at next campaign to thrive,
Le Chese t his prayers backwards now must strive^
(Tho' in much shame and ridicule) to mumble,
While moon-blind fops with aching gizzards gnunble#

Victorious Anne, in a triumphant state.

Her publick Hallelujah's twice has sounded,
And, when a third time she shall consecrate

Immanuel's X praise, may she then be surrounded
With th' universal harmony of ^11,

In shout, for France and Rome's tremendous falL

And may she reign in peace and honour, 'till
Time ail the sacred prophecies fulfil
A signet in God's heart ; a plague to hell :
And (with his Royal Highness y) ever dw^ll.
Ever, in Beatifick-Vision<Place ;
In the eternal (dear and full) embrace
Of great Jehov^, to behold his £iice.

Amen. Amem^

}

* jAmU thtfoirU^iith^ Ifbtnoft. f L«irto Um FourteMth'f Cbn toer. $ Jmm tMat,
jl ?n^ ^fvrge of 9vfmf^t Qnftm ▲»'» ^^Qn»MS\.

D 4

< 40 )

PROVIDENCE DISPLAYED;

OR,
A YEB^Y SURPRISING ACCOUNT

OF ONE

MR. ALEXANDER SELKIRK,

MASTER OF A MERCHANT^MAN

CALLED^

THE CINQUE-PORTS ;

Who dreaming that the ship would soon after be lost, he desired to be
left on a desolate island in the South-Seas, where he lived four years
and four months, without seeing the face of man, the ^hip being af-*
terwards cast away as he dreamed. As also, How he came after-
wards to be miraculously preserved and redeemed from that fatal
place, by two Bristol privateers, called, The Duke and Duchess;
that took the rich Aquapulco Ship, worth one-hundred ton of gold,
and brought it to England. To which is added. An account of his
birth and education. His description of .the island where he was
cast ; how he subsisted ; the several strange things he saw, and how«
he used to spend his time. With some pious ^ejaculations that be
used, composed during his melancholy residence there. Written by
his own hand, and attested by most of the eminent merchants upoQ
the Royal-Exchapge.

QnartOy pontaining twelve pages.

IN the voyage of the Duke and Duchess privateers belonging to Bris^
tol, who took the rich Aquapulco ship, they came to an island call-
ed Juan Fernandez; where sending their pinnace on shore, she return-
ed, after some time, bringing with her a man cloathed in goat skinS|^
|vho seemed as wild as the goats themselves.

Being brought on board the Duke, he said, he had been on the island
four years and four months, having been left there by Captain Stradliag,
in a ship called the Cinque-Ports, about the year 1705, of which ship
he was master ; and Captain Dampier, who was then with him^ and
now on board the Duke, told Captain Rogers, he was the best man
then on boa^d the CJnque-Ports, who immediately agreed with him to

PROVIDENCE DISPLAYED, &c. 41

1)6 a mate on board. the Duke. His name was Alexander Selkirk, a
Scotchman, and the manner of his being found there, was by his mak-
ing a fire the night before, when he saw the two privateers aforesaid,
judging them to be English, by which, judging it to be an habitablo
island, they had sent their boat to see ; and so he came miraculously
to be redeemed from that solitary and tedious confinement, who other-
wise, in all probability, must have miserably ended his life there.

He said. That, during his stay there, he had seen several ships pass
by, but only two of them came in to anchor, which he judged to be
Spaniards, and retired from them, upon which they fired at him ; had
they been French, he said he would have submitted himself, but chose
rather to hazard dying on the island, than to fall into the bands of the
Spaniards in those parts, because he believed they would either murder
him, or make him a slave in their mines« .

The Spaniards landed so near him, before he knew where they were,
that lie had much ado to escape ; for theynot only shot at him, but
pursued him into the woods, \yhere he^climbed up to the tgp of a tree^
at the foot of which they made water, and killed several goats just by,
but went off without discovering him.

He told them,' that he was born at Largo, in the county of Fife, in
Scotland, and was bred a sailor from his youth. '

The reason of his being left on this melancholy island, was a dififer-
ence betwixt him and his captain, which, together with the ship's being
leaky, made him willing rather to stay there than go along, with him at
first, and, when he was at last willing to go, the captain would not re>
ceive him*

He had been, he said, on the island, to wood and water, when two of
the ship*s company were left upon it for six months till the ship return*
ed, being chaced thence by two French South*sea ships.

He had with him his cloaths and bedding, with a firelock, some pow-
der, bullets, and tobacco, a hatchet, a knife, a kettle,, a bible, some
practical pieces, and his mathematical instruments and books. He di-
verted and provided for himself as well as he could ; but, for the first
eight months, he had much ado to bear up against melancholy, and the
terror of being left alone in such a desolate place.

He built two huts with piemento trees, covered them with long grass,
and lined them with the skins of goats, which he killed with his gun as
he wanted, so long as his powder lasted, which was but a pound ; and,
that being near spent, he got fire by rubbing two sticks of piemento^ wood
together upon his knee. In the lesser hut, at some distance from the
other, be dressed his victuals, and in the larger he slept, and employed
himself in reading, singing psalms, and praying ;' so that he said be was
a better christian while in this solitude, or than, he was afraid, he should
ever be again.

At first he never eat any thing till hunger constrained him, partly
for grief, and partly for want of bread and salt ; nor did he go to bed till
he coul4 watch no longer ; the piemento wood, which burnt very clear,
served him both for firing and candle, and refreshed him with its fragrant

49 PROVIDENCE DISPLAYED, Ire.

He might have htd fish enough, bnt conld not eat them for wmt of
salt, because they occasioned a looseness, except craw-fish, which are
there as large as our lobsters, and very good: TheiM) he sometimet
boiled, and at other times broiled, as he did his goats flesh, of which he
made very good broth, for they are not so rank as ours ; he kept an ao»
count of five hundred that he killed, while there, and caught as many
more, which he marked on the ear and let go.

When his powder failed, he took them by speed of foot, for his way
of living, and continual exercise of walking and running, cleared him of
all gross humours, so that he ran with wonderful swiftness through the
woods, and up the rocks and hills, as we perceived, when we employed
him to catch goats for u». We had a bull-dog, whicfi we Bent with
several of our nimblest runners, to help him in catching goats ; but he
distanced and tired both the dog and the men, catched the goats, and
brought them to us on his back.

He told us, that his agility in pursuing a goat had once like to hava
cost him his life ; he pursued it with so much eagerness, that he catched
hold of it on the brink of a precipice, of which he was not aware, the
bushes having hid it from him ; so that he fell with the goat down the
precipice a great height, and was so stunned and bruised with the fall,
that he narrowly escaped with his life, and, when he came to his senses,
found the goat dead under him. He lay there about twenty-four hours,
and was scarce able to crawl to his hut, which was about a mile distant,
or to stir abroad again in ten days*

He came at last to relish his meat well enough without salt or bread,
and, in the season, had plenty of good tumeps, which had been sowed
there by Captain Dampier^s men, and have now overspread some acres
of ground. He had enough of good cabbage from the cabbage-trees, and
seasoned his meat with the fruit of the piemento trees, which is the same
as the Jamaica pepper, and smells deliciously. He found there also a
black pepper, called Malagita, which was very good to expel wind, and
against griping of the guts.

He soon wore out all his shoes end cloaths by running thro' the woodsy
and, at last, being forced to shift without them, his feet became so hard,
that he ran every where without annoyance ; and it was some time
before he could wear shoes, after we found him ; for, not being used
to any so long, his feet swelled, when h'e came first to wear them
again.

After he had conquered his melancholy, he diverted himself some-
times by cutting his name on the trees, and the time of his being left
and continuance there. He was at first pestered with cats and rats, that
|iad bred in great numbers from some of each species which had got a-
Bhore from the ships that put in there to wood and water. The rats
gnawed his fteet and cloaths, while asleep, which obliged him to cherish
jQie cats with his goats flesh ; by which many of them became so tame,
that they would lie about him in hundreds, and soon delivered him from
the rats. He likewise tamed some kids, and, to divert himself, would
now and then sing and dance- with his eats ; so that by the care of Pro*
e^ and vigour of his youth, being now but about thirty yean old,

PEOVIDENCE DISPLAYED, &c. 48

he came act last to conquer all the inconveniencies of his solitude, and to
be very easy.

When his cloaths wore out, he made himself a coat and cap of goats-
skins, which he stitched together with little thongs of the same, that he
eut With his knife. He bad no other needle but a nail, and, when his
knife was wore to the back, he made others as well as he could, of some
iron hoops that were left a-shore, which he beat thin and ground upon
stones. Having some linncn cloth by him, he sewed himself shirts with
a nail, and stitched them with the worsted of his old stockings, which
he polled out on purpose. He had his last shirt on when we found him
in the island.

At his first coming on board us, he had so much forgot his language
for want of use, that wc could scarce understand him, for h^ seemed to
speak bis words by halves. We offered him a dram, but he would not
touch it, having drank nothing but water since his being there, and it
was some time before ho could relish our victuals.

He could give us an account of no other product of the inland than
what we have mentioned, except small black plums, which are very
good, but hard to come at, the trees which bear them growing on high
mountains and rocks. Picmento trees are plenty here, and we saw one
sixty feet high, and about two yards thick ; and cotton trees higher,
and near four fathom round in the stock.

The climate is so good, that the trees and grass are verdant all the
year. The winter lasts no longer than June or July, and is not then
severe, there being only a small frost and a little liail, but sometimes
great rains. The heat of the sununcr is equally moderate, and there is
not much thunder or tempestuous weather of any sort. He saw no veno-
mous or savage crekture on the island, nor any other sort of beast but
goats, &c. as above-mentioned ; the first of which had been put a*shoie
here on purpose for a breed by Juan Fernando a Spaniard, who settled
there with some families for a time, till the continent of Chili beg^ to
submit to the Spaniards; which, being more profitable, tempted
them to quit this island* which is capable of maintaining a good number
of people, and of being made so strong that they could not be easily
dislodged.

Ringrose, in his account of Captain Sharp's voyage and other bucca*
neers, mentions one, who had escaped a-shore here, out of a ship which
was cast away with all the rest of his company, and says, he lived fiye
years alone, before he had the opportuiiity of another ship to carry
him off* Captain Dam pier talks of a Moskito Indian, that belonged to
Cap^in Watlin ; who, being hunting in the, woods, when the Captain
left the island, lived there three years alonc^ and shifted much in the
same manner as Mr. Selkirk did, till Captain Dampier came hither, in
']6S4, and carried him off. The first, that went a-shore, was one of his
countrymen, and they saluted one another, first by prostrating them-
selves by turns on the ground, and then by embracing.

But, whatever there is in these stories, this of Mr Selkirk I know IjO
be true ; and his behaviour afterwards gives me rea«c)Q to believe the
jAc.cpmit he gaye me, how he spent lus time, and bore up under ^mcVvw^

44 PROVIDENCE DISPLAYED, &e.

affliction, in which nothing but the Divine Providence could have sup-
ported any man. By this one may see, that solitude, and retirement
from the world, is not such an unsufierable state of life, as most men
imagine, especially when people are fairly thrown into it unavoidably,
as this man was ; who, in a|l probability, must otherwise have perish^
in the seas, the ship, which left him, being cast away not long after, aod
few of the coropa ny escaped.

We may perceive, by this story, the truth of the maxim. That * neces-
sity is the mother of invention ; since he found means to supply htt
wsLTits in a vei^ natural manner, so as to maintain his life; though not
60 conveniently, yet as effectually, as we are able to do with the hdp
of all our arts and society. It may likewise instruct us, how much a
plain and temperate way of living conduces to the health of the body,
and the vigour of the mind ; both which we are apt to destroy by e^uren
and plenty, especially of strong liquor, and the variety, as well as the
nature, of our meat and drink; for this man, when he came to our
ordinary method of diet and life, though he was sober enough, lost
much of kis strength and agility.

Jn account of the Island of Juan Fernandez.

THE Island of Juan Fernandez is nearest of a triangular form, about
twelve leagues round, and has a small island, near a mile long, lying
near it, with several rocks close under it ; near which there are very
good fish of several sorts. It abounds with cabbage-trees, which grow
for three miles together, and are extraordinary good; also turneps,
which grow wild here. The soil is a loose black earth, and there are
often great drifts of snow and ice in July ; but, in the spring, which 13
in S^temher, October, and November, it is very pleasant.

Mr. Selkirk says, That, in November, the seals come a-shore to
whelp and ingender, when the shore is so full of them, that it is impossi-
ble to pass through them ; and they are so surly, that they will not
move out of the way, but, like an. angry dog, run at a man, though
he have a good stick to beat them ; so that at this, and their whelping-
seasons, it is dangerous to come near them, but, at other times, they
will make way for a man ; and^ if they did not, it would be impossible
to get from the water-side ; they lined the shore very thick, for above
half a mile of ground, all round the bay. When we came in, they kept
a continual noise day and night, some bleating like lambs, some howl-
ing like dogs or wolves, others making hideous noises of various sorts;
so that v/e heard them a-board, though a mile from the shore : Their
fur is the finest that ever I saw of the kind, and e;Kceeds that of our
otters.

Another strange creature here is the sea-lion ; the governor tells roe,
he has seen of them above twenty feet long, and more in compass, which
could not weigh less than two tons weight. I saw several of these vast
x:reatureS| but none of the abovementioned size; several of them vfexe

PROVIDENCE DISPLAYED, &c. 45

upwards of sixteen feet long, and more in bulk, so that they could not
weigh less than a ton weight. The shape of their body differs little from
th6 sea-dogs, or seals, but they have another sort of skin, a head much
bigger in proportion, and very large mouths, monstrous big eyes, and
a face like that of a lion, with very large whiskers, the hair of which is
stiff enough to make tooth-pickers. Thetfe creatures come a-shore to
ingender, the latter end of June, and stay till the end of September;
during which time they lie on the land, and are never observed to go to
the water, but lie in the same place above a musquet-shot from the water-
side, and have no manner of sustenance all that time, that he could ob-
serve.

I took notice of some, that lay a week without once offering to moye
out of the place, whilst I was there, till they were disturbed by us;
but we saw few, in comparison of what, he informed us, he did, and
that the shore was all crouded full of them, a musquet-shot into the
land. I admire how these monsters come to yield such a quantity of
oil; their hair Ms short and coarse, and their skin thicker, than the
thickest ovhide I ever saw. We found no land- bird on the island, but
a sort of black-bird with a red breast, not unlike our English black-
bird, and the humming-bird of various colours, and no bigger than »
large humble-bee. Here is a small tide, which flows uncertain, and
the spring-tide flows about seven feet.

This is the account given by himself to the captain of the ship, as
will be attested by several merchants and captains upon the Exchange,
who have conversed with him : In >vhich relation, the Divine Provi-'
dence of God may be visibly seen, first, in throwing him upon the deso-
late island, and, next, in supporting him under such aft affliction,
whilst the ship, which he left, soon after perished in the sea, and few
of the company escaped: All which singular acts of providence, that
conspired in his preservation, he wholly and piously ascribes to the in^
finite goodness and mercy of God ; to whom all honour and glory be
^ven, now and evermore.

( *s )

THE ROYAL GAMESTERS;

OB,

THE OLD CARDS NEW SHUFFLEIX,

FOR A

CONQUERING GAME.

The following piece needs no comment, much less any apology for its
republication ; seeing that the old times, in which it was first penned,
are become new, and the same game is begun again among the powers
and states of Europe, by the ambitious and treacherous views and
attempts of France and Spain.

Germany, T^RE we to play this match prepare,

XI4 Let's know nist, ^ho together are.
HoUmuL Let Englahd deal the cards about.

The four knaves play, the rest stand out*
FnuwL France is a ggmester, and must fall.

Else odds will beat the devil and alL
France. What I have won. Til venture stilly ^

I'll give you nothing but the deal.
England, Play fair then, and it is agreed.

The two black knaves, against the red.

The kings shall hold another set,

And the four queens shall sit and bet.

The knaves of France and Spain are black,

'Tis Germany must hold the pack.
Gemumy, Give me the cards, the deal is mine ;

Diamonds are trumps, who bets this time ?
Holland, ni hold ten thousand livres by,

'Gainst France and Spain, the reason why ;

Because the odds is ten to one.

They'll certainly be both undone.
Savoy. I'll take you up, with you I'll lay.

That France and Spain will hold you play.
Denmark. TU nothing bet on either side ;
Portttgal, Nor I, until I see them try'd.
Bavana. I know on which side I would bet.
But will not tell my mind as yet;

THE ROYAL OAM£STEXS, ftc 4lt

Sweden. Nor I, but still will neuter itaod.

And do them service under-hand.
Poland. One single gsmie with Swedes Tli try,

ril mal^ tht smooth-ftu^'d youth comply.
Venice. Go on and prosper all, tay U

The First Game, 1702.

Germany held gocfd cards, and played ^em well.
Got some by tricks, and honours, the first deal.
The second deal, France held the cards, and thai.
The game seem'd two to one, Sot France and Spain,
But, in a little time, they tum'd again:
For fortune now old Lewis' side forsakes,
England won M, and Holland drew the stakes.

The Second Game, 1705.

c

The second game, Bavaria took tlieir parta^
And the first deal turned up the king of hearts ;
Got the court cards and trumps into his power.
And put the slip upon the emperor.
And well it was for France he serv'd him so.
For Lewis else had quickly been brought low ;
Germany fretted thus to see it go.
England still play'd its part, and won some tricks,
Aild fairly brought the game up eight to six*
But Germany had no good cards to play.
And by ill fortune gave the game away.
Savoy did now from France and Spain divide^
And ventured all on the contrary side.
Loses some stakes, but England lends him more,
And Portugal docs for that same side dedaxe.

TAe Third Game, 1704.

But vexM to kee the business done by halves,
Holland and England took the cards themselves.
Germany laid his last stake down at play.
While all the stress upon the dealers lay,
France cut the cards, and Holland led the way. .
The first deal from the caMs Bavaria lost,
And feared that now his great designs -were crossM.
Holland dealt next ; France Uie fii-sl trick did get,
But England by the honours won the set.
Bavaria, ruinM, threw the cards away,
And^ had not left another cross to play.

}

}

}

}

♦8 THE ROYAL GAMESTERS, &c

The Fourth Game, 1705.

France to the last stake brought, and Spain the same.
But Germany revok'd and spoil'd the game:
Which made the other gamesters swear.
He did not play upon the square.
England changed sides, and took the Dutch again,
White Portugal play'd single hand with Spain.
But after many deals, and mighty cost,
Between them both, there was but little lost*
Now England deals about, for the last stake,
And had a hand that made Monsieur quake :
But, when the set to a conclusion came,
Holland lost dealing, and quite baulk^ the game.

The Conquering Game, 1706.

England deals next, and France is fain,
To lend a losing stake to Spain.
Savoy bets all ; France threatens hard,
To take from him his leading card;
But England all the rest restore.
And tell him, they will lend him more.
Now on all sides the stakes are down.
And Spain plays briskly for the crown:
And Portugal some bets doth lay,
Which England does, and Holland pay*
• The first deal, Spain three tricks doth lose.
Which doth old Lewis much confuse.
France shuffles next, more stakes does bet.
And threatens hard to win the set,
E're Germany his cards can sort.
While Venice laughs, and likes the sport.
England says nothing all the while.
But plays such cards makes Holland smile.
France wins a stake or two at first.
And Swedes wou'd back him, if they durst:
But Poland holds him to't as yet,
And hopes to gain his late lost bet.
France with his best court-cards begins,
While Spain lose faster than he wins.
The set grows warm ; brisk play is shewn,
And Savoy lays his last stake down.
But Germany, with trumps supply'd.
Soon turns the game o'th'Yother side.
France with his ace of hearts doth join.
But England plays the Kin^ and Queen.
Old Lewid vex'd, yet lGk)king grave,
'With speed throws down another knave,
And questions not the game to laye.

}

REASON^ FOR PAS^I^Q A: BILL, kc. *9

While Portugal, vHth anger then.

Plays doW;i another single ten :

At which the gamesters seemed to smile.

And stood amaz'd a little while :

But, when he some excuse did make,

They passM it hy, as a mistake*

Venice .at last for Holland bets.

And holds ten-thousand pounds o'th set.

France offers now to part the stakes,

And Spain the self- same proffer makes :

But England will to neither stand.

For all the honoux's in their hands.

France plays a trump about to tiy»

In whose hand, all the rest did lie :

Which he soon finds unto his cost,

When Spain, perceiving all was lost,

Throws down his cards, and gives the set for gone,

Bavaria takes it up, and plays it on.

But England trumps about, and so the game is won.

France seizes on those stakes he'd made from Spain,

But Germany recovers all again.

Thus ends the game ^hich Europe has in view.

Which by the stars may happen to be true.

}

REASONS .

HUMBLY OFFERED TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARUAMENT,

FOK PASSING A BILL
For preventing Delays and Expences, in Suits in Law and Equity.

London, printed, and are to be sold* by John Morpbew, near Stationers-ball,
^ 1707* Quarto, containing twenty-two pages.

THE unavoidable expence, as well as unnecessary delay, in the pro-
secution of suits in the courts of law and equity, especially in the
latter, are become so exorbitantly great and bnrthensome to the subject,
that. they may justly be ranged among our first-rate grievances; It must
be granted by every m^n of common observation, that the methods of
proceeding in our courts, designed for speedy justice, are fully ripe for
a regulation, when a passive submission to injunes, xtt)\e«& oi ^ n^i^
hi^ nature^ u much moreJfor the advantage of the in^ui«& ^iv>iv,^^tk

fO REASONS rOR PASSINO A BILL, &c.

an application to our courts for redress. A man's prudence may very
rationally be called in question, who brings an action at la^^ for a slender
debt ; but he must be perfectly senseless, who seeks^ for redress for a
debt of fifty or sixty pounds in a court of equity/ since, as the practice
now stands, his adversary may make him spend twice' bi% debt before
he can recover it. The case thert»forc! being thus, theie is no room to
doubt, but that a bill, that will effectually redress some of these griev
ances, will meet with all imaginable encouragement.

I. As to a clause to enact, That any plaintiff, at his election, may
deliver a declaration to any defendant, or his wife cohabiting- with him,
or to the' servant of any corporation capable of being sued, « and take
judgment for want of an appearance and a plea*

The way, now used,- is to sue out a writ directed to the sheriff of the .
county where the defendant lives*, which, with the attorney's fee that
sues the same out, comes to eight or nine shillings; oh which the sheriff
makes out his warrant to his bailiff^ which in some counties costs one
shilling, in some two shillings, and in others less : On this the bailiff
may insist on a bond of forty pounds penalty with sureties from the de-
fendant to appear, though the action 'be but for words, trespass, or
assault, or in debt, or case, under ten pounds ; but it is most usual to
take a warrant from such defendant, directed to some attorney to appeiar
for him, and, on the bailiff's obtaining such bond or warrant, the
lowest sum, that is paid for his pains by the plaintiff's attorney, is five
shillings, and sometimes more; besides which, the bailiff demands two
shillings and four pence of the defendant al the time he arrests him, as
the sheriff's fee, and always takes much more for waiting and civility-
money : so that the least that is spent by both sides, on the first begin-
ning of the smallest action, is twenty shillings : But, if the writ be for
"toiore than ten pounds, the bailiff demands of the plaintiff's attorney always
ten shillings at least, on bringing him a bail-bond, and often extorts
twenty shillings or more from the defendant, whilst in his custodyi, besides
his sheriff's fee, and that he calls • civility- money, and is extorted from
the prisoner, to prevent his being carried directly to the county gaol,
and for being admitted to continue in the bailiff's house, commonly
called the spunging-house, till he can send to his friends to bail him,,
and there the bailiff's followers drink plentifully on his score ; and, if
any scruple be made of paying all the unreasonable demands that are
made for the reckoning, then the best bail, that can be found out, is
rejected, and perhaps the person is hurried into gaol, where he is loaded
with new fees for commitment, discharge, &c. before he can obtain his
liberty, so that it very often costs a person arrested for a small debt of
thirty or forty pounds, who lies in a spunging-house but one night, three
pounds and upwards; besides which, if he be able, he must at last pay
the plaintiff his charges of the writ and the arrest. However, to make
the lowest computation possible, it costs both sides, where an arrei^ i%

* Nete, The plaintiff, or his attoraey, is very often forced to be as the bailiff's follower^
otherwise the cleiiiMtant would either not be arrested, or else prtvatelj discbaiged, on payment

REASONS Mft PASSING A feILL, &e. 51

inade for ten pounds or upwarcb) and a bail4>oiid taken, thirty*(i\^e
shillings. By this expensive way, to all sides, a plaintiff obtains either
special bail, or a common appearance at the return of the writ; and,
where a defendant is minded to delay, he often suffers the bail-bond to
be sued, to the great delay of the plaintiff, and keeping him out of his
just debt. Atidy in sotne counties, though a man appears publickly^
yet, if he be protected by the sheriff, or by the bailiff of the liberty or
hundred, where he lires, a plaintiff shall lose a year's time, or more,
before he can get even a common appearance, and without that, as the
law now stands, mo man can proceed to declare. But, if what is now
proposed, has the desired success, most causes will be shorter by a term,
and persons, who are necessitated to bring actions, will sooner recover '
their just rights; and,, when judgment is obtained, a defendant will be
in a better condition to pay, than when he has jbeen pillaged by the
bailiffs, and their followers : and, in short, upon a modest computation,
it wiU save the subjects of England thirty-thousand potknds per annum,
and upwards, the greatest part whereof is, at present, distributed
amongst the bailiffs and their followers; the rest or it comes in very -
small sums to the cursitors, who make out original writs ;, to the
philizers of the common-pleas, who make out all writs of capias; to the
attohiiesof the queen's bench, who make out all bills of Middlesex and'
latitats; to ♦the custos brevium, belonging to the common-pleas, who
has four-pence for filing every original writ ; to the under sheriffs, who
make out' the warrants, and indeed to all attotnies that love to make
causes long and chargeable to their clients.

And farther, this clause will advance publick credit, by framing a
better method of suing corporations, than any yet known, and providing
a way to sue persons, in trade and credit, without sending bailiffs after
theip ; and will also prevent many clandestine outlawries.

And, if the people of England will be sooner helped to their rights,
and so great a sum saved in their purses, as is above-mentioned; it is
hoped, there will be no regard had to any particular body, or number
of men (especially of this sort) who inrich themselves by doing that,'
which there is no occasion for.

Note, This is agreeable to the t inethod, nowvused in the bringing^
of an ejectment, which turns a man out of possession, and
is of as tender a consideration, as any thing can be; and
, any plaintiff may now obtain judgment as quick as he can,
by this clause, by being at the charge of suing a special
writ, which contains the declaration.

II. As to a clause, for giving bail in all cases, where a writ of error

* The cunitor, pbHiz^r, and custos brevium haVe but two shillings and two-pence for evdry
oriijnal and capias, but the bailiff gets twenty or thirty shillings, and very often a great deai
more, by making the arrest. And, if a writ be sued out, and a copy thereof annexed to eaoh
dtclaraaoD delivered, and the writ itself annexed to the affidavit of service; then, all the
objections of the cursitors, philizeis, or custos brevium, &c. will be fully answered, and the*
*ttom«y will also have his fee for soeing the same out : The postage will be likewise increased
^•eaduig the declaration down with tjie writ, and retumiug tbeta bot)\V>%,ck'v'\\^ \>iw«- a&dv«'vv,
(be sttmp-daty will be advanced also "by the a/fidavit», rules to ple^d, &&C.

f The method!, bent proposed, it aiso afreeabJe to the comtnotv ^^v> 'y?Yi«ni^l « «\3WRn»va
vu the £ntpfoce$9, the 9t^%$ Mmg fivea by acts of partiu&tnv

x2

It REASONS FOR PASSING A aiLL^fcc*

IB bronglit to reverse a judgment before verdicti as it is now used otk

^rits of error after verdict.

This clause will prevent persons from keeping their creditors at Imlp
with a writ of error for twelve months^ during which time, they get in
their eSects^ andi when the writ of error is nigh spent, they run awaj
with them.

And the very same reason holds, for giving bail, on bringing writs of
errbr to reverse a judgment, when damages are found on a writ of
inquiry, as after trial*

^ III. As to the regulating sherifl^ fees on elects and extents, &c.

As the law now stands, if a sherifif takes an inquisition on an elegit,
and delivers a moiety to the plaintiff, by virtue of such writ, or makes a
return that he has deliveried possession, pursuant to any writ of liberate;
he usually take^ twelve pence per pound, for the first hundred pound,
and si;c-pence per pound afterwards, for aJl the money due by the statute
or judgment; and this he takes under colour of an act of parliament,
made in 29 Elis.cap. v, which certainly intended, that the sheriff should
deliver actual possession ; but he really does no more than take an inqui-
sition, or return his writ; for the plaintiff, notwithstanding such ficti-
tious delivery by the sheriff, roust bring his ejectment, and recover a
verdict at law; and if, on the trial, any prior settlement, or other in-
cumbrance, is trumped up (as too often happens) the plaintiff is non-
suited, and has only the mortification to find himself so much more
money out of purse, perhaps, two or three hundred pounds.for sheriff's
fees in particular, without knowing how to remedy himself; or, if he
recovers, he must pay the sheriff over again, for his delivering him the
actual possession, on a writ of Habere facias possessionem : and there-
fore, it is hoped, that it will not be thought reasonable, that a sheriff
should take such large fees, only for taking an inquisition, or returning
a writ.

' IV. As to a remedy for all persons, in the recovery of their debts by
judgments.

As the law now stands, if an elegit be returned and filed, or entered
on record, though the plaintiff never recovers six-pence by it; yet such
tetuming and filing, or entering on record, is a bar upon such plaintiff,
that he cannot take out any other elegit, or execution against the body
or goods of the defendant, though he be able to pay the debt, which is,
surely, such a grievance, as is fit to be remedied.

V. As to a clause to prevent the subjects paying double for the
ingros&ing records of Nisi prius.

The proper ojfficer did anciently engross all records of Nisi prtus^ but,
as business increased, he did not increase his number of clerks, ,and,
those he had not being able to dispatch all the business, the attomies,
^prevent multiplicity of attendancesi and giving expedition money,

REASONS FOR PASSING A BILL, &c. 53

did, and, for many years last past, have engrossed all their records
themselves, for which they charge four pence per sheet, to their clients^
and pay the proper officer all his fees also; so that, at present, the clien^*
pays double, and therefore, by this clause, it is intended, the subject ^
should be eased, and the attorney, who does all the business, should
have four-pence per sheet, for doing something, and that the officer
should be content with four-pence per sheet n^ore, for doing nothing*

VI. As to a clause, touching the filing of affidavits, and to prevent
the unnecessary expence thereof!

At law, it is now customary to read affidavits, before filed, if sworn
in town; but otherwise, if sworn in the country, though there appears
no material difference; for he that forswears himself, either before a
judge in town, or commissioner in the countiy, is equally guilty of
peijury : and if they are filed, as soon as used, that will hereafter pre-
vent all opportunities of altering, as much as the method now used,
since the attorney, in both cases, must have the custody of the affidavit^
from swearing till filing it ; and since at law there is no fee due, on filing
an affidavit, after read in court (for which this clause allows a fee) the
officer will gain by filing, though he loses by i^opies: and it seems as
unreasonable, as it is useless, to make a person take and pay for a copy
of an affidavit, which he had once in his hands, and, consequently, 4
power of copying it himself, and yet, as the course and practice of the
courts of law and equity now stand, the party, who would use any
affidavit, must leave his original with the officer, and pay him larpe fees
for a copy ; so that in matters, where many long affidavits are required, *
it often costs a man ten or fifteen pounds, for copies of his own affidavits,
on one single motion, whereby the charge of amotion very oflen exceeds
the whole expence of a trial at law; which unnecessary charge this
clause will efiectually prevent.

VII. As to a clause, for taking away all copies of interrogatories, and
for the filing reports and certificates, without being obliged to take copies
thereof.

It seems very ridiculous, that any one should be obliged to take and
pay for copies of what he before had, or has no occasion for at all, and
yet this is the case here; for every one must take copies of interrogatories
(which are of themselves of no use) if he will have copies of the deposi-
tions for which he has occasion : Nay, every person is now obliged to take
copies of the interrogatories exhibited by himself (and often twice over,
both from the examiners and six-clerks office) although he had the
original before, if he will have a copy of depositions taken thereon*
The same reasons hold against being oblig^ to take and pay for copies
of reports and certificates, for the ming whereof, there is a fee of four-
pence due; and yet the officer makes every person, who files a report of
certificate to pa^ for a copy, which is just as reasonable as if every

*'The affidsTii^Aw ia dmhoerj, vhicb if nid to to fenntrly told tot V««^«Sd^s«^ «A ^^

M 3

S4 REASONS FOR PASSING A BILL, &c.

personi who files a bill or answer in chancery^ should be obliged to
take and pay for a copy thereof* Note, the fees of this office are very
extravagant.

VIII. As to a clause for taking away all recitals in decrees and orders
in courts of equity.

The deputy registers in chancery draw up and pass all orders, and
take three shillings for each side, containing about an hundred and
seventy words ; and, if the order be by consent, six shillings per side ;
and, in all orders on hearing, they recite the bills and answers and, in
other orders, the allegations of the council /?ro and con. And, as in-
structions for them to act by, they require one of the counciFs briefsi
which necessarily contains the whole state of the case, by which they
furnish themselves with matter of lengthening the orders (of which their
own interest prompts them to make use) by which means the recitals
and allegations are spun out to a tedious length, and oftentimes the
whole brief inserted, so that orders on hearing many times come to ten
or fifteen pounds, and other orders to twenty or thirty shillings; whenas
charge of the ordering part of the former seldom exceeds thirty
shillings, and, of the latter, scarce ever more than three shillingii:
And, as the length of the orders increases the charge, so it does the
delay, which gives birth to the new perquisite of expedition«money;
and a suitor must either attend two or three months for an order on heart-
ing, and proportionably for another order, or be in the case of a
criminal, who pays for dispatching a business, he had rather should be
left undone ; and yet all these recitals and allegations are perfectly use*
less and insignificant to the party; for neither side is concluded thereby,
iand t)ie * bjlls and answers recited are on record in the proper office^
and each party has a copy of them too; and yet by these recitals he
must be told what he knew before, and pay dear too for being thus
teazed. And the allegations are, for the same reasons, as useless as the
recitals ; and yet it is become a rule now, with the deputy registers,
That one side shall not alter the allegations of the other, though fJEtlse,
but must alledge the contrary, by way of answer thereto ; which still
serves to lengthen them ; whence it happens, that the orders often carry
in them contradictory, and somctimps very i^l^ so4 impertinent alle*
gauons, for which the order itself has been afterwards discharged. Apd
the court is so sensible of these matters, that they seldom permit any
thing more than the ordering part to be read, and there are no such
recitals or allegations in orders on appeals in parlis^ent, nor in rules
at law.

The objections to this clause, therefore, if any, will arise frpp^
interest, not from reason; and, it is true, it will take away some of (he
perquisites enjoyed by the register, or his deputy.

In answer to which, it is to be observed, that the deputy registers

• For the hills and answers, the party pays eight pence a sheet for copies firoro tiie six-cleilt*
office ; dirae sfaUiiags a side for the recital* thereof from the Registers^ce ; and about two
shiUii^ a side for the like recitals fi-om the Six Clerks- office, in case the decree be inroUed*
juuf0 wxU of execution thereof made; so that the sditorpaya' three times for the same thing.

jREASONS FOR PASSING A BILL, f^r. 5^

taonot pretend the common plea of purchasing their places; aod the
rq^stcr himsdf has his p)acc by gift from the crown, and recdvcs a
yearly sum from his deputies, who have lately so exorbitantly abused
this method of recitals ^nd allegations, that, though it is apparent that
business has decreased, yet their profits have advanced: and this dbuse
of the practice is a full answer to the reason that may be drawn from
the apcient use of the recitals in orders, since they were formerly very
short and concise, and, though useless, yet, being short, did but littfe
hart; but their exorbitancy now seems to require such a remedy , as
^lay take away all future temptations to the like excess.

If it be objected, that the recitals of bills and answers shew the reason
of the decree:

That is a vain pretence ; for moftt of the suggestions of the bill are
£ctitioj^, and the answer frequently falsified by depositions (which are
the real foundation of the decree, but are never recited therein) so that
the recitals .of a fictitious bill, and untrue answer, rather give the decree
an aspect of injustice, than shew the true reason of it, and oftentimes
draw the parties into xe-hearings and appeals, upon amistaken notion of
the hardship of their case, so seemingly just as the present recitals re-
present it. i

So that it is hoped the interest of the depu ty registers (most of whom
have abready well filled their pockets, by emptying those of the suitors)
viU not prevail against the publick good ; and the deputy reguters will
still have profit enough 'to encourage their diligence, and to pay the
re^ster what they formerly did; and none, therefore, it is hoped, will
eppote this clause.

And, though the excess of the other courts of equity are not so great:,
yet the reason of the clause will hold the same in alL

IX. As to the clause for making snbpcsna's to answer returnable im-
mediaie of course*

Hie subpoena to appear to the bill, which is the first process, is at
present made returnable in term, unless affidavit be made, that the
defendant resides within ten miles of Xx)ndon; whereupon the court,
upon petition, grants a subpcena returnable immediate of course, and,
on a second petition, all other process returnable immediate; which
sabpoena being only for an appearance (for entering whereof the defendant
has four days allowed after service of the subpoena) it is unnecessary to
apply to the court to make the subpoena, or any other process, returnable
inmmate^ those two orders of court (against which the defendant has
ttow no liberty to make a defence, nor is it needful) putting the subject
to twenty-seven or twenty-eight shillings unnecessary charges.

X^ As to a clause touching subpoena's to rejoin, and that service
thereof on the clerk in court be good service of the defendant.

It is what the court always orders of course ; but the obtaining it costs
fke subjects fifteod or twenty shillings, which may as well be saved.

^I. Astos clause to make a sequestration, t\i<& secoxi^ ^To^sas^

£ 4

$$ REASONS FOR PASSING A BILL» k^.

The present practice is, that, after the defendant is served wiikt
subpcena, and will not appear or answer, First, an attachment issues
against him; and, on return of that (which is often a quarter of a year
before it can be obtained) a second attachment, called a proclamation,
issues much the same with the first : on both which the sheriff will retam
Non est inventus^ without giving the defendant any notice of such writir;
and, on return of the proclamation, a commissi<Dn of lebellion issues
directed to commisioners to take the defendant ; and, upon their return
of Nan est inventus^ the serjeant at arms is sent in quest of him, who
puts the plaintiff to a great charge, whether he finds the defendant or
not, for his usual daily fee is thirteen shillings and four-pence (besides
six-pence per mile, or more, for travelling charges while abroad) and he
is also paid, whether he takes the defendant or not, three pounds, six
shillings, and eight-pence for returning his warrant, and insists cm three
pounds, six shillings, and eight-pence for every defendant named in
such warrant (which warrant, and the order of court, cost above forty
shillings besides, if but one defendant; but, if against more, then fifteen
shillings is demanded for every other defendant's name therein) and then
a sequestration issues, and cannot be obtained sooner; so that the charge,
forgetting only an appearance, is often near as great as a decree; and
then, for an answer, the same circle is to be run again, and so, toties
quotiesy for every better answer; and the same all over again, to oblige
the performance of any order; whereby one party is totally ruined before
he gets half way to the hearing, or. can have even a sequestration.

r. Objection* That to make a sequestration, the second process, is
too quick a proceeding*

Answer. It is what both houses of parliament have subjected them-
selves to : and why should those, who are engaged in no national afiairs,
have more time or favour allowed than they ? And the way of pro-
ceeding against members is, upon due notice and reasonable time given,
to shew cause before the sequestration issues, so as the defendant may
avoid it, if he pleases. And it not only avoids the circuity and delays
aboveQientioned, but the mischief of a process being clandestinely re-
turned by the sheriffs and comnfissioners ; and the excessive charge of
being taken by a seijeant at arms (which ruins any person of mean conr
dition) his fees, if he takes the defendant, being frequently fifty, sixty,
or an hundred pounds : and, sometimes, the defendant never hears of
any process of contempt till the serjeant takes him, all the process being
returned privately; and the court has still power, on the defendant's
application, to Indulge him with what time shall appear necessary, in
case his delays are not wilful.

II. Objection. That the defendants are, for the most part, arrested
upon the attachment or proclamation, which arc but a small charge to
either plaintiff or defendant in respect of a sequestration.

Answer. If a defendant happens to be taken without a scrjeantat arms,

if in London, he enters his appearance with the register, and then often

runs away; or, if in the country, the shcnff takei ql fcit^ ^oMwds bail-

REASONS FOR PA8SINO A BILI^ &e. 57

¥oDd for his appearance at the return of the writ (whenj perhaps, the
matter in question is many thousand pounds value) and the pUiintiff must
sue this bond at law; and, when the forty pounds penalty is recovered,
the plaintifr must take out another attachment for his answer, and so
again, toHes quotie*; whereas the interest of the matter in question will
pay that penalty, and costs of trial, ten times over; and yet the sheriff*
is obliged to accept of forty pounds bail, and is, thereupon, discharged
from bringing in his prisoner ; and the court will not grant a messenger
to bring the defendant into the court, unless the attachment be made in
London or Middlesex, or where the amerciaments of sheri& are granted
to a subject, as few are; all which inconveniences will be remedied by
a sequestration, if the defendant hath any estate, real or personal, to
sequester; and, if he has not, the prosecutor may take the usual process
against hb body, notwithstanding this clause.

XIL As to a clause for taking the bill in equity, fnro confesso, for
not appearing and answering in six months after the sequestration
issues.

The present, practice is, that, although the defendant i^ duly served
with a subpoena to appear, yet, if he does not enter his appearance, the
court cannot decree the bill to be taken pro confesso, whereby it is in the
d^endant's power to 'elude justice, and baffle the plaintiff at pleasure,
and is often of dangerous consequence; as where there are co-partners,
co-executors, or trustees, and great sums received or lasted by them,
one of them is kept out of the way and will not appear, therefore the
plaintiff cannot go to hearing, nor have any decree against the rest; so
the whole demand is often spent, or lost by insolvency, or by death,
and representatives know nothing of the management, or pretend the
person, who would not appear, if dead, had all the estate, in demand,
in hb hands. This clause also establishes a better method against cor-
porations than any yet known.

XIII. As to the delivery of a copy of the bill to prisoners.

It is upon the same reason as delivery of declarations at law, whereon,
at the expiration of a rule, ihe plaintiff signs judgment, and is so
established by act of parliament lately made: but the present practice
in equity is, that the prisoner must be brought up to town by Habeas
Corpus, and into court; and, if he will not answer, he is brought up
thrice before the court by so many several writs of Habeas Corpus, viz.
The first Habeas Corpus^ an Alias^ et plures Habeas Corpus^ at fifteen or
twenty pounds expence to the plaintiff; and, if he will not answer on the
third writ, the court decrees the bill pro confesso. But, if he puts in
either answer, plea, or demurrer, on the third writ, although never so
insufficient or trifling, the plaintiff is then to begin again de novo^ as if
no such delay or expence had been, and so run the gauntlope through
the whole course of delays in arguing the plea or demurrer, and in
master^a reports and arguings and re-arguing^ o{ excc^^^^t£& \& \d&^V

5S REASONS FOR PASSING A BILL, ke.

ficient answers and rcpiorls as aforesaid, before he can join issue for
hearing.

Xiy* That every person to be sworn an attorney, or admitted a
soUicitor, should serve iive years; and none but such be allowed to
practise.

It is certainly most reasonable and necessary that they should be well
. instructed and qualified who are to be attornies and sollicitors, whoie
office and business requires so much skill and judgment, that, upon
their good or bad conduct, the whole fortunes of men very often depend;
and this will also prevent the frauds, as well as the great mischiefs, which
are occasioned by those who practise in other persons names, and have
had no other instruction than what the experience of their own misfop"
tunes has furnished them with, who, being become bankrupts in trade,
do then frequently set up for skilful practitioners in the law, and the
notorious mischiefs, that are daily occasioned by them in practice^ a^i
become so intolerable, that they may justly be reckoned among thei
greatest grievances of the nation.

XV* That no attornies or ^oUicitors should have more than two clerks ^
at one time.

This will prevent the too great increase of the number of attornies
and sollicitors, which, without doubt, very often occasions great delays
and cxpenc€3 ; for, when the professors grow very numerous, busjness
niust necessarily be divided into a great many han(^, so that a great many
persons will have but a small share of business, and very often not so
much as will maintain them ; and they, having nothing else to depend
on for subsistence, must necessarily be exposed to the temptation of
doing little and poor actions, and the creating and promoting of busi*
ness, in order to get their livelihood by it, or, at least, they will be
tempted, under such circumstances, to keep business in their hands as
long as they can; the consequenpe whereof is not only a delay, but a
great charge to' the subject, which, it is hoped, this clause will, in
some measure, redress.

These lines, being designed to shew the reason of some of the delays \
and expences in suits in law and equity, have therefore been confined
to the particulars before-mentioned : and, though it is too true, that
there are many other dilatory, useless, and expensive proceedings, which
have almost repealed Magna Charta, as to the clause thereof, which
says, Nuili vendemusg nulU negabimus out differmus Justitiam vd
Rectum : Yet it is hoped the example of a bill now proposed, if made i^
law, would influence the courts themselves to regulate several more of
the abuses, or give foundation, to a further regulation by the legislature;
but| till the parliament has begun, till some good law is made to redress
the present extravagant charges in suits, little or nothing is to be eic-
j^epted from the inferior courts, which have hitherto done nothing, or
rmyiittief for a reformation, notwithstanding the many attempts in

REASONS FOR PASSING A BILL, «ce. Sfi

parliament en this subject, and the many instances of fEumlies^ ruined
by those expences and delays. The reason of ail is this, that the
officers, who get by these proceedings, buy their places; and, no doubt,
but that the bill now depending will be opposed by them, and, if by this
buying, the unnecessary charges, in the methods of proceedings, are
become so much the property of th'e officers, as not to be abrogated or
altered, without their consent, then, indeed, all attempts of this
nature are vain; but the courts having in some instances altered the
manner of proceeding, and several acts of parliament having done the
like, and many of these purchases being contrary to an express act of
parliament; it is humbly hoped, that it will be well remarked, who
they are that oppose this bill, and that no opposition, arising from prin-
ciples, of profit, and not of reason, of private, not publick good, will
prevail, so as to continue the nation under these delays, and unnecessary
txpences of suits, which even render right and property precarious^ and
make wise men compound, rather than contend for them.

Besides, these officers ought, in common civility, quietly to part
with the profits arising by these dilatory and useless proceedings, since
they have gained many fees and perquisites created by several acts of
parliament, and rules of their respective courts. Thus the chancery
gained by the laws, concerning bankrupts, and the courls of law, hy
the Habeoi CorpuSf and Escape Acts; by writs of error into the ex*
chequer-chamber ; by common recoveries, by entering and dog-getting
judgments, and by the new method of proceedings on ejectments, and
in many other instances.

The late act, for the amemdment of the law, expresly takei away the
Dedmui bill from courts of equity, as being useless, thou^ belonging
to such who had purcHased their places; and that act also, in con-
sequence, took away above one half of the fees of the clerks of the
papers of the Queen's Bench, in requiring an oath to the truth of all
dilatory pleas; and yet neither the clerks of the Exchequer, foi the loss
of their Dedimus bill, nor the clerks of the papers, for the loss of their
fees, had any recoropence, and the recompence to the clerks in Chaiv
eery was out of ancient fees of the six-clerks, who insisted on a right by
purchase ; so that the reason of this, as well as many other txts of par-
liament, made for preventing vexatious and dilatory proceedings, will
hold the same in the clauses above.

The delays and unnecessary expences, in suits, having been univer-
sally agreed to be so exorbitant, as to want redress: and, as the case
DOW stands, the practisers being accused for the officers faults, this
occasioned the offering of these reasons for the bill now depending,
whereby it will appear, no other interest has been consulted, than that
of the publick ; for, as the phili^ers and cursitors lose their writs, so
the attorney loses much more than both, vis. his fee of three shillings
and four pence, for suing out each writ. This act likewise subjects all
sollicitors in Chancery, to be admitted as such, which npl^w or custom
i)Dw in being obliges.them to, and compels all persons who practise as
attomies, to be entered and sworn ; which will bring in several thousands
tp be 8worn> aP^ eapl^ attoney or soUicitor being to "pa^ iouc ^ux^^ v>

W A TRIP TO DUNKIRK.

the stamp dvty : that will abdndismtly recompense the publick, for any
small loss that may happen to that part of the revenue, by the making
of such t laWy as is now desired; '

A TRIP TO DUNKIRK i

6m,

A HUE-AND-CRY AFTER THE PRETENDED PRINCE OP

WALES.

Being a Paneggnck on the DESCENT.

Said to be written bjr Dr. Swift.
and sold by tbe BookseUeni of London and Westminster. MDCCVIIL

WHY, hark ye me, Sirs,— if this rumour holds true,
Ware like here, Egad, to have somewhat to do ;
The French, as they say (he'll believe it that sees it)
Are coming, gadsookers, to pay us a visit;
With such a vast fleet — (L— d have mercy upon's,
And keep tis from popery, swords, and great guns)
That, as Pm alive, — tho* I n'er was afraid yet.
It almost had frighteh'd me — first when I heard it.
Nay, more than all this,^ it is certainly said
There's a little Welch monarch to come at their head ;
And he (shame the Devil, and letns speak tlie truth)
You know, in your hearts, is a very smart youth,
And doubtless will prove, when he's pleas'd to bestir him,
As valiant as e'er was his father before him.
Who, bent on some great expedition in view, 'j

Now glitters in arms with an equipage too, I

VThich, positively, you may swear is all new. /

For, as I have beard (if some people speak right)
He ne'er roarch'd before, — unless 'twere to sh — te;
But now at the head of ten thousand brave fellows,
(That is, as accounts thence are pleaaTd for to tell us)
He^s going on some strange advantage or other, '\

(Perhaps 'tis to seek out his father or mother) >

In Ireland, or Scotland^ or some land or another; ^

}

A TRIP TO DUNKIRK, Si

I can't tell you where, but to some place no doubt.
Which youll hear time enough, if he e'er does set out|
With an army of French, popish bridles and knives.
To cut all our throats, and to ride all our wives^
Then stand to your arms, all good people, I'd wish ye,
You loyal train'd bands, and the valiant militia,
Brush up your buff doublets^ and Scotch basket-hilt^
(By which, to your honour, no blood was e'er spilt
The nation will now your assistance want sore.
Which, asfl remember, they ne^er had before^

Nor will

I hope in kind heav'n, e'er want any more.

Altho', for your zeal', it is not to be question'd,

You've always been ready, when aught has occasioned :

At ev'ry rejoicing you've made a fine show,

(And that is one part of a soldier we know)

Been drunk, and done all that became you to do.

And as for your valour we cannot deny it,

Tis known you can fright — tho' you'd rather be quiet.

Nor has the French threats, or their menaces scar'd us,

Because we knew well we'd such a hero to guard us.

Then, since the're so hot on't, 'gad e'en let 'em come,

I'll warrant they'll be maul'd — tho' I don't say by whom.

We've rods here in piss that will firk off their tails,

For all their brave alls— and their monarch of Wales.

Adsheart the young hero had best take a care.

That he ben't in conclusion drawn into a snare:

For, as it is said, his old godsire intends

Or at least wou'd be glad, as the matter now stands)

To get shut of him handsomely off of his hands;

And therefore e'en tells him in words very plain,

That he hopes (which is true) ne'er to see him again.

So, e'en sink or swim, fleet, forces, and all.

He'll venture this cast, tho' it cost him a fall.

To Ireland some think this Welch hero is bound,
Tho' pox that's a jest, one may venture five pound :
For there's an old debt still on Lewis's score,
He was bit in assisting his father before,
And therefore he'll hardly come there any more.

No, Scotland's the place, they say, he^s design'd to,

Where 'tis thought

H'as a great many friends — which, perhaps, he^l scarce find so;

But let him take care what may follow hereafter,

If he trusts to the Scots, he may chance catch a Tartar:

And, if he shou'd fall in our clutches you know.

He'd be damnably mump'd, I can tell him but so;

Were I in his case, I'd not trust my own brother;

They sold us one K — , shou'd they sell us another ; .

For our JFacks here at homis— as brave, fellows as miq h\

They prick up ib&semai tl^(^ nem^^ak^^ V ^

}

}

82 ' THE mG^lY MIRACLE, &c.

«

And, out of their zeal, they expect him at least
To lie here, French and all, when the wind's next at East:
But some are more cautious, and question it much.
And doubt th* invasion's design'd on the Dutch 5
For the noise of his landing they swear 'tis a bite all,
They'll trust to't no more — till they see him at White-HalU
But this is but talk all, and so let it rest,
. Some are still of opinion 'twill all prove a jest :
This hero at Dutikirk will make his campaign,
And so gallop back to St. Germains again.

9B9

THE MIGHTY MIRACLE;

OR,

THE WONDER OF WONDERS AT WlNDMlLL-HILL.

Being the invitation of John Lacy, Esq. and the rest of the inspired pro-
phets, to all spectators, to come on Tuesday next, the 25th day of
this instant May, where, to their exceeding astonishment, they may
(without any prejudice to their eye-sight) behold Dr. Emms arise
out of his first grave, and dress himself in his usual habit to all their
view, and with a loud voice relate matters of moment, preaching a
miraculous sernjon, giving a strange account of past and future
events ; the like never seen or heard In England before, exceeding any
wonder or show that ever was seen on Windmill-hill at any holiday*
time. Licensed according to order.

Londoiiy Printed for J. Robiiiioa in Fleet-street, 1708. Folio, containing one

page.

I

THE town having been busied with apprehensions of wars in the
north, and the affairs of state, having almost sufTered our late E^oc*
tor Emms to be buried in oblivion, as well as in his grave near Wind-
mill-hill ; and so, by consequence, he may rise alone, or, as we term
it vulgarly, in hu^er-mugger, without any to witness the wonder :
But let me^ acquaint you, that, as such miracles are not common, it
is fit they should be proclaimed aloud by fame's trumpet ; neither have
all men the gitt of raising the dead, nor hath it been known for many
ages. Esquire Lacy has published a relation of the dealing of God with
hjs unworthy servant^ since the time of his believing and professing him-
^Ifiospit^ which betti bbtk, the first of 3u\y, ifcfT ; His agitations

THE MIGHTY MIRACLE, &c. 6i

cmning upon him without the working of his imagination, upon what
he saw in others, an^l proceeding from a supernatural eause^ separate
and distinct from himself, whereby his arm, leg, and head have been
shaken, his limb twiched, the respiration of his breath has, for sundry
days, beat various tunes of a drum, and his voice has been so. strong,
clear> and harmonious, that his natural one could never furnish : i^
has been canied on his knees several times round a room, swifter thaii
he could have gone on his feet. Sir Richard Buckley has been cured
of an hospital of diseases, by a promise thereof made through his mouth,
under the operation of the spirit; and by the same means a pian pur-
blind has been cured, and a woman of a [fever, Mr. Preston of a car-
buncle, and another of a deep consumption. Therefore Esquire Lacy,
with the rest of the inspired prophets, gives notice, for the satisfaction
of the unbelieving, that, according to their former prophecy (who can-
not err) that, on the twenty^fifth of May, they repair taBunhill Fields*,
and there in that burying-place, commonly called Tindal's Ground,
about the twelfth hour of the day, behold the wonderful doctor fairly
rise ; and in two minutes time the earth over his coffin will crack, and
spread from the coffin, and he will instantly bounce out, and slip off
his shroud (which must be washed, and, with the boards of his coffin,
be kept as relicks, and doubtless perform cures by their wonderfuV ope-
ration) and there, in a trice, he dresses himself in his other apparel
(which doubtless hath been kept for that intent ever since he was inter-
red), and then there (le will relate astonishing matters, to the amazement
of all that see or hear him.

Likewise, for the more convenient accommodation of all spectators, there
will be very commodious scaffolds erected throughout the ground, and
also without the walls in the adjacent fields, called Bunhill Fields, ex-
ceeding high, during this great performance. The like may i^ever be
seen in England hereafter : And, that you may acquaint your children,
and grandchildren, if you have any, that you have seen this mighty
miracle, you are advised not to neglect this opportunity, since it is
plainly evident, that, of all the shows or wonders that are usually seen
on hoilday-time, this must bear the bell; and there it is ordered to be
published in all news, that the country may come in ; the like never
performed before. It is also believed that gingerbread, oranges, and all
such goods exposed to publick sale in wheelbarrows, will doubtless get
trade there, at this vast concourse ; therefore, for the benefit of poor
people, I give them timely notice, since it is a bad wind that blows none
no profit. But, besides this admirable wonder of this strange and parti-
cular manner of his resurrection, he is to preach a sermon, and, lest it
should not be printed, you are iAvited to be ear-witnesses thereof, as
well as eye-witnesses to see his lips go, in the pronounciation thereof;
all which will be matter of great moment, filling you ail with exceeding
amazement and great astonishment ; his voice will be loud and audible,
that all may hear him, and his doctrine full of knowledge ; undoubted- .
ly you will return home taught with profound understanding. Which
miracle, if you chance to see Or hear, you will not forget, and so by
consequence, for the future, be endowed with sound judf^^tvV.^ «xA
most excellent wifdooiy most eloquent expteauou^ toxd hiYjaX'tlc^v

6i ESQUIRE LACyS REASONS^ tcti.)

I i

Then n^lect not thi& great and most beneficral oppoitunitj, but for thai
time set all your affairs aside : And take this advice from Mu Lftcy^ >
and the inspired prophets, together with Mrs. Mary of Tummill-streely'
a she prophetess, and the young woman who sells penny-pyes, wlio, in'
hopes of obtaining all your company, remains yours ; not questioning
but to give you all content with this rare show.

ESQUIRE LACY'S REASONS

WHY DOCTOR EMMS WAS NOT RAISED FROM THE DEAD,

ON THE

TWENTY-FIFTH DAT OF MAY,

According to the French Prophets Prediction.

London^ printed for J. L. in Baibican, 1708. Folio^ containing one pagig.

WE are not unsensible of the harsh censures and uncharitable re-*
flexions that are cast upon us and our brethren, the prophets, in
not raising from the dead our late spiritual brother Dr. Emms, on the
precise time we foretold ; therefore, to prevent, as much as in us lies, all
further clamour and unnatural violence that may be occasioned thereby,
we have thought fit to give our reasons for this omission, in the follow-
ing order :

First J and principally, we were threatened with a popular rage and
viplence, which the laws of God and nature allows all mankind to
avoid, having been practised by good and holy men in all ages of the
world, even our Saviour himself, Johii x. 39* &c. who further con-
firms this truth, Matt. x. 33, by advising his disciples, when they were
persecuted in one city, to Aee into another. And, if it was lawful for
the apostles and Christ himself to avoid the fury of their wicked and un-
believing adversaries, we hope no man can reasonably blame us from
deferring the accomplishment of the said intended miracle. Jonah pro-
phesied the destruction of Nineveh in forty days, but it was deferred
near forty years, on their repentance.

Secondly f The secret decrees of the prophetical spirit are treasured up
in the fountain of wisdom, and consequently past man's finding out,
especially by a rebellious and ^nsaying people.

ThinUjit Raising the dead, restoring the blind and lame to their sight
mad JlmJb^ are great miracleiy and only performed by £aitb, prayer, ud

ESQUIRE LACY'S REASONS, &c. 65

fiudng ; but, where a rude, enraged and revengeful multitude is gathered
together in defiance of heaven itself, all acts of devotion are obstructed,
and even suspended till a more seasonable time.

Fourtkl^f '1 hough prophctick periods do nol always take place, ac*
cording to the punctual warnings of the agitated spirit in the child of
adoption, yet, like a great conqueror, who sometimes meets with diffi-
culties and miscarriages in bis march, in due time bxipal^ through all
obstruction, for the more glorious accumplishment of the promises.

Ftftklyj and lastly ^ Had we been peaceably suffered to appeal* on the
day and hour we predicted, it would then have been decided who were
the cheats and impostors (names we have been notoriously loaded with)
but when open rage, mob, fury, and even death itself not only threaten-
ed, but looked us in the fisice ; such a time, we are sure, was incon-
sistent for the undertaking of any thing that related to a publick satis-
faction ; for, had the miracle really been wrought in such a confused
m^ley of ungovernable rabble, instead of being acknowledged as such,
we bad run the hazard of being torn in pieces, and perhaps occasioned
a Altai and general disorder among the people; for whose sake, more
than for fear of our own lives, we prudently delayed attempting the said
weighty undertaking till a more favourable opportunity; though' we
could freely have sacrificed our lives for the sake of spiritual truth, if
such a dispemation had been either necessary or convenient ; but (con-
sidering the madness of the age, the malice of the mob, and the rage of
many male-contents against the present government, who, in all proba-
bility, would have took the advantage of such a confusion, in order to
have promoted their long- wished for treasons and wicked di^signs)- we
preferred the publick pi^ace and safety of the government before our
own interest and reputation, which, however so much shaken in this
particular, shall never discourage us from being loyal and obedieiit to
our superiors; notwithstanding our being rendered obnoxious to Ii||ib1|y
spiteful and malicious agents, who are always fishing in troubled waten,
to bring about their own notorious and pernicious purposes, though,
to the scandal of themselves, and ruin of their Christian brethren,
whom they hate for no other reason than being honester than them-
selves.

To conclude : Let men of carnal principles have what sentiments
.t^y please of us, we are resolved to act as the spirit of peace and love
'within us shall dictate and guide us, end as the supernatural agitatiioni
if Diviiie Inspiration shall enlighten our understanding.

I

'» i

roL, XI.

( <w )

AN ACCOUNT

or TUB lATB

SCOTCH INVASION;

As it was opened by my Lord Haversbam in tbe House of Lordt^ oi
Friday* the Twenty*fifth of Februrary» IJOS-g. With some obse^^vftr
tiuns that were made in the House of Commons, and true copies of
au(heptick papers. In a letter from a gentleman in South-Britaiato
bis friend in North*Britain«

IlAlAH ^\x. V. 13.

The Princes of Zoan are become fooU^ tie PrinceaofNoph arc iecaotd:
thejf have ako reduced Egj/ptf even theijf that were tie stay of the tr^
tkereqf.

Printed in the year 1709. Qvarto, containinf forty-tk page*.

I WAS not, Sir, till now, able to give you the account you desired^
Whether the intended invasion would have any further notice taken of
It, than what I sent you an account of, with the address of the House
of Lords, for the papers to be laid before them i But can now tell you,
with jpod assurance, that one of the chief reasons, why those loirds,
llfhdnnt moved that matter, let it sleep so long, was out ofthe just'llp*
preneiision they had, that should they aWkken that enquiry sooner^ it
might prove a disturbance to the necessary preparations of the next
campaign, by hindering subscriptions, or weakening the credit of the
bank. And it was for this reason, as I have been told, that the Loi^,
who opened this matter, would not take notice of a very remarkable
particular, which he had good vouchers in his hand to prove; biit to
let thf" world see, though those lords had been so long silent, they &ad
not foi^t that matter, they took the first opportunity that offeri^f
after the subscriptions were finished, and the bank books mad)s op, tb
put the house in mind of it, and, if possible, to get this invasion looked
into. They thought themselves obliged to do so, in duty to her majesty,
that she might see in how much greater danger she then was, than they
had reason to believe she thought herself; and in duty to the nation too,
that the publick might be convinced how little care the ministry took of
them in such a dangerous conjuncture of affairs ; and lastly, in justice
to themselves, to demonstrate it beyond exception, that they were not
only willing but desirous too, to have this matter searched to the bottom,
and those concerned in it, have the just reward of their crimes ; and
scconiingljr my Lord Hafcrsham did again put the house in mind of

" AN ACCOUNT, &c. Or

what secmeu to have been so long forgot, and spoke, as I am- told, to
this effect :

My Lords J
THE temper of this house, with relation to your enquiry into the
late intended invasion, since your address to her Majesty to have the
papers laid before you, and since thoy have been yipon your table, is
so very visible, I need not take notice of it, but ought rather to ask
forgiveness for myself, that I should dare so much as to mention that
matter once more to your lordships ; nor should 1 do it, were it not from
aa absolute necc^ity and justice, which I think is due to myself, and
those lordb who did me the honour to second the motion I made for ad-
dmsing her Majesty for those papers; for to me it seems too much like
fiear or guilt, to sit down tamely, under any reflexion a man has in his
power to ^ipe off, and there are some which we perhaps may hereafter
be . reprcNicbed with; one is, that these lords, who made you this mo-
tion, never so much as looked into thi; papers they called for, or have«p^
thought OB^ or mentioned that, matter since. Perhaps ihey will say too,
That they never intended it should come to any thing, that it was only
a cover to hide some design they had under it; nay, I do not know but
they, may go bo far as to say, that under hand they were trying how an act
of grace would relish. Should such a thing be offered, I know myself so
innocent, .9s in our present circumstances, I should not give my consent
to.it, for I shall always think, that when horses are skittish, vicious, and
kead-strongtr Let. whoso, will be upon their back:, it is fit they should
never be without a good strong curb in their mouths. And as to these
^i^rB, my lords, I have looked into them, and those who have done
to cannot, in my opinion, but think of them ; but tliat your lordships
smy not have my word only for this, I will, with your lordship's leave,
take notice of some particulars that are in them ; and that you 4nay jbe
certain of the truth of what I observe,. I beg your clerk may read for
vcivcfaers the papers themselves, as they shall be called for.

It will not, I presume, be denied me, that upon the twenty-third of
February, Mr. Boyle received certain intelligence, that the intended
amtament at Dunkirk was designed for Scotland; there had been seve-
ral advices before of great preparations making, and by the gre9.t quan*
tity'of fire-arms it was judged to be for some land design. The States
were apprehensive, and acquainted her Majesty by their minister with
it; ajid Scotland had been in several intelligences named,* but I do not
find there was a certain account till that of the twenty-third of February,
to Mr. Boyle.

The Queen, in her letter of the twenty-fifth of February, to the
council of Scotland, thinks it necessary to acquaint them with it, and
that she does, expect they should do their utmost for the protection of
her subjects, and preservation of the puhlick peace ; that nothing on
her part should be wanting ; that she has given orders that somfe of her
troops in Fiandejrs should be ready to imbark, in case the imbarkaivow
Ml Dunkirk should go on : . And that her tropps in ¥.ii|^a\>d «3&^ Vt^^sttxA.
tteaodUpoied a$ la ^\e what assistance may be necK»Aar) « \Ti^%

72

6% AN ACCOlJNT OF THE

iriean time aathorim and impowera them, the privy-council, to give
such orders as were proper to put her forces, forts, and garrisons there,
in the best order.

This then being allowed, the first question is, What number of forces,
elective regular troops I mean, were in Scotland at this time, that is,
the twenty-third or twenty-fifth of February, 1708? I cannot but
Observe to your Lordships that there has been a great deal of care takea
to conceal this from us, although this very account was particularly
asktfd for by your address; yet in all that great bundle, there is not one
paper from whence we can learn the number: I was therefore forced
to get the best light and intelligence I could elsewhere, and have veiy
good authority for what I am going to say, and do affirm to your Lord«
ships, that the regular forces in Scotland, upon the twenty-fifth of
February, 1708» were not above 1500 men. If I am mistaken, I hope
some L<M*d here will set me right, and take upon him to say >what th^
real number was at that time.

And since there were but 1500 men, it is certain that was not a nuoH
ber or strength that could be thought by any man sufficient to secure
and protect the kingdom against the invasion that threatened it; and the
ferment that was then in the nation was such, that I do not find they
durst so much as trust their militia with their own defence. We are
therefore in the next place to consider, what additional strength or aug-
mentation this handful of men had, or what assistance, either from the
forces from Ostend, or those from Ireland, or English troops fro»
hence* . - .

As to augmentations or additions, I find there was little or nothi^
done, as to that part. The parliament indeed had, on the twentieth
of December, 1707» raised the establishment of the forces in Scotland
ffom 3894 to 593S ; -but it appears by a letter from the Eslt\ of Leven,
to the Earl of Mar, of the seventh of March, that little notice had as yet
been taken of what the parliament had done ; for in that letter to the
Earl of Mar, he intreats him again to mind the establishment, and let
him know if he shall give encouragement to any who should be willing
to take arms to join them; and says funher, he hopes at least, thatsa
much of the levy money, as is due since the Twenty-fourth of Decein*
ber, will be given now s for that would buy some horses, and levy
some men : So that by this letter it appears there was no money given
to levy men, or increase the forces in Scotland, though there were 3600
men wanting at that, time, and had been so ever since the parliament
had voted the establishment in December, and though our danger at
that time, from the want of them, was so very great and evident, which
seems very astonishing. Nor does it appear that any directions, or
money for this or any other service, till the invasion was over, was
ordered here till the twelfth of March ; and then indeed, on the thir-
teenth, the Earl of Mar writes from hence, to the Earl of Leven, that
toy Lord Treasurer had ordered the people of the customs and excise to
answer the £larl of Leven with money for provisions, and other necessary
charges; aad farther says, That my Lord Marlborough told him that
rerymonmgt iriicJi W98 the thirteenth^ thaX tibktt^QoX^ «iiXab\iahiaeiit

LAtE SCOTCH INVASION, &c. 6»

#ould be ended that day ; he knoxYS not how they have made i^ ir if
they have altered any thing that wc had concerted with St. John; «r 10^
any thing be omitted ; but he hoped they had not. ' ' »■

It is very true, her Majesty, in her second fetter, of the Eighik ^
March, to the council of Scotland, recommends to them to give pre-
sent directions to put her forts, garisons, and magazines there, in a
good posture of defence ; and says, That what shall be expended towanii
these ends, by their warrants, shall be repaid, for which the has al-
ready given orders. What those orders were, or to whom given, are
not to be found among the papers; but it is very evident, that there
was no order for one farthing of money, to answer either the orders of
the Council, or tlie Earl of Leven's necessary charges, out of any branch
of the revenue, or otherwise; for in a letter of the Earl of Leven to the
Earl of Mar, of the thirteenth of March, he has these words, which
will likewise shew the condition of the nation, at that time :

* My Lord, says he, I leave it to your Lor^hip, to consider my
circumstances ; here 1 am, not one &rtbing of money to provide provi-
sion, or for contingencies, or intelligence, none of the commissions yet
sent down, few troops, and those almost naked. It vexes .meaadly to
think, 1 must retire towards Berwick, if the Fn^nch land on this side
the Firth ; and, that you may not have his Lordsbip^s single word for it,
the Lord Advocate confirms very much the truth of this, in his letter ojf
the eleventh of' March, to the Earl of Mar; for after he had said, that
he was ordered to lay before her Majesty the inclosed information, for
the Castle of Edinburgh, and a particular account of what it wants, to
put it in a case of defence ; and also the Castles of Sterling, Dumbarton,
and Blackness, to shew their present condition, and what great disorder
and want they are in, and that he had formerly sent a memorial pf Mr.
Slezer's, for a train of artillery; all which he hopes will be considered:^ ,
He add$> ' I believe,' says be, * there was never a country more destitute
and defenceless, than we are, nor have we so much as a treasury, or
any money for incident charges ; so that I must again, by the council's
order, lay these things before your Lordship, and that at least some
order may be given, whereby necessary expences may be defrayed ; and
the Earl of Mar's letter of the thirteenth, from hence, is the first ac-
count^ we have of any money, that was erdared for Scotland. By all
which, it plainly appears, that notwithstanding the orders, the Queen
mentions in her letter of the eighth of March, the council had not a
Ailling for necessary expences, on the eleventh, nay, not so much as
one penny ordered, till the thirteenth ; and as to the establishment,
notwithstanding all the pressing instances, that was not settled till after
the invasion, as appears' by the Earl of Mar's letters, of the twelfth and
thirteenth of March.

This, my Lords, is the true state, as appears from the papers them*
selves given in^ relKting to the force of that, I had almost said, deserted^
but I may say defenceless nation ; few men, and those almost naked ;
three thousand six hundred men wanting of the esUblishment vot»^\)^
iMU'liunent, for the year l707'Sf near three monih« \adoxe\ Wi Xch-^-
V, no^eiUbliahment teMed, so commisiioni wqX ^diriH i»V^ ^^

7 3

TO AN ACCOUNT OP THE

liny ordered by the ministry, out of any branch of the revenue, or othef*
Jtfimf to the Privy-council or Earl of Leven, for necessary expences, or
to bring provisions, or for contingencies, or intelligence, and all this in
^ titaie of the utmost danger.

In the next place, 1 shall shew your Lordships, when Scotland wai
in this defenceless condition, what assistance they had from Ostend^
England, and Ireland. As to the transports, that were to come from
Ostend, though all the dispatch was made, that could be made, they
did not arrive at Tinmouth-Bar, till ten days after the enemy were seen
upon the Scotch coast; so that the dispute, if there had been any^
would have been over, and the enemy, in all human probability, would
bave been masters both of Edinburgh, the castle, and all that was in it,
before they could come up to their assistance. And the very orders to
Baker is so extraordinary, a man cannot but take notice of it, for, after
that he is required and directed to make the best of his way to Tinmouth-
Bar, with her Majesty's ships under his command, and the transport
ships with troops, which he brought with him from Ostend, &c. there
ii a further order in these words; * But in regard there are several dis*
mounted troopers on board the transports, you are to send a vessel with
them to Harwich, if you can conveniently, their horses being now in
Essex ;' so that instead of taking the horses to Tinniouth, the dismount*
ed troopers are first to be sent to Harwich, to their horses, and from
thence to proceed to Scotland, which, one would think, were a very
round-about way.

And as to our troops from hence, which were to assist them; the
several regiments^ of horse-dragoons and foot had not their orders to hold
themselves in a readiness to march till the eleventh of March. The
next day, orders were given for them to augment, and on the four*
teenth, they were ordered to march northward ; which was ceiv
tainly too long a delay, considering what a march it is from hence
. to Edinburgh; yet this was all the readiness they were in, to assist
them.

But there is one thing which is most amazing, and I must again de^
sire, if I am wrong in fact, that some lord here, who I am sure can,
will set me right.

The Queen, as I shewed to your Lordships, in her letter of the
eighth of March, which your clerk just now read, told the council of
Scotland, Our troops from Ireland, which we mentioned in our last,
are ready to imbarque in transport ships, provided in those places, with
all necessaries for that service ; and yet it does appear plainly, Tha(
there were no transports provided at that time here, nor were any trans-
port ships ordered in Ireland ; nay, the very orders to provide transports
were not given by my Lord Sunderland, till the twelfth of March here,
nor by my Lord Lieutenant for Ireland, for the troops to be in a readi-r
ness to be transported, till the thirteenth ; and then my Lord Sunder-
land sends an order to the commissioners of transports, telling them.
That it is her majesty's pleasure, that they forthwith take, up ship-
ping, for the transportation of six hundred horse, that are to imbarqUe
ai the White-home between Carrickfergus and Belfast, and it is left,
^j^ he, to your discrctiou, to hire these diips, «vt\x<^t «X >NVi\\eXwien^

LATfi SCOTCH INVASION, &c. 71

liverpooly or Chester, as you can do it, with most cxpieilitioii akid con
venicncy ; and, upon the thirteenth, his lordship seim another letter^
acquainting them, that they are to provide a board^iHose ships hay and
oats sufficient to serve six-hundred horse for a fortnight, and as many
water-casks, as may be necessary to carry watery particulars that were*
it seems, forgot in the first orders; and in an extract of the Earl of
Pembroke's letter to the Lords Justices of Ireland, of the thirteenth, he
tells them, * I do not in the least doubt, but that your lordships will
issue proper orders for one regiment of horse, and two of dragoons, to be
provided with: necessaries ready to imbarque, whenever there shall be
occasion for them; and it is her Majesty's opinion, that the regiments,
under the command of Lieu tenant-General Langston, Major-General
Ecclyn, and Lord Tunbridge, should be on this service; and i am of
opinion^ that it will be for the service of the Queen, to have these three
regiments move with all convenient speed, and take their quarters in and
about Belfast and Carrickfergus, that they may be in a readiness to
imbarque : I desire your lordships to give directions to the proper
officers, to provide and get ready hay, oats, and water, fcir at least a
fortnight.

And here, if we consider, that these letters were dated the twelfth
and thirteenth of March from hence, that they were to go to the com*
missioners of transports hero, and to the lords justices in Ireland ; that
after these transports were to be agreed for, and hay, oats, and water to
be provided, and the three regiments to be order^ to march, what time
all this would take up : It seems very evident, that her Majesty was not
truly acquainted with the danger she was in; that she thought these
things were in a readiness, which were not ; and that the orders she had
given had not been observed, as she concluded they were; and in the
last place, that these three regiments must arrive in Scotland, very
late.

But there is one thing more so very new, and without precedent, that
it cannot but be very astonishing, which is, that in the Larl of Leven't
instructions, of the fourth of March, in that part where he is ordered to
Ireland, for assistance, there is a blank left, as to the person to whom
he is to write, the words are these * * You are, upon the first appearance
of any squadron of French ships upon the coast, to- tend to Ireland to

to advertise him thereof, whohas orders to send troops to your assistance;'
and yet, as was just now proved both from Lord Sunderland's letter to
the commissioners of transports, and from my lord lieutenant's to the
lords justices, there was not so much as orders given, fur any transports
bere, till the twelfth, nor any ever in Ireland, nor were the three
regiments directed to move, in order to imbarquing, till the thirteenth.
I confess, when I read this, I thought it was a mistake of the trans-
criber, till I saw these words in the Earl of Leven's own letter, of the
7 th of March, to the EmtI of Mar: ' I desire you, says the Earl of Leven,
to send down the name of the person I am to write to in Ireland, if there
be occasion; and must still intreat your lordship, that orders be sent
for some horses and dragoons to imbarque/ And ag^BAXi) \ii Vi\%\e\.\^ ^V
tbe 13th, where be haa these words to the Earl oi Max, V*^ i^^^^a^a^^

r4

7i 'AK ACCOUNT or THE

same thing, ^ Pray endeavour to get order» sent straight to Ireland, for
the oflficers there to imbarque, for you Icnuw I have no person's name to
whom i should write/ This convinces me, beyond what any man can
miy, that his lordship did not know to whom to write; for sure his lord*'
ship would not Tepeatedly affiim what was nbt fact ; and whoever con^
aiders, that'there were no orders lodged any where for any person from
Ireland; upbn advice from the Earl of Leven, of the appearance of the,
enemy, to folloixr his direction, and hasten to his assistance; nor any
orders at all for transports there; nor any direction here for transports'
till the 12th, must« I think, be convinced, that this blank in the in-
ttructions did not happen by chance, but was a premeditated and de-
signed omission.

' I would not forget any care that was taken, and therefore must take*,
notice, that on the 27 th of February, there were a hundred barrels of
•powder ordered to be sent from Berwick to Edinburgh ; but the Earl of
Leven was not writ to about it till the 2d of March, which was four days^
delay ; and the order itself was so very preposterous, I had almost said
ridiculous, much like that of Baker's, that it had full as well been
omitted, for, instead of ordering the store keeper of Berwick imme-
diately to early a hundred bari'els of powder to Edinburgh, they sent an
order to one Mr. James Robb, deputy store-keeper of Edinburgh, to
get carts, and go with them to Berwick, and take three-hundred barrels
of powder, and bring it to Ekl in burgh; and Mr. Grieve, store-keeper
of Berwick to the boar J of ordnance, writes a letter, dated March 10^
1707-8, hither, that Robb was come to Berwick, and the carts would
be there that night. And I appeal to a lord, who cannot but know
whether the powder came to Edinburgh before the danger was past, and
the French off our coast. And whoever will reflect, that the Earl of
Leven's letter, dated here the 2d of March, was to go to Edinburgh ;
that then at Edinburgh carriages are to be taken up for the powder;'
then they are to go to Berwick, and from Berwick they are to return ,
again to Edinburgh, will find it could hardly be there sooner.

The next thing I shall take notice of to your lordships, is the state of
the garisons. The parliament had given, the 20th of December, the
sum of 1309S1. 178. 2d. for the garisons of North Britain, for the ykr
1708. But I cannot but think your lordships will be greatly surprised, '
when you find in what a wretched condition they weie. I will give
your lordships but an instance or two, the rest are much in the same
state.

Sterling Castle.

THIS is a very considerable post, a place of great importance; and yet
what an account is there of the arms and ammunition in that place?

One barrel of powder.

550 Fire«locks, of which, about a hundred for service; and some of
that hundred want ram-rods, and some nails; all the rest unservice*-
able.

.780 Musquets, which may be for service, when furnished with ram*
^/ som^paJh, md SQme 9hattcred in the stocb* .

LATE SCOTCH INVASIOK, &c. 7»

380 Mosqnets, with broken stocks and kx:ksy Und many wanting lockf,"
and all unserviceable.
150 Bundles of match, all damnified with lying in rain.
300 Bayonets, most of them broken and spoiled, altogether an*
serviceable. ♦

300 Cartridge-boxes, all broken and unserviceable.
200 Pikes, damnified by long lying.
40 Cannon-ball, 18 pounders*
70 Cannon-ball, 12 pounders.
1200 Balls, 9 pounders.
3400 Four pounders.
20 Small bomb-shells without mortars.
' 1200 Hand-grenado shells.
60 Stands, back and breast.

Ordnance Store in Blackness Castle*

TWO Barrels of corn-powder, one hundred each.
100 Yards of match.

4 Hand-spikes. •
b9 Musquet barrels, repairable.

7 Scimitar blades, useless.
100 Pounds of musquet bullets.

3 Ladles, one serviceable, the other useless.

2 Cannon, 3 pounders.

1 Train carriage, unserviceable.

2 Minions.

3 Falcons on ship carriages, unserviceable*
77 Balls for minion.

25 Balls for three pounders.
149 Hand Grenado shells.

r

I

Dumbarton Castle, as per memorial.

THERE are several breaches in the wall; there are twelve brass guns,
none of them mounted, all want carriages; there is no powder in the
garison, and few flints; all the lodgings in a ruinous condition; no coab
in the garison, nor any other provision : The fire-locks, being long since
they were gotten, are ill fixed.

Edinburgh, March 9, 1707-8.

The aboveroeRtioned is the true condition of the castle of Dumber*
Jon, at present.

I need not, my lords, I think, make any observations upon the
castles, after your lordships have seen the wretched state of them ; and,
therefore, in the last place, shall only take notice to your lordshi^a^ that
after the invasion was over, there were estimates made, NiYiaX \X n«c^^\
cost to put tJ^e fortjfia^iom of Scotland in good Tepa^x* HLYie V]^^ ^'

?*. AH. ACCOUNT OF TOE

appears by your schedule, amounts to 231561. of which there could be
but 30001. laid out this yoar; and yet there has been but poor 1600U.
expended upon that service this year, as appears by your paper.

I will not trouble you further: 1 thjok this matter is now very pltiin
before your lordships: I could wish 1 had not said one word of truth io^
what I have said to you; but the vouchors shew it to be so; and, if all
this be true, it is a very strange, a very surprising, i^nd a very astonishing
truth.

I shall not move any thing to your lordships further in this matter; I
believe there has been enough now said, to justify those lords for moving
this enquiry, and shall add but this word, That if there be no greater
care taken fur the future, than there was at this time of such eminent
danger, it will be the greatest miracle in the world, if, without a raira*
cle, the pretender be not placed upoo that throne.

This is the substance of what was observed by that noble lord, as
exactly as I can get it put into a thread, though there happened some
interlocutories between him and another lord, and the observations were
made upon the papers as they were read.

I cannot say, as you do in your letter, that the ministry, if you
are not very ill informed, have altered some of the papers and letters
laid .before the parliament, lest their negligence, or somev^hat that is
worse, should appear; but I have it immediately from those who have
very exactly looked over the papers laid before the House of Lords,
That, though there are a great many more in that mighty heap which
was laid on the table, than ever were asked for, by the address, perhaps
to discourage the looking into them, yet several material papers that
were desired, have carefully been left out, and several that are in that
bundle, are very imperfect, being such extracts as they thought fit to
give; and, in some, whore it was material to know the. point of time,
the dates are omitted ; but as imperfect as they are, and notwithstand-
ing the want . of many which should have been there, you will find
enough to convince you, whether the observations out of them were well
grounded, and whether the conduct df our ministry, in suth a critical
juncture of affairs^ is to be paralleled; that you yourself may the better
judge of the whole, 1 send you the true copies of so many aiitbentiCk
papers.

To this account of what passed in the House of Lords, relating to the*
invasion, 1 shall only add, that I hear the same papers being laid befdfre
the House of Commons, pursuant to their address produced the like
observations there; and that the Scotch gentlemen concurred with the
English, in blaming the conduct of the ministry, affirming, it was such
as gave great encouragement to the enemies of the government, while its
friends look on their country to be perfectly given up. This, they
said, was their general sense. In the House of Commons, some ob-
servations were also made upon the imprisoning many persons in Scot-
land at that time ; several lords and- gentleman, of the best quality and
estates, were apprehended and seixed,: by virtue of warrants sent from -
hfDce, for suspicion of treason and treasonable practices: . Though it •
do€9 JDotappeBT from the papers, there was apy cause to suspect them, *
ar lAa^ mny of their countrymen (who vc!ie tte i^^te&t ^rsons to be

LATE SCOTCH INVASION, &c. 7|

advised with on this occasion) were consulted in it.' Ferlhe Ear} of
Mar» in his letter to the Earl of Leven, March the 9th, writes, that hei
with the Dukes of Qucensberry and Montrose, the Elarls of Lowdon and
Seafield, were summoned to the cabinet, and were there told, that sinea .
both houses had, for securing suspected persons, suspended the Hqbtm
Corpus act, it was fit, persons in Scotland should be apprehended ; and
a list was read to them, which they took down in writing, and warrantf
were ready drawn. This was certainly a very extraordinary way of pro-
ceeding; and the more extraordinary, because the greatest part of the
lords and gentlemen taken up by these warrants, had given undoubted
testimonies ever since the revolution (in which, some of them had been
very active and instrumental) of their fidelity and good aiTection to the
government; they had taken all oaths that have been enjoined for its
security; they had sat in parHament, and some of them had been in
offices and employments of great trust, in the reign of King William,
and of her Majesty . Others, under the like circumstances. Were takcfh
up by warrants, bearing date the 29th of M&rch, when the danger was
over ; which made the Scotch gentlemen very free in declaring,' that the
taking them up could be for no other reason, than to influence the ap-
proaching elections to parliament, and for their disaffection to the in-
terests some courtiers then promoted, rather than for their disaffectidl^ .
to her Majesty's person and government; in which they were the more
confirmed, because they saw there was no evidence in the papers against
any of them. There was, indeed, some evidence of high treason pre-
tended against five gentlemen, taken up by warrants from the privy-
council of Scotland ; but that was such as the lord advocate writes,
neither he, nor the other advocates employed for her Majesty, did
think would convict them ; and, therefore, he humbly offered it
as their opinion, that it would be more for the honour and service
of her Majesty, and of her government, that they should not be
prosecuted. The Earl of Sunderland, in his answer, acquainted
him, he had laid his memorial before her Majesty, who was well satisfied'
with what he had done, in procuring evidence against the prisoners ;
and though possibly, upon their trial, the evidence .might not be suffi-
cient to convict them by the law of Scotland, yet, considering all the
circumstances of that affair, and the noise it has made in the world, her
Majesty thought it absolutely necessary for her service, that it be carried
as far it will bear; accordingly they were brought upon their trials, and
acquitted.

After all the observations made upon the papers^ the considerations
of them ended in the House of Commons, in the resolution which you
have seen in their vot^, &c.

' That it appears to this house, that timely and effectual care was taken
by those employed under her Majesty, at the time of the intended
invasion of Scotlaq^l, to disappoint the designs of her Mfijesty's enemies, ^
both at home and' abroad, by fitting out a sufficient number of men of
war, ordering a competent number of troops from Flanders, giving
directions for the forces in Ireland, to be ready for the cl^V^Uhc^ ol >^% -
nation^ and hy making the necess&ry and pcoper d\bpo%\X\OTi% cA \X:itk
/brceg of England/

re AN ACCOUNT OF THE

The genlltiMn Aat were against this resolution desired, dial all the
papers laid before the house, relating to the- intended invasion of Scot*
land, might be printed, that the world might see and judgr, how well
grounded it w^: But those who had justified the ministry in their
debates, and voted for the resolution, would not sufl^r the papers to be
printed : So that the question was carried in die negative.

The true account rfthecondHum of the Castle of Dumbarton,

IBfPRIMIS.

THERE are several breaches in the wall. There are 12 brass guBiJ

There are none of the guns mounted ; ,all of theqi wapt /:arriagcs.

There is no powder in the garison, and few flints»

All the lodgings in a ruinous condition.

There are no coals in the garison, nor any other provisions.

The fir^-locks, being long since they were gotten, are very ill fixed»

Edinburgh, March 9* 1707-S. The above is the true con*
' dition of the Castle of Dumbarton, at presents

4t» account if remam cf ordnance store* in ktr Mqfest^s Castle ef

Blackness f in the North of Britain*

Brass Guns,
Two cannon, 3 pounders, on ,train-carriageS| unserviceable.

Jron Guns,
1 Minion long, 5 ^t 2| inches,

1 Minion long, 3 feet 9% inches,

2 Falcons long, 4 feet 2<^ inches,

1 Ditto, long, 3 feet 8| inches, all on ship carriages, unservicf*
able.

Bound Shot,
yj Balls for minion.
25 Balls for 3 pounders.

2 Barrels of corn-powder, 100' pounds weight each.
149^ Hand Grenado shells.

100 Yards of match.

4 Hand-spilces.
100 pounds of musquet bullets.
59 Musquet barrels, repairable.

3 Ladles, one serviceable, and the other two useless*
7 Scimitar blades, useless.

The contents above is the present state of the stores of ordnance ia
her Majesty's castle of Blackness, the l(?t)i pf Novemberi
1708.

J. DURT,

LATE SCOTCH INVASION^ *c. 7f

A» accamU of arms tmd ammumtitm m the Outlc rf SUtlmg, March

6, 1707-8.

ONE barrel of powder.
550 Fire-locksy of which about 100 for service, and some of that
100 do want ram-rods, and some nails; all the rest are unserviceable.

70 Chests x>fmusquet ball.
780 Musquets, which may be fit for service when furnished with nun«
rods; some nails, and some shattered in the stocks.
380 Musquets with broken stocks and locks, many wanting locks, all
aoserviceable.
150 Bundles of match, all damnified with long lying, and rain.
20O Pikes, damnifkd by long lying.
40 Cannon ball, 18 pounders.
70 Cannon ball, 19 pounders.
1300 Ball, 9 pounders.
8400 Four pounders.

20 Small bomb-shells, without mortar.
1200 Hand Grenado shells.
50 Stands, back and breast.

300 Bayonets^ most of tbem broken and spoiled, all wanting scabbards^
altogether uiisetviceabl«. ^ -
300 Cartridge-box^ all bt^kei^ and unserviceable.

Copy rf a kHet fromths Ittft of SmuUrland, to the commktumersfor

' irantporte^,}March 13, 1707-8.
■ . ■ 'f

I HAVE lately writ to you, to take up shippingfor ■ix'-httQdred hont
to be brought over irom Ireland; I am now to acquaint you, that you.
are to provide, and put on board the shipis employed in that service, hay
and oats sufficient to serve them a fortnight, aud as many water-caaka
ss may be necessaiy to carry water for them for that time.

WUtektMy March l^ 1707-8.
Sir^
Mr. Burchetf
I RETURN you, by the Earl of Sunderland's command, the draught
of instructions for Rear Admiral Baker^ or the commander in chief of
ber Majest/s ships, coming from Ostend with the transports, with some
alteration^, as you will find in the inclosed.

I am, &c.

Tho. HonciKt;

rs AN ACCOUNT OP THt

His Royal Highntss^ Prince George <f Denmark^ if^. Lard Higi^.
Admiral of Great-Britain and Irehmdj ^. And of all her Majesty* i
Plantations f ^c. And Generalissimo of all her Majesty sforces^ ^fc

Instructions for Rear^Admiral Baker.

YOU arc hereby required, and directed, forthwith, upon your ftsceipt
hereof, to make the best. of your way to Tijimouth' Bar, with, tier \^9r
jesty's ships under your cqiuman^y and the iransport-ships with troqnL
which you brought with ypq froni Ostend; and when you Gom#x>tf .JtB«
said Bar, you are, if you do not find orders there, to continue tA^re,
with the aforesaid t)*ansport-$hips» till further orders. |But.,'iffjyc|fu
should be there credibly informed, that the French have Jafi^ad
their forces in the north of Scotland, ypii a^e then to majc^yiihe
best of your way to the Frith, in order.to jknd the forces a^jiei^^ Qi^as
near Edinburgh as may be. But, in regard there are several disipoypt^
troopers on board the transports, you are to send a ;VfS9cjl with th^i^vt^
Harwich, if you can conveniently^ tM.if, hors(>9 being, now ifi iEJncx.
And, in case Kear-Admiral Baker shall hiipself proceed, fwth.th^ ^WMp
port-ships, and that the enemy's ships, sai^ to bq ia Fiendish roa4^ wre
there wlieii hie. wultfd frpoo Q5^dy.feejs.fQ{thfvi(ii^tq return w^tl^^
Majesty's ships off of Dunkirk; but, if thecne.l9,^^.sbija^^&haU.bfi jC|9|^
from Dunkirk, when hi9 8aib,A^^.QsAaidi^..jiBis t^I^
of his way to the Downs.

But if he hasfiotiithed any of bet MajM/s«l]jp(h:^fa^^(^^y.^,4fa^
transports, and continual himself 6ff ofi.I^unkirkvv tiieh the commander
in chief of thQ said ships is hereby required, 'after having, landed the
ttODps, to make ihe:<lKiitbf his way to a;proper.sfotioQ[offtof.]9Atkirk,
and join the said ReainAdmiral Baker ;i Aody . in., case jthe Lenoii!, .j|jpft«
wich, and Nottin|^amr;>B)iall be in yoUr company, you are to iiri^
^nv back wftb you; 1 ■ . . n; ' r .

Given under my hand, tiie: 15th of March, 1707-8. .. ^

V ■ «

To John Bakei',^e8q. R,ear«Adinrral of the White,
or the commander in chief of her Majesty's
ships coming from Ostend with the transports* . • ... • \ y

.By ayi^mmf of his Royal Ki^Hnesp. . . ' . i .

\) •■. I .] c.

.,')'!■

'■"'■"■ ■<''■.■•■■ ■■■■■• ■■'- ••••J-.-BtottCHETT.':-*

' ■ • ■

Extract of the Earl <f Pembroke^ Lord Lieutenant of Ireland^s letteff
of the thirteenth cfmarch^ 1707, to the Lords Justices of that kingdom^
cfmt^emvyt sc^gnc Jkorse and dragoons^ designed to be transported from
thence toScotldnd.

My Lords f
I HEREWITH transmit your lordships her Majesty's letter of the
eleventh instant, and must desire your lordships, to direct an account of
the bone and dragoons to be sent over, in order to my laying the same
before her Majesty »

LATE SCOTCH INVASION, Ac. ' 79 "

I shall now acquaint your lordships, That the officers arc all under
orders, and moving to their posts in Ireland, pursuant to her Majesty^s
commands; and do not in the leastidoubt, but your lordships will issue
proper orders, tor one i^giment of horse, and two of draguons, to be
provided with necessaries ready to imbarque, whenever there shall be
occasion for <hem : And it is her Majesty's opinion, the regiments,
under the commands of lieutenant-General- Langstone, Major*General
Echlin, . and the Lord Tunbridge, should be sent on this service ; and
since they are to go, as thc^y now stand on the Irish establishment, I
hope care will be taken that they be com pleat*

And faor Majesty having ordered the commissioners of transports, to
take up at Chester, Liverpool, and Whitehaven, tonnage for six-h*jn-
dred horse, I am of opinion, it will be fur the service, to ha\'e those
three regiments- move with all convenient speed, and take quarters in
f^d about Belfast and Carrickfergus, that: they may be in a readiness to
imbarque at the White House, which lies between these two places, 1U
soon as the transpf)rt-ships shall arrive.

And though the passage from the White House, to the place to which
ihey may be ordered, may not be above twelve hours, yet I desire your
lordships to give. (directions to the proper ^^fficers, to provide and g^
ready hay, oats, and water, for, at least, a fortnight, &c.

■ •• ■■ '■ •• • Pei^brokIb.

A true extract, by

George Doddington.

' . . . • ." ■ ■

■.■',• ..■.-... ■ ■ ..

■ •^" The Earl vf Mof^i lett& fo t^tljird tcoen.

I . ■ : f I ii . I 1 ■ . ■ ■

* f' WhiitkM,Mdreh n, 17C7'S.

Afy Lordy '

I WRIT to your lordship two letters yesterday by a flyine-pacqueL
which' r hdpe ypu will gel. safe." In one of thcni .1 told yojuJf Miyor:
General Cadooa'n^ot intelligence, that the French laiidccr'at Aberdeen^
it was pi'obable he \Coti'lJ land i is forces at'Leith; since that/tii^e, thi
Queen thinks it so reasonabfe'thiat he should do sp, that I believe; there
were orders dispatched fq'hitn last,nigtit to. that ourpose; .f^nd per ^ar
jesty thought it worth while "to give you notice of it by this flying*
pacquet, that, In the. mean time, ypu m^y be looking for provisions
ind forage about Edinburgh for these forces^ against they arrive, which
will purely be eVe)ong: ' They are about seven thousand; so that your
' lofdihip will know what to be providing for them. If the French, either
by design, or be obliged by this wind, to put into the Frith, and land near
Edinburg(i, theii Major-General Cadogan will Jaqd hisforcesi at.Tin-
mOYith, and there' willbe ^o occasion for yoi^r. providing these pur^tisions^
My' 16yd t^astirer has ordered the people of the customs and exck^^ to
answer your lordship with money for provisions, and other Ti^«4»rj
charges.

so AN ACCOUNT OP THE

I am glad the presbyterian ministers have shewn themselves so heirtf
for the Queen on this occasion, and so zealous against the invasion;
every body is pleased with their declaring themselves as they have done^
fortbeQucen, and against the invasion; and I hope they will continue
themselves more and moieso.

My Lord Marlborough told me this morning, that the Scots establish-
meut would be ended to-day. I asked to meet with Mr. Walpole aboat
it, but his grace desired me to tell his grace of any thing I had to tay
about it* Now this I can hardly do, until I see the establishment^ for
I know not how they have made it, or if they have altered any thing
that we had concerted with St. John, or if any thing be omitted ; I hope
they have not, but I shall see it soon, and then 1 shall lose no time to
represent any thing in it, which chances not to be as your lordship
expects, though I hope there will be no occasion for this. There is no
intelligence to-day, either of the fleet or othcrways, but we expect il
every minute.

I am, 5ec.

The Duke of Marlborough desired me to write to your lordship^ le
tend him an exact and particular account of your train of artillery.

Tie Earl of LtoerCs Utter to the Earl of Mar^ shewing the sad otcwih
»{ance»keuin^ auddenring to know to wkomkemiut writein Ireland.

Edmburgkf March IS, 1707-8.
My Lordf
YOU have here a copy of letters I received this morning, which I
thought of so great importance, as to acquaint your lordship, and his
grace, the Dukeof Marlborou^, of them by a flying-pacquet. I think
the fleets, mentioned in these letters, are two different ones; the wind
is south-west, so it is not possible for them to enter the Frith. Some
Ave or six ships were seen this morning near the May from the castle,
but it has been foggy ever since, so we can have no further account of them ;
I believe it u the Dunkirk squadron, and therefore am still expecting
tome good news of our fleetTs appearing. My lord, I leave it to yoiir
lordship to consider my circumstances; here I am, not one (arthing of
inoney to provide provisions, or for contingencies, or intelligence; none
of the commissions yet sent down, few troops, and those almost naked.
I beg to hear from you very frequently, and allow me to write freely ; I
hope you will only read such parts of them to others, as you judgq
proper ; pray cause always to advertise my son when any flying-pacquet
u sent to me, and let Weems know too. It vexes me sadly, to think I
must retire towards Berwick, if the French land on this side the Frith.
Adieu'my lord.

Pray endeavour to get orders sent straight to Ireland, to the forces
thfere to imbarque, for you know I have no personTs name to whom I
Aoold write.

^1

LATE SCOTCH INVASION, &c. fel

A coffi of a Utter from the Earl of Sunderland, to the commissioners for

transports, March the 12th, 1707-8.

It is her Majesty's pleasure, that you forthwith take tip shipping
safficient for the transportation of six-hundred horse, that are toimbarque
at the White House, between Carrickfergus and Belfast, in Ireland ;
but, it being not yet determined where they are to land, you are to make
your contract by the week, or such other time as you shall think proper*
it is also left to your discretion, to hire the shjps for this service, either
at Whitehaven, Liverpool, or Chester, as you shall find you can do it
with most expedition and conveniency.

The Queen s letter, of March the eighth, to the council of Scotland,
takes notice, that she had sent one of the twenty-fifth of February before,
and adds. We do again recommend to you to get intelligence, &c. and
ta give present directions for putting our forts, garisons, and ma^zihes,
in a good posture of defence; and what shall be expended herein, by
your warrants, shall be repaid, for which we have already given orders.
Our troops from Ireland and Flanders, which were mentioned in our
last, are ready to imbarque in transport-ships, provided in those places
with all necessaries for that scp^ice. So that the orders of the Lord
Sunderland were not given till four or five days after, and the lord
lieutenant's letter to Ireland was dated five days after ; which shews ta
me evidently, either that the Queen was not rightly informed of facts,
or, let her Majesty say what she will, the Ministry will do what they
please.

The Earl of Ma/s letter to the Earl of Leven^ March thelith,

1707-8.

My Lord,

I WRIT to your lordship yesterday morning by a messenger, and'
lent you the copy oyf General Cadogan's letters, giving an account of thif
Freuch sailing on Tuesday morning by three of the clock ; we have since
got intelligence, that Sir George Byng sailed after them that same day,
at six of the clock at night ; the Queen came to the house yesterday, and,
after passing several accounts, gave an account, in a short speech, of
the news of the French sailing. There was a cabinet-council at night,
in the Cockpit, where I, and the other four I formerly writ of, were ;
the first thing that was talked of, was the troops to be sent from Ireland;
my lord lieutenant s^id, that one regiment of horse, and two of dragoons,
was all that could possibty be spared from thence; these three regiments
will make about six-hundred men. Next, transport-ships for these
forces were spoke of, and resolved on, as the best way, to get them
from Whitehaven, Liverpool, and Chester, and the troops to be shipped
off at the White House, between Carrickfergus and Belfast. If the
French land in the north, about Aberdeen, it is thought your lordship
will write to these troops to land at Portpatrick ; but, if the French land
in the Frith, or any where else, whereby you think the troops from Ire-
land can be of no use to you, or whereby these troops, would run •
risque, then it is expected, that your lordship Yi'AV sANCSlto^ ^««^Vi

vox. xi» a

82 AN ACCOUNT OF THE

land at Whitehaven. This was left to me to tell your lordship, and the Duke
of Marlborough said he would write to you himself, and order copies of
the orders, given to the troops here, to be sent you. We talked also,
how your lordship would dispose of the few troops you have ; but Ihave
nothing of this in charge to write to you, only for your own use I tell it
you, that 1 thought, that the men you had were such an handful, that
you would not think of taking the field, but that you would divide your
*f6ot, and put good garisons in Edinburgh and Sterling Castles, and
some in Dumbarton, to defend these, the best you could, till succour
come from Flanders and Ireland ; Edinburgh and Sterling, particularly
the first (besides other reasons) for the money there, and the other for a
pass, and the fitness of it for a garison ; and that, with the horses and
dragoons, you would endeavour to keep the country quiet, and from
joining with the enemy.

I believe there are ordered from hence seven or eight regiments of foot,
amounting to about five thousand men,Northumberland's regiment of horse,
two troops of the horse-guards, the horse-grenadiers, and the half of two
regiments of dragoons; but you will know the particulars of this from,
the Duke of Marlborough; this, with those from Ireland and Flanders,
will make such a force, that the French, and all who will join them,
will not be able to overcome ; so there is no fear of the main chance, but
I am afraid our country, and particular persons, will suffer extremely.

All the officers here were ordered away yesterday, and they will be
gone to-day; Colonel Erskin sets out this afternoon, I wish he were at
. Sterling, to which place he will make all the dispatch he can. I believe
the troops from Flanders were designed to land at Tinmouth, if the
French go to the Frith ; but if they go to the north, I believe they will
land at Leith, which I think most probable. My lord treasurer has
promised, that money shall be ordered for every thing that is necessary;
the commons have voted, that whatever the Queen expends on this affair
shall be ma^e good ; they are also come to a resolution, and are bringing
in abil] upon it, that if any Highland chieftan join the pretender, then
his estate shall belong to his vassal, and they to hold of the crown, if
they do not join; and if any vassal join, that his estate shall belong to
the landlord, if he do not.* The bill, for every body in publick trust,
taking the abjuration, passed yesterday, and also the bill, suspending
the Habeas Corpus act, till the thirteenth of October next.
^ Ihbpe the powder from Berwick is in the castles in Scotland before
this; I ordered Holbourn to send your lordship the cannon ball, which
1 Hope he did. We long very much to hear from your lordship, and
what is doing in Scotland^

I bad almost forgot to tell your lordship, that yesterday the Queen
gave the negative for the new militia of Scotland ; the establishment for
the Scots troops will be iadjusted to-day I believe, or to-morrow. This
IS all I have to say now, but if any thing else occur before the express
goes off, I shall add it.

lam, &c.

^^ehaU^ Friday^ 12 o'clock^
MarcklS, 17€7'S.

LATE SCOTCH INVASION, &c. 83

' T conclude your lordship is at Edinburgh, sol thought it Bot needful
to write to any other of the queen's servants.

My lord treasurer has ordt red three months subsistence to be advanced
to your lordship's troops, until other things be adjusted; the Duke of
Ai^le spoke to the Duke of Marlborough for Finab's independent com-*
pany going into Argyleshire, which his grace thinks reasonable, and
the Duke of Argyle desired me to shew this to your Lordship.

The Lord Advocate's letter to the Earl of Mar, shewing the destittde
condition of Scotland^ at that time ; never a country more destitute and
defenceless ; and that at least y some order may he given, whereby the
necessary expence may he defrayed. March the 1 UA, 1707 '8.

May it 'please your Lordship,

THE council met again yesterday, and dispatched their orders, for
calling in suspected persons, to appear before them, with the procla-/
mation for the fast, of all which, your lordship had a full account;
there was presented to the council the memorial here inclosed for the .
castle of Edinburgh, a large and particular Account of what it wants, to
put it in a case of defence, and memorials also, for the castles of Ster-
ling, Dumbarton, and Blackness, to shew their present condition, and
what great disorder and want they are in ; and all these memorials I am
ordered to lay before your lordship, for her Majesty's information. I
sent Mr. Slezer's memorial formerly for a train of artillery, and I hope,
all will be considered, for I believe there was never a country more
destitute and defenceless than we are, nor have we ^o much as a treasury
or any money, for incident charges ; so that, I must again, by the couii-
cil's order, lay these things before your lordship, and that at least some
orders may be given, whereby necessary expences may be defrayed.

I am, &e.

*rhe Earl of Mar's letter to the Earl of Leven, to scatre the hankt

Whitehall, March the 9th, 1707-8.

My Lord,

THE Queen called a cabinet-council last night, where she was pleased
to call the Dukes of Queensberry and Montrose, the ELarls of Louden,
Seafield, and me; we gave an account there, of what orders the Queen
had sent to Scotland, since the news of the invasion, and the letter now
to the council was read, of which you have a copy. It is expected, that
the council of Scotland will secure the horses and arms of those, they
think disaffected, and also will .be assisting to give their advice and
directions, for securing the money, in the mint and bank ; in case of a
landing, or any apparent danger, certainly the enemies will have a
design of seizing that. It was told us, that since both houses had ad-
dressed the Queen, to apprehend and secure such persons, as she ha4
cause to suspect, and are now upon a bill for suspending the Habeas
PorpussLCt; it was fit, that suspected people in Sco\.\«Lt\JL Aio\s\^\jfc
ApprehcnJ«f atjd secured. There was a list ojf tlxem leaA lo u^^^VvSi

!9 2

84 . AN ACCOUNT OF XHE

we tix>k down in writing ; there were warrants ready dtawn eonform to
the stile here, which was thought inconvenient to be alteredy but, a^ tdi,
the way, they are ordered to be put in executioUi &c.

ANNE R.

The Queen's Letter to the Council <f Scotland^ March the ^th, 1707-S.

mght Trustif, ^c.
\¥E did by our letter of the Twenty-fifth of February laat, acquaint
you with the intended invasion, on some part of our kingdom of Gret|t-
Britain, and with our Royal pleasure on that occasion ; we doubt not,
but you have used the utmost care, pursuant to our command : We have
since further confirmation of our enemy's designs ; the prt-tended Prince
of Wales is at Dunkirk, with some battalions of French and Irish papists,
ready to imbarque for Scotland, and our enemies give out, that they,
have invitations from some of our subjects there : We are hopeful, that
this desperate attempt will, by the blessing of God on our arms and
councils, be disappointed, and turned to the confusion of all concerned
in it. But that nothing be omitted on our part, for preventing the least
danger, which threatens our people : We have emitted a proclamation,
by advice of our Privy-council of GreAt Britain, which we herewith
send to you, and we do require you, to cause the same to be published
at all places needful, as proclamations of our Privy-council in Scotland
liave been published.

We think it necessary, that the landlords in the high-lands, and
chieftains of clans, be called to Edinburgh, to give the security, ap-
pointed by law, for preserving the peace aitd order, and we do require,
you forthwith to do the same.

We do again recommend to you, to get intelligence of the designs of
our enemies, and evil-affected people there, and to give present direc*
tions, for putting our forts, garisons, and magazines in a good pos-
ture of defence ; and* what shall be expended towards tl^ese ends by your
warrant shall b^ repaid, for which we have already given orders.

We take this occasion to let you know, that our fleet is now at sea,
and much increased since our last: The Dutch fleet is in great forward-
ness, and both are so disposed, that our enemies cannot reasonably hope
to escape an engagement ; our troops from Ireland and Flanders, which
we mentioned in our 4ast, are ready to imbarque in transport-ships, pro-
vided in those places, with all necessaries for that service: The troops
from England are also posted in the best way, for the relief of our peopt^
in Scotland, if our enemies shall have the boldness to pursue their de-
•ign.

We have dispatched the Earl of L^en from hence, to command our
forces there, and given him such instructions, as we judged necessary
OQ this occasion, to whom you will give your advice, assistance, and
due encouragement.

We expect that you will assemble frequently in council, and use such

i^j^r in your proceedings, as hath been done on like occasions formec-

,4r/' trAick wUJ be acceptable to us^ and may prevent the misleading of

LATO SCOTCH INVASION, kc. 85

wit people, and their conjanction witH French and Irish papists, the ir«
reconciled ble enemies of their religion and liberties.

We do also require you, to transmit to us full and constant accounts
6f the state of affairs there, and not doubting of your zeal and diligence.
We bid your heartily farewel.

Criren at our court, at Kensington, the Eighth day of March, 1707-S.
And of our reign the seventh year.

By her Majesty's command.

Counter-signed,

MAR.

The E(&1 of Leven*i letter to the Earl of Mar, to press for orders to
' Ireland for the troopsy mid that he may Anow, to whom he must
write,

Stamford^ March 7, 1707-8, Sunday^ Ten o'ChcJt.

My Lordf

YOU will have a memoir, by the Earl of Weems, which I sent from
Stilton. 1 must again intreat you, to mind the establishment, and all
My concernments, both personal, and what relates to the garisons ; I
desire the three commissions for the three adjutants, to the grenadier
and dragoons, as I gave in the list ; I desire you to send down the name
of the person, I am to write to in Ireland, if there be occasion ; although
I must still intreat your Lordship to press, that orders be sent to some
horse and dragoons to im barque. By my letters from Scotland, I utt-
derstand that there is. a great ferment there, and particularly, in the
West-Country ; and that the Jacobites are very uppish ; my letter also
says. That the officers can hardly get money for the bills sent from Lon-
don ; therefore, I pray you, represent it so, that some method may be
taken, to send money down, for you may be sure, if the invasion boi
there can none be got there; and how inconvenient the want of it will
b^ i^ obvious. My Lord, Adieu.

pray, write by every occasion, and let me know, if I shall give any
encouragement to any, who shall be willing to take up arms to join us ;
I hope, at least so much of the levy-money, as is due since the Twenty-
fourth of December, will be given now, for that will buy some horses,
and levy some men.

ANNE R.

Instnctions to our right trusty and vsett-beloved cousin and counsellor^
David^ Earl of Levm^ LkutemfntGeneral^ and Commander in CU^
^ our Militia^ and of all our forces, in that part of our kingdom
tf Great pritain, called Scotland.

YOU are to repair to Scotland, with all convenient diligence^ and
to take the advice of our pri vyrcouncil, in all Oamjf, ^ou^Jm^V^^'^

e 3

i»

S6 AN ACCOUNT OP THE

necessary^ for preserving the peace of that part of our united king-
dom.

And whereas we have intelligence, that there are preparations at
Dunkirk, for invading that part of our kingdom of Great Britain r Ycm
are to oppose their landing, as much as you can, and in case they shall
land, you are to hinder, as much as possible, our subjects, from join-
ing them, and to fall upon, and disperse any, who shall tumult uooslj
rise in arms, and endeavour to join them.

You are to make such a disposition of the troops, as you shall judge
most for our service in this present juncture.

You are to take care to put Edinburgh Castle, in such a posture of
defence, as your time will allow ; . and provide provision for the gari-
son, for three months, and to advise with the other governors of gari-
sons, that they be in like manner provided, and put in an order of de^
fence.

You are to dispose of the ammunition, you are to receive, to the
garisons and troops, as you shall judge most for our service.

You are to apply" to our Privy-council in Scotland, for giving the
necessary orders K)r providing of horses, both for the baggage and
for the train of artillery, in case you shall be obliged to take the
field. .

You are impowered to call councils of war as often as you shall think
fit, and to take their advice, in any manner of difficulty.

You are to advertise us from time to time, either by express, or the
ordinary pacquct, of the posture of affairs there, and -of what intelli*
gence you shall receive of the designs and condition of the enemy, arid
obey such further instructions, as we shall think fit to give therein.

You are, |ipon the first appearance of any squadron of French ships

upon the^coasts, to send to Ireland to , to advertise him thereof,

who has orders to send troops to your assistance.

Given at our Court, at Kensington, the Fourth day of March, 1707-8 ;
and of our reign, the sixth year.

Counter-signed

MAR.

ANNE R.
f

Thfi Queen's Letter to the Council^ concerning an Invasion,

RIGHT trusty, &c. Whereas we have intelligence, that there are
preparations^ at Dunkirk for fitting out a squadron of ships: And that
these intelligences do likewise give an account of em barking some troops^
arms, and ammunition, which may be designed for invading and mak-
ing disturbance within that part of our kingdom of Great Britain called
Scotland : We have therefore thought it necessary to acquaint you of
ikuBf and we do expect that you will Use your utmost care and diligence

LATE SCOTCH INVASION, &c. 87

for the protection of our subjects, and the preservation of the publick
peace there,

VVe are unwilling to believe that any of our subjects will give assis-
tance or eij^ouragement to any such invasion, which would prove of
such dangerous consequence to their religion and liberties, and make
their native country a scene of blood and confusion ; however, we doubt
not but that you will take all the necc-ssary measures to discover and
disappoint any such bad practices and contrivances, and to secure such
as you shall find concerned therein.

We are hopeful, with the assistance of God, to prevent and defeat
this design of our enemies, and for this end nothing shall be wanting
on our part ; we have fitted out a fieet superior to any they can have in
those parts ; we have also given orders that some of our troops in Flan-
ders be ready to embark, in case the embarkation at Dunkirk shall go
on, and* our troops in England and Ireland are so disposed as to give
you what assistance may be necessary. In the mean time, we hereby
authorise and impower you to give such orders as are proper,. to put our
forces, forts, and garisons there, in the best order.

We shall continue to inform you from time to time of what further
intelligence we may^receive, and therefore we think it necessary, that
you appoint all our Privy-counsellors there to attend at Edinburgh, for
receiving and obeying our orders, except such as you judge more useful
for the publick service to be in the country ; and having intire trust and
' confidence in your loyalty and conduct, in this juncture, we bid you
heartily farewel.

Given at our Court af Kensington the 25th day of February 1707-8,
and of our reign the sixth year. /

By her Majesty's Command,

Counter-signed,

LOUDEN.

• 4

( 88 )

GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF MONS.

riKaT WKITTEKl IN FRENCH

lOB TilK

SERVICE OF AN IMPERIAL OFFICER,

. IN THE ARICT ABOUT MOMS;

AND HOW DONE, A SECOND TIldE, IN ENGUSflr

SATISFACTION OF OUR BRITISH OFFICERS.

Bjf John Mack Gregory , L L, L,

PROFBSSOR OF GEOGRAPHY AND HISVOaV*

f m the Year MDCCIX, QnertjO, conleimng fartf4m
paget.

MONS is a great town, the capital city of all Hainault, anc! the
principal place of residence of the governor, and the other offi*
cers, who compose both the particular courts, and the general coun*
oils, of that whole province.

It is situated on the banks of the river Trouille, in the middle of a
large plain, that reigns all around it, for several leagues, on both sides
the river Haine : But, just where the town stands, there is a small
eminence, included within it; the bank of the Trouille, on the one
side there, being a little rising ground, or hill ; that on the other side,
a great level, or plain : And, immediately without the town, the
ground is a great marsh, caused principally by an abundance of waters
- proceeding from the confluence of those two rivers, of a great many
rivulets, of some brooks, and of several canals, all rendezvousing there*
al;>outs, and partly by the continuance of the plain, which favour^ that
of the marsh, making it to run out for a half a league from the walls,
for three quarters, and for a whole league in some places ; so that it
reigns about the town, for a great way off, and with such a great deal
of water, that it cannot be well drained, except on the East-side to-
wards Namur, where the ground rises too high for it, and on the West
towards Valenciennes, where there is likewise a little rising.

The chief' of those waters, that render the country about Mons so
marshy, are these two rivers, the Trouille and the Haine.

THE HISTORT OF MONS. sg

I —

The Trouille is but a small river, taking its rise near the village of
Merieax, in the same province of Hainault, three leagues and a half
from the town of Mons, on the South-side. It has at first its course
"fmm South to North, then makes a turn within Mons, runs afterwards
■from East to West, and, at length, falls into the river Haine, a league
above the fortress of St. Guislain, likewise in the same province, three
quarters of a league from Mons, on the West-side.

«Upon both the sides of this river, just where it makes the turn from
the North to the West, or rather from the North-East to the North-
West, stands Mons, seated upon the two banks, the bank there, on
the East-side, being an eminence, or hill; that on the West-side, a flat
ground, or plain; and the river running through the town, North-East
when it goes in, and North- West when it goes out,, divides it into two
very unequal parts, the part on the East-side, upon the hill, being by
&r the greater; that on the West-side, in the plain, much the lesser;
just three leagues and a half below where it rises, near Merieux, and
about three quarters of a league, above where it falls into the Haine,
not far from St. Guislain : That part of the river, which is above
Mons, is called the Upper Trouille ; and below, it is named the
Lower.

The Haine is also but a small river, though somewhat greater than
the Trouille, having its source near the town of Fontaine 1' Eveque, in
the same province of Hainault, four leagues and a half from the town
of Mons, on the East-side. At first it runs North, then turns West^ af»
lerwards North^West, then South-West, and again West ; so, making a
great many turnings and windings, as it ^oes through the country, but
having the main of its course from East to West, especially it is so as
it passes by Mons ; it at length falls into the river Scheld, a little above
the fortress of Cond6, likcNvise in the same province, four leagues and ft
quarter from Mons, on the West-side.

Upon the South-side of this river, at a place where it runs ffom East
to West, or rather from North-East to South-West, stands Mons, seated
on an eminence, upon the banks of the Trouille, in the middle of the
plain on that side the Haine, and at the distance of betwixt a quarter
and half e* league from the river, where it passes by the town ; just
four leagues and a half below where it rises, near Fontaine V Eveque,
•ad about four leagues and a quarter above where it falls into the
Scheld, hard by Cond^ : That part of the river, which is above Mons,
ii called, the upper Haine ; and below, it is named, the Lower.

Besides those two rivers, there are abundance of other waters, that
contribute to render the ground thereabouts a marsh, a great many
rivulets, of lesser note, some brooks, and several canals, detached from
those rivers both above and below Mons, that are all made to run, turn*
ifig and winding through the country, about the town, into the lakes
and ponds, to supply them with water; through the town, into the
ditches and kennels, for the conveniency of the people ; and out of the
town, away into the channels of the Lower Trouille and Haine, with
■Resign to render them navigable.

' In this manner, it happens, that the country about Mons is so marslv^ -.
•The town it so surrouBded, kDd the territory adjoinVngw) ^^MiX'^^viVdEk

90 THE HISTORY OF MpNS.

such abundance and plenty of waters, proceeding frotti a confluence
and complication of so many rivers, rivulets, brooks, antl canals, ail
rendezvousing there on purpose, as it were, to make a marshy mod
the ground thereabouts is so continued a level and plain, that it caonot
well be otherwise ; and, for the conveniency and advantages of water,
one may say, there is not, perhaps, such another inland situation of a
town, as that of Mons is, in Europe, if it be not that of Ghent. As for
what inconveniencies may arise there, from the superabundance of these
waters, they are wisely provided against, as much as may be, by the in-
dustry and care of the inhabitants, who, by the multiplying of cana^
and ditches, by the keeping clean and neat their channels, by the variety
of ponds, and little lakes, but especially by' the number and good
government of sluices, have thepn so under command, that they can let
. them out, or keep them in, or make of them what they please: And
. consequently, by such means in the case of a siege, the people within Mons
can egregiously incommode an enemy without, by inunding the whole
country that is immediately about the town ; which they do effectually,
to the distance of a quartier of a league from the walls, of half a league,
and of three quarters in some places ; so as to make the inundation reign
around, for a good way ^ off, and with such a deepness of water, as to
render the town inaccessible, except on the East-side towards Namur,
where the ground rises too high for it, and where an enemy might io-
camp, and intrench, and from thence approach, and batter the place,
in spite of the inundation ; the same might be done on the West-side tx^
wards Valenciennes, where there is likewise a little rising; but not so
well, because the ground there does not rise to such a height.

This town was at first founded by Alberon, a Prince of France, son
to Clodion the Hairy, King of France, and grandson to Pharamond the
Great, first King thereof; who, in the year of our lord 449^ being lefit,
by his father's death, to the guardianship of his kinsman Merovee, and.
his guardian having deprived him of his inheritance, and usurped his
crown to himself, went thereupon into Germany, to sol licit assistance to
recover his right, and was assisted by the Germans so powerfully, as
that, in progress of time, he recovered all the lower Austrasia, and a
good part of Belgium, as' far as Toumay and Cambray ; and, in the
year 481, he came hither into that country, where now Mons is, which
was then all covered with wood as well as with water, being a part of the
Saltus Carbonarius, which was a skirt of the forest of Ardenna, .and
built a high tower there, on the top of a small eminence, upon the
bank of the river Trouille, towards the East, hard by the water-side^
just where it, running from the South, makes a turn from the North to
the West, in the middle of a large plain, covered then with a great deal
both of wood and water, though now ^ith the last more than with the
first, on. the bank of the river Haine towards the South, not far from the
water-side, just where it rtms from East to West, towards the North :
Which tower served him, as a house, or palace, where he lodged ; as
an observatory, or watching-place, from whence' he discovered the
country about ; and as a fortress, or place of security, by the means of
which he maintained himself there, notwithstanding the efforts of his
enemies, the Kerovijoiani^ to turn him out. He likewise tut down

THE HISTORY OF MONS. 91

all the treesy which covered the eminence where the tower stood, and
by such means discovered it all around, so as to make an explanade, or
empty space, immediately about the tower, in the middle of the wood
that reigned, from the top; where the tower was, to the bottom, whera
it was bordered with trees, all about the eminence : And this ex-
planade served him, as a camp^post, or place of arms, where he
was wont to rendezvous his soldiers, and to draw them up in order
of battle.

The same Prince Alberon continuing, so long as he lived, to have
sharp war with the Merovignians, upon the account of the usurpation
of his dominions, and consequently, having frequent occasion to have
his troops lodged nigh to him, first pitched tents for t)iem in the expla-
nade about his tower; then built huts and houses, which, by degrees
and through time, grew out into a considerable village all around the
tower, under the defence of which it was secure ; and afterwards, to
secure it further from the sudden attempts of his enemies, he inclosed
it with a hedge, of bushes and branches joined and interlaced, which,
from a village, made it become a town. This was done, in the year
of our Lord 490, and it is the first inclosure of JVJons : The town was
called Alberon's camp-post, which name it retained for a long time af-
ter; and the tower, Alberon's tower, which name it retains to this
day.

What sort of town this camp-post of Prince Alberon's has been, we
cannot well tell, for now there are no vestiges of it to be found : But I
have seen a plan of it, in miniature, in an old Latin manuscript, pre-
served by the ladies * of St. Waltrud's at Mons, and to be read in their
library; by which it appears, that it has been of a round figure, lying
on the East-side the Trouille, hard by the river-side, where it, running
from the South to the North, makes a turnaway to the We^, and on
the South-side the Haine, not far from the river-side, where it runs from
East to West, towards the North, including just the eminence, where
the tower stood, and occupying just the explanade, that reigned about^
between the top, where the tower was, and the bottom, where it was
inclosed with a hedge, and no more. As for Alberon's tower, we can
give some account of it, it being siill on foot and intire, though, by this
time, beginning to look pretty ancient, and engaged with another edifice
that was afterwards adjoined to it, standing just on the top of that emi-
nence, which was once occupied by Alberon's camp-post, and is now-
in a place within Mons, that makes exactly the middle of the town, at
the distance of near five hundred paces from the side of the Trouille, to-
wards the East, and about two thousand and five hundred paces from
the Haine-side, towards the South : It is a tower round, having in
diameter sixty feet, built of hewn stone, to the height of a hundred and
twenty feet, the wall being five feet thick, consisting of six stories, adorn-
ed at the bottom with a base, and agate arched, towards the South, ac-
companied with its pilasters, with borders at the division of stories, and
windows round, towards all points, accpmpanied with their chanbran-
les, and at the top with a cornish; above which there is an attick,

* See these Udies described below* '

9t THE HBTORY OF MONS.

tenninated in a platform, guarded with a balustrade, and surmoonted
vrith a globe, of timber covered with lea^, bearing up a flag-staff ioid
flag, having blazoned the arms of the sovereign : The whole a piece of
Gothick work, engaged with another edifice, adjoined afterwards to it,
that because of its age, and its being seated upon a height, where
it is exposed a great deal to the injuries of weather, as well as of
time, has now, at this day, very much the face and air of an antir
quity.

This was the condition of Mons, as Prince Alberon, of France,
founded it : And, it continued in the same state, till the year of our
Lord 320, when, Walbert, son and successor to Prince Alberon, and
the fitst Earl of Haihault, having continued the war his father had begun
against the Merovignians, upon the account of the usurpation of their
inheritance, and being married to the Lady Lucilla, sister to Zeno,
Emperor of the East, the Emperor thereupon took part with his brother-
in-law, in his quarrel against Clovis the Great, King of France, whom
he forced to enter into a treaty with him, and to restore to him the
county of Hainault; which was accordingly done at Cam bray, that
year, when King Clovis resigned so much territory to Prince Walbert,
and the Emperor Zeno erected it fnto an earldom in his flavour, giving
him this for a coat of arms: Or, a lion rampant sable, armed and lan-
gued gules : For a crest, an earl's coronet Or, adorned with eight
flowers of the same. Fn)m that time, Earl Walbert, and his succetson,
being at peace with the Merovignians, and having no war wiih any other
of their neighbours, had but little occasion to fear any thing, and' ba
obliged to be much upon their guard, to live in the midst of a wood,
and have their troops lodged always nigh to them, as their predecessor,
Prince Alberon, had done ; but they chose rather to dwell elsewhere,
in more convenient places, and neglected the dwelling-place of Prince
Alberon; so that Alberon's tower thereupon became a waste, and
Alberon's camp-post returned to be a desart, as it has been formerly.

It continued so, till the days of the Lady Waltrud, otherwise, St.
Waltrud, Countess and Heiress of Hainault, daughter to Earl Walbert
the Fourth, and wife to Maldegair, otherwise, St. Vincent, a Prince of
Ireland, who, by vertue of his marriage, was likewise Earl of Hainault.
JThis religious princess, being inclined to renounce the world, and looking
but for a convenient retiring-place, was perfuaded by St Guislain, and
others, her spiritual directors, to nxake choice of the dwelling*place of
Prince Alberon, in the wood, which, by that time was become wastes
turned quite a desart, and covered with trees as much as ever ; whei^
first she built a cell and a chapel, for herself, in Alberon's camp-poa^
hanl by Alberon'f tower; and afterwards founded a church, and it
cloister, for others, in the same place, in which she begun and
instituted that fiamous college, or congregation, of religious ladies,
or noble women, canonesses secular, without any rule, which con-
tinues there, and flourishes to this day. Saint Waltrud went
thither fo live, about the year of our Lord 603, and she madi^
that institutijon of Ladies in the year 609; which gave occasion to a
great many other people, gentlemen as well as ladies, poor as well as

THE HISTORY OP IIONS. 99

rici^ and laicks as well as religious^ to resort to the same place, and'
build homes for thl^mselves there, in A I heron's camp-post^ under the
shadow of Al heron's tower, and in the neigh hourhood of St. Waltrud's
^urch ; so that Alberon's camp-post, by degrees, came aoain to be
Tery well inhabited ; and, through time, grew out into a considerable
town, b«ing inclosed with anew hedge of bushes and branches rebuilt,
including the eminence, and occupying the explanade all around,
between the tower, which defended it at top, and the hedge which in*
closed .it at the bottom, as it was before. And they changed the name
, if Alberon's camp-post, and called it by thatof Bergpn, signifying, in
Teutonick, or old high Dutch, the ancient language of that coun-

S, ^much, as if one would say, by way of distinction. The Hill:
[ich name they designedly gave it, both because it was built upon a
Ultle hilK the only hill in the country thereabouts, and because of the
lespect and veneration they had for the dwelling-place of so many reli-
^us persons, as lived there a pious aiul devout life ; which respect they
thought they expressed a little, by calling it with a distinction, The
N[ill. At the same rate of speaking, and, for the same reasons, in Latin,
it wfis called Mons: And both these names it retains to this day; the
one. Mods, is used commonly by foreigners; the other, Bergen, is only
known among the natives.

What sort of town this hill of St. Waltrud's has been, we cannot at alt
tell; because now tliere are no vestiges of it to be found; and as for
plans of it I have never seen any. However, we may presume, that,
being built upon the same ground with Prince Alberon's camp-post, it
has been much of the same figure, and situate the same way ; has in-
cluded the same eminence, and occupied the same explanade, that
Tsigned about, between the top, where Alberon's tower was, and the
bottom, where it was inclosed with a new hed'ge, as before.

This was the condition of Mons, as St. Waltrud, and her ladies, and
their followers, refounded it. It continued in the same state, till the
year of our Lord o80, in the days of Alberick, Earl of Hainault, son
to Earl Brunulph, a prince of a publick spirit, and a great lover of
building, who did a great deal of that kind for Mons, and made it,
indeed, look like a town.

First, because it was the place, where his predecessor St. Waltrud,
and several other saints, had lived, out of the respect and veneration
he had to their name and memory, he loved mightily to dwell in it; and,
because he found that the lodgings in Prince Alberon's tower werc^ both
too little for him, and become ruinous, he not only repaired them, but
also built a castle of his own, a great and noble edifice, upon the top
of the same eminence, where Alberon's tower stood, and adjoining to it
on the south side, the tower being engaged with it on the north ; which
castle and tower, together, made such a large and capacious dweiling-

K* ce for him, that it served him conveniently as a house where he
ged ; as an observatory, from whence he discovered the country
about ; and as a fortress, by the means of which, he not only main*
tained bimseli^ but likewise defended the town, and, upon an occasion,
could command the same. He also cut down all the wood^ ^kVAcVv
covered the ground, both within and without the torwn, e^^ecvtW^ ^"Cclt

S^i THE HISTORY OF MONS.

out, and by such means discovered it all around, so as to make a grand
explanade, immediately without the inclosure, that rcigncd for a great
way of, all about the town ; and this explanade served him as a laiga
camp-post, vhere he rendezvouse;d his troops when he had occasion,
and drew them up in order of battle.

Then, for the further defence^of the town, which, till his time, never
had any better inclosure than hedges, he was the £rst who conceived tfa^
design of inclosing it with a wall, and took care to have his design put
inexecution ; in order io which, he cut down the hedge-inclosure, that
had been begun by Prince Alberon, and continued by his successors till
then ; extended the Pomarium, or explanade, on it, a good way beyond
it, further into the country, and there built another of his own, bdn^
a wall of stone, making it go quite round the town with a larger coin-
pass; so as take in not only the eminence, upon which the town stoodt
with the castle and tower at the top, but likewise a good deal of mora
ground at the bottom of it, which he designed should serve as an empty .
space, for the inhabitants to build houses farther upon. This was done -
in the year of our Lord 687 » and it is the second inclosure of Mons,
which made it, indeed, look like a town ; whereas, till that time, hav^
ing never any thing but a hedge about it, it looked no better than like a
village; of which and of all the other pubiick works of Earl Albenck^
,abput Mons, an account may be gathered from the inscriptions, thnt
are to be seen in and about his castle; it being still on foot and intiiv^
whereas of his wall there is not the least vestige to be found, it having
been so complcjatly overthrown and ruined, that one cannot know now
where it has been ; but the ancient history of Mons is to be read more
at large, in a book intituled, ^ The Annals of Hainault,' a Walloon
manuscripit, wjrittei) in the year 1360, by Jacques de Guyse, a native of
Mons, and a Licentiate in Divinity, of the order of St. Francis, preserv-
ed by the Ladies of St. Waltrqd there, and to be seen in their library;
by any one that calls for it.

.What kind of inclosure this wall of Earl'Alberick's has been, we can-
not well tell ; for now there are no vestiges of it to be found ; but I have
seen a profile of it, in oil, in a prospect of old Mons, hanging in the
closet of the L^dy Margaret of Croy, a princess of the family of Roeulx,
and one of the Ladies of St. Waltrud's there, by which it appears that
it has beep built of hewn stone, in the Roman fashion, and fortified with-
square towei$, at equal distances, and a third part higher, having three
gates, but no ditch, and that it has run about the town in an oblong
figure, stretching itself from East to West, so as to approach nearer to
the Trouille side, the river running from South to North, and to take in
the eminence, upon which the town stood, with a good deal more. As
for Earl Alberick's castle, we can give some account of it, it being on
foot and intire to this day, though beginning now to look pretty ancient, .
standing on the same eminence with Prince Albcron's Tower, where they
together occupy all the top of it, the Tower being engaged with the
Castle on the North-side, and the Castle adjoined to the Tower on the
South, the eminence stretching itself Elast and West; it is four pavilions
round, joined together with ^ four sides oblong, making up a court
square, this root of the interior square being eighty feet, that of the ex?

THE HISTORY OF MONS. 95

tenor an bundred and sixty, buih of hewn stone, the sides to the breadth
offorty feet, the pavilions to the solidity of sixty, and both to a height equal
to their respective breadth and solidity, the walls to the thickness of five
feety and to a height diflbreut as the parts of the edifice require, the sides
consisting of two stories, the pavilions of three, adorned without and
within, with a base continued at the bottom, and a gate arched, on the
South-side, accompanied with its pilasters, with bordei*s likewise con-
tinued at the division of stories, and windows cornered on all sides, ac-
companied with their chanbranles, and with a cornish at the top dis-
continued, the parts of the edifice differing in height; above which there
is an attick, terminated in a platform, guarded with a balustrade, all
discontinued and surmounted, the sides with a roof pavilion-wise, of
timber, covered with lead, the pavilion with a dome and cupola, bearing
up a fane-statf and fane; and, as Alberon's round Tower is on the North- :
side engaged in the body of the edifice, so corresponding to it on the
South-side just over th^ gatfe, there is another Tower square, the root
of the square being sixty feet, built as the rest of the edifice, to the
height of an hundred and twenty feet, consisting of six stories, adorned
at the bottom with a base and a portal arched, accompanied with its
pilasters, with borders at the division of stories, and windows cornered,
accompanied with their chanbranles, and with a cornish at the top,
having above it an attick, terminated in a platform, guarded with a
balustrade, and surmounted with a spire of timber, covered with lead,
bearing up a fiag-staff and fiag, having blazoned the arms of the sove-
reign ; the whole a mass of Gothick work, adjoined to Alberon's Tower,
that, because of its situation as well as of its age, upon the top of a ris-
ing ground, or height, where, consequently, it is exposed very much to
the injuries both of time and weather, begins now, at this day> to lool^
like an antiquity ; and as, by reason of its being seated upon aneminei)ce,
the only eminence in the country thereabouts, it is seen a great
way off all around, by those who come towards the town, so the best
prospect that one can have of Mons, and of the ground about it, is from
the platforms of the Castle within it, especially frona those of the two
Towers, and particularly that of Alberon's, which stands just upon the
top of the eminence, on the very highest spot of it all, and where the
curious traveller should not neglect to go up to the platform of it, be- -
cause from thence he can discover and view all at once, the town,
its situation, and fortification, the ground, its rising, and falling, the wa-
ters, their course, and quantity, the rivers, canals, lakes, the marshes,
and all that is of it. .

This was the condition of Mons, as it was built by Earl Albcrick:
And it continued so, in the same stats, without any further alteration .
or change, either for its increase, or for its better defence, till a long
time after.

In the year of our Lord 812, in the days of the Lady Renny, Countess
and Heiress of Hainault, daughter to Earl Walter the Third, and wife
to Albo, a Prince of Lorrain, who, by his marriage, was likewise Earl
of Hainault, Charles^ the Great, King of France, and Emperor of the
West, had so much good will for Mons, partly for the sake of Earl
iValter the Third, who was killed in his service a^aiTv&X X\ie ^^Swow&^vx

96 . THE HIST(»tY OF MONS.

the year 800, but principally upon the account it had been the dwelliii|^
place of St« Waltrudy and several other great saints, that» as a marh of
the respect and veneration he had for the name and. memory of thoM
worthies, he not only declared it a noble town, and gave it all the pii*
▼ileges of a free city, but, besides, made it the capital of all Hainaolt;
and, what was more, erected it, and the territory about it, into a pai^
ticular earldom by itself, distinct from the earldom of Hainault, in
favour of the Countess Reiiny, and of Earl Albo, to whom he had
beforehand married her, giving it this for a coat of arms: Argent^ m
castle triple-towered Gvies; for a crest, an earl's coronet Or^ adorned
with eight flowers of the same. From that time, the Earls of HainauU
were likewise Earls of Mons, and use^ both titles together, quarteriiu
the armorial ensigns of both earldoms, so as to make up an escutcheon
in this manner : Quarterly, in the first and fourth, Or, a linn rampant
sable, armed and langued ^ules, for Hainault; in the second and thu4
argent, a castle triple- towered gules, for Mon&; for a crest, an eariV
coronet Or^ adorned with eight flowers of the same. And it continued
to be so till the days of Earl John.

Rainier the First, Earl of Hainault and Mons, cousin to Earl Manaagy,
having sharp war in his time with Otho the Great, Emperor of Germaoy,'
and Bruno, Archbishop of Cologn, two brothers, in the year of kxw
Lord S^% went out to meet the archbishop, who, in the empeior't
name, was come against him with a great army into Hainault, and met
him near Valenciennes, where they fought ; but the archbishop, being
much superior to him, in quality, as well as in number of troops, not
only defeated his army, but likewise took himself prisoner, and carried
him in chains to Cologn, where he kept him till he died: He, also,
the same year, took possession of both the earldoms of Hainault and
Mons, for the emperor, and disposed of them by his authority, by
giving them to governors, who held them in hb name, excluding both
Earl Rainier, whom he kept prisoner, and his children, -whom he
banished the country. In this manner, the town of Mons, and the
territory about it, came into the hands of the Emperor Otho, and hit
governors; and it continued to be so for the space of nineteen years;
that is, till the year d7S, when Rainier the Second, son and successor
to the other, after having made many eflbrts, during the time of hit^
banishment, to revenge his father's quarrel, and recover his own inhe-
ritance, and all to no purpose, being then a refugee at the court of
France, and married thereto a French Princess, the Lady Havidea,
daughter to Hugh Capet, Earl of Paris, and a peace being, that year,
concluded between Otho the Second, Emperor of Germany, and
Lotbair, King of France, by an article of that treaty, it was provided
.fi>^ his restoration ; so, by means of his foreign alliance, he, at length,
recovered his o^n country, after having been banished it nineteen years.
In the year of our Lord 111 3, in the days of Baldwin the Second,
Earl of Hainault and Mons, Eari Baldwin the First's son. a terrible ^x^
broke out in Mons, which reduced almost the whole town to ashes. It
lay in ruins till the year 1145, that Baldwin the Third, son and 6uc«
cessOr to the former, begun to rebuild it, and continued to do so as'long
dsheliyedjf xbat is, till the year 1171; but, having sharp and vio{ep^

THE histohy op MONS. 97

Var in hi^ time, With Thierry of Alsace, Earl of Flandera, upon tho
account of the succession to that earldom, by reason of his affiurs
abroad, his buildings at home did not advance, and were not per*
fected in his life-time ^ except the wall about Mons, which; for the
security of his house and family, as well as for the defence of the
town and burghers, he took care to have advanced, and perfected very
quickly ; so that, in a short time, it came to be in as good a case as
before.

What kind of inclosure this wall of Earl Baldwin the Third's has been,
we cannot at all tell, there being noiv no vestiges of it to be found ; and,
as/ot plants or profiles of it, I have never seen any: However, we may
presume, that, being built upon the same bounds, and on the same
foundation, with the former, it has likewise been in the same fashion, of
the same figure, and the same every other way.

This was the condition of Mons, as it was rebuilt by Earl Baldwin
the Third : And it continued in that state, only till the year of our
Lord 1186; for then, Baldwin the Fourth, sirnamed the builder^
because of the great inclination he had that way, son and sucd^ssor to
the other, a publick-spirited prince, who, alone, did more for Mons,
than all those who were before him, having perfected the buildings his
father had begun, and added a great many other edifices of his own, so
as to take up all the grouhd that was included within the town, and be
obliged to go without, if he had a mind to build any more, fell there-
upon into a dislike of the inclosure, as being of too narrow bounds,
conceived the design of another, larger, and immediately put his design
in execution, throwing down the wall that had been built by Earl
Alberick, and lately rebuilt by his father, extending the Pomcerimn on
it a good way beyond it, further into the country, and there building
another of his o\vn, likewise of stone, together with a ditch, makng
both go quite round, with a greater circumference, sa as to take in, not
only the town, but a good deal of ground more, which he designed
should serve as an empty space, for himself, and his successors, as well
as for the inhabitants, to build ftirther upon : This was done, that
same year ; and it is the third inclosure of Mons, which did, indeed,
lender it a great deal larger than what it was formerly, as it was in this
prince's time, that the town arrived at a pitch of splendor and magnifi-
cence, beyond what it had ever been at before. Of which, and of all
the other publick works of Earl Baldwin, the Builder, about Mons,
an account may be gathered from the inscriptions, that are to be seen in
and about the town-house, and the other edifices /which he built there,
being most of them still on foot, and intire ; though of his wall and
ditch there is not the least vestige to be found, they having been so
completely destroyed, the one filled up, the other pulled down, and
both levelled to the ground, so that one cannot know now where they
have been ; but the history of Earl Baldwin, the Builder, and of his
Works, is to be read more at large, in a book, intituled, The Annals of
Mons, a Walloon manuscript, written in different times, by the town-
d^rks there, preserved in tlye town-house, among the archives, and
to be^seen by those who have acquaintance enough amou^ tbft tqa.^v
trates.

yoi,. xu H

9S THE HISTORY OF MONS.

What kind of inclosure this wall of Earl Baldwin Ae Bailder Imf
been, we cannot well tell; for now there are no vestige of it to ble
foupd : But I have seen a profile of it, iit Destrampature, in a piospecC
of Old Mons, upon the wall of the counciUchamber, in the town-hoOM
there, by which it appears : that it has been built of hewn stone^ ift the
Roman fashion, and fortified with round towers, at equal distances, woA
a third part higher, having five gates, with a large ditch, and tlut it
has run about the town in an oblong figure, stretching itself from east to
west, so as to touch upon the Trouilie-side, the river running fiom
south to north, and to toke in the town, with a good deal more.

This was the condition of Mons, as it was rebuilt by Eari Baldwin,
the Builder : And it continiied so, in the same state, without any far-
ther addition or change, either in its buildings or governmenti for along
time after.

In the year of our Lord 1252, in the days of the Lady Maigaret,
Countess and Heiress of Hainault and Mons, daughter to "Earl Baldwin
of Constantinople, and widow to Burchard simamed of Avemiet^ s
nobleman of the same country, who,- by virtue of hb marriage, had
been likewise administrator of Hainault and Mons, an unnatural
war broke out in Hainault, betweenr the Countess Margaret, and her
own son, Prince John of Avesnnes,. who, immediately upon his father
the administrator*s death, would not wait the succession, till his mother
the heiress died also, but conceived the design of turning her out,; and
by the assistance of William the Second,^ Earl of Holland, and King of
the Romans, whose sister, the Lady Alice, he had married, and whio,
for. that reason, was a stout friend to the son, and a bitter enemy to the
mother, did almost put his design in execution; for partly by King
William's assistance, and partly by the means of a strong party, which
he made among the nobility of Hainault, he very soon possessed himself
of Mons, and of most of the other towns in that province, meaning no
less than to take the whole, and driv& his mother quite out of if, as in
eSsQi he did at length, and obliged her to retire-to France. But, in tbe
yeanr 1954, the Countess Margaret, being assisted with troops by Lewis
the Ninth, otherwise, St. Lewis, King of France, returned into Hainault,
where she recovered Mons, and the other towns, and reduced the whole
province to her obedience; upon which, her son, not having the patieoee
to wait the succession till her death, broke his heart, and died in the
year 1255, after having shewn himself to be a son unworthy to have
lived so long, by his having so unworthily treated a lady, who was bodi
hi»owi> mother, and his father's widow, and whose dominions he was to
have aH, without dispute, immediately upon her demise,, which han^
pened in the year 1280,

John, sitnamed, of Avesnnes, Earl of HaiAauU and Mons, Prince
John of Avesnnes's son, in the year of our Loid (299» by the right of
his raotfaep, the Lady Alice of Holland, . Earl William the Second,
otherwise King William's sister, succeeded likewise in the Earldoms of
Holland and Zealand ; by which means, four earldoms came then to be
joined in the person of this carl, who thereupon changed the escutcheon
of the Sarli of Hainault by putting out the arf&s of Mons, and putting

THE HISTORY OF MOKS. ' gg

In those of Holland in their room, quartering the original escutcheons
of Hainault and Holland, so as to make up a coat of arms in this man*
ner: Quarterly; in the first. and fourth, or, a lion rampant sable^
armed and langued gules, for Hainault : in the second and third, or^ a
lion rampant gules, for Holland; for a crest, an earKs coronet, or,
adonied with eight flowers of the same. And it continues to be so to this
day. He also neglected, among his titles, to use (hat of £arl of Mons;
so from that time it went into desuetude.

In the year of our Lord 1339, in the days of William the Second,.
Earl of Hainault and Holland, son to Earl William the ^ood, Edward
the Third, King of England, being^ constituted by Lewis of Bavaria,
Einperor of Germany, great Vicar of the Holy Empire,. and having
occasion to go from England into Germany, about the affairs that
bdonged to his charge, passed the way of Mons, and staid two days in
the town, where he was splendidly and magnificently received and en*
tertained, by £^rl William, and his nobility.

In the year of our Lord 14^4, in the days of the Lady Jaquelin,
Countess and Heiress of Hainault and Holland, daughter to Earl William
of Bavaria, and wife to John Duke of Brabant, who, by his maniage,
was likewise administrator of Hainault and Holland, a terrible war
broke out in 'Hainault, upon the following occasion: The Countesi
Jaquelin was lawfully married to Duke John of Brabant, as we have
said, but afterwards disliked him, and, he being still alive, married
again adulterousty to Humphry Duke of Glocester, King Henry the
Fifth of England's brother; upon which Duke John the Administrator,
being assisted by Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, came into
Hainault, in the year 1424, and, either by force of arms, or a volun-
tary submission, reduced into his power all the towns in the province,
except Mons, in a very short time. The next year 1435, the two
Dukes, John and Philip, came together before Mons, besieged it, and
took it upon terms. In continued in the hands of the Brabancons, so
long as Duke John the Administrator lived, that is, till the year 1425,
when Duke Philip, as next heir to the Countess Jaquelin, who was
banished the country, succeeded in the Administratorship of Hainault^
and the Burgundians took possession of Mons and kept it, till at length,
in the year 1436, the Countess Jaquelin die4> and Duke Philip then
succeeded to her as heir general.

About this prince's time, that is, after the year of our Lord 1436, «
great many foreigners, especially Dutch and Burgundians, came throng-
ing thither to Mons, and made the town increase so much in the number,
both of its inhabitants and houses, that there was not room enough for
them within Earl Baldwin the Builder's wall; for all the ground, in-
cluded with it, was intirely taken up : So that, afterwards, they were
obliged to begin to build without the ditch, along the sides of the high-
tWays, that rUn out iVom the gates; which buildings, ait length, grew
out into suburbs, having each of them the same name, with the gata
they run out from.

Duke Philijp, having first had Mons as administrator for another, and.
afterwards jot it in sovtreignty to himsflf, Iwjinj %X iW^ ^J^4 -^-''— ^

H3

100 THE HISTORY. OF MOJJS.

war, in bis time, with Charles the Seventh, King of France, upon the
account of the death of his father, who was killed upon the bridge at'
. Montreau, in Champagne, by the French King's order, and considering
the importance of the town of Mons, being a frontier to him on the side
towards France, how weakly it was fortified, haying nothing but Elarl
Baldwin the Builder's wall and ditch to defend it, and that then, nher
the invention of powder and guns, towns wanted to be fortified at a better
rate, than ever they had been before, was thereupon the first who con*
ceived the design of throwing up a rampart about it; and, because the
town, by reason of its excrescence into suburbs, that was like wise gro\hi
considerable, required a nev( inclosure, he designed also, that the
rd,mpart should inclose, and go quite round it, with such a large com-
pass, by the outer ends of all the suburbs, as to take in town, suburfafi^
river, and all that was on it : Which design he begun to put in execor
tion, in the year of our Lord i46o, when, in order to it, he first de-
stroyed f^arl Baldwin's inclosure, by throwing down the wall, filling tip
the, ditch, and levelling both to the ground; then extended the
Pomarium of the town, into the country, beyond the far-ends of all the
suburbs, and the river, and there built an inclosure of his own, bj
cutting out a ditch, throwing up a rampart, and making both go clear
round, with such a large circumference, as to surround and shut up alL
It was compleated in the year 1^7 9 the last year of Duke Philip's life;
and it is the fourth and last inclosure of Mons, which, among all those
that the town has had, is the only one that continues on foot> and intire
to this day ; and, though it be now above two-hundred years old, yet
it is all that Mons has about it.

What kind of inclosure this rampart of Duke Philip the Good's is, we
can very well tell: for it is still on foot and intire, and I have seen anid
observed it very exactly. It is not a simple wall of stone,, as the other
inclosures were, but a thick rampart of earth ; built in the ancient,
fashion, not after the modern ; altogether irregular, not according to
art; and fortified with towers and bulwarks intermixed, not bastions,
being a confused mass of Roman and Gotbick work together, that dis^
covers, by its mixture, the age it was done in, as well as the hands lyho
did it. It is hard to tell its (Smensions, because of its irregularity; for
we could hot take them, otherwise than measuring them by common
paces; which we did, walking it on foot, both within and without the
town : So, according to what we found, I shall endeavour to give a
ciescription of it as full and exact as is possible. And, to begin with its
plan:

It is built in form of a polygon, or figure having many sides, of an
oblong, round, or parabolick kind; consisting of two unequal parts
upon the two sides of the Trouille; of several irregular sides on both
sides the river, and having seven gates in it, two sluices, and a great
many towersand bulwarks intermixed^ at unequal and irregular distances.

The great semidiameter of the interior polygon is just a thousand *
common paces, five-hundred geometrical paces, or a third part of il
British mile; which, doubled, makes the length of the ground, within
thifpolfgon, .two-thou9fmd common paces, or a thousand geometrical

THE HISTORY OF MONS. 101

paces, or tvro thirds of a British mile. Hie great semidiatneter of the
exterior polygon is a thousand and forty* two common paces, that is,
five-hundred and twenty-one geometrical paces, or somewhat more than
A third of a British mile; which, doubled, makes the length of the ground
within this polygon, or the greatest length of the place. Take it which
way you will, two-thousand jand eighty-four commun paces, or a thou-
sand and forty-two geometrical paces, or somewhat more than two thirds
of a British mile. The little semidiameter of the interior polygon is just
seven^iundred and fifty common paces, that is, three-hundred and
seventy-five geometrical paces, or a quarter of a British mile; which,
doubled, makes the breaidth of the ground, within this polygon, fifteeh-
hundred common paces, or seven-hundred and fifty geometrical paces,
or half a British mile. The little semidiameter of the exterior polygon
is seven-hundred and ninety-two common paces, that is, three-hundred
and ninety-six geometrical paces, or somewhat more than a quarter of
a British mile; which, doubled, makc-s the breadth of the 'ground
within this polygon, or the greatest breadth of the place, take it which
wayyou will, fifteen hundred and eighty-four common paces, or seven-
hundred and ninety-two geometrical paces, or somewhat more than half
a Briti^ mile«

The sides of both the polygons being of an equal length, and the
towers and bulwarks of an irregular situation, at unequal and irregular
distances, we could not well take the dimensions of them all separately,
but, jointly all together, we found the circumference of the interior
polygon to be just six-thousand common paces, that is, three-thousand
geometrical paces, or two British miles; and the circumference of the
exterior polygon, six-thousand two-hundred and fifty-two common
paces, or three-thousand h hundred and twenty-six geometrical paces,
or somewhat more than two British miles. But the circumference;
measuring it upon the top of the rampart, going along the corridor,
or gallery, and around the platforms, or terrasses of the towers and
bulwarks by the foot in the battlement j or breastwork, and reckoning
all the sides and angles, or turnings in and out of the ramparts, towers,
and bulwarks, or the greatest circumference of the place, take it which
way you will, is exactly seven-thousand two-hundred and forty common
paces, that is, three-thousand six-hundred and twenty geometrical
paces^ or two British miles, and somewhat more than a third of a mile.

There are seven gates in this rampart ; five in that part of it which
surrounds the greater part of the town, on the east-side the river,
commonly called the Great Town, being by far the greater part of it ;
and two in that part which surrounds the lesser part of the town, on the
west-side the river, named the Little Town, being much the lesser part.
The gates on the east-side, in the rampart about the Great Town, be^
ginning at the river, at the lower end towards the north, from thence
going eastward^, and so round, are reckoned in this order, and thus
named : The Water-gate, ' the Castle-gate, the Park -gate, the Nimy-
gate, and the Havre-gate. Those on the west-side, in the rampart about
Hie Little Town, beginning at the river, at the upper end towardic the
^uth, from thence going westwards, round, are reckoi^ed atid tyA.\!(Ns4

» 3

Idt THE HISTORY OF MONS.

so: The Hayon-gate, and the Bartemont-gate. And upon the riviTf
at each end of the town, whereas; originally," there was nothing but a
pannel or piece of wall, with a little gate in it, for the water to past
through, built by the Burgundians, to join the rampart on the one side,
and that on the other side together, and so to compleat the inplosure;
instead of those pannels of wail, there are now two sluices, lately made
by the Spaniards, which serve the turn of joining the two ramparts,
and corapleating the inclosure to better purpose; for, besides the joining
of the ramparts, by these sluices, the people of the town have the .comr
mand of the river-water, so as to be able to let it out, or keep it in, or
miake of it what they please; whereas, by those pannels of wall, they
could do nothing with it. .

It is fortified all about with round towers, and bulwarks, likewise
round, intermixed, at unequal and irregular distances; and every one
of those gates and<sluices is so placed in the middle between two towen,^
oqe on each side of it, and so nigh to one another, that it stands equally
de&nded and hid between them*

As to it^ profile: the rampart, the gates, the towers, the bulwarks,
and all that is pn it, is built of earth thrown up, revested on the outside,
and incrusced on the inside, with facades of hewn stone ; the rampart
and gates being to the thickness of seventy feet, that is, reckoning the
mass of earth, with the revesture and incrusture of stone, ^nd to the
height of eight and twenty ; the towers to the solidity of five and thirty
feet, and to the height of two and forty, that is, a third part higher than
the rampart, after the manner practised in the towers of the Aiireliau
wall about Rome; and the bulwarks to both a solidity and a height equal
to those of the rarapait, according to the common practice. The ramr
parts and gates are terminated with a grand corridor, or gallery, being
a kind of terra-plain, iiinning along the top of it; the towers and. bul-
warks with grand platforms, or terrasses, some of which arc covered,
and some discovered ; and both terra-plain and platforms are guarded
on the outside with a grand battlement, or breastwork, being a kind of
parapet, likewjbse of earth cast up, revested, and incrusted with hewn
sto^e, to the thicknes^ of one and twenty feet, and to the height of
aeiven ; founded upon the ^p of the rampart and gates, 'the tpwers and
bulwarks, and reigning ajong the tcrra^plain, and around the platforms,^
all about the town : By whicl^ ineans, though the rampart and gates
be seventy feet t^ick, yet the terra-plain, in the top of them, co|nes to
be only fortyrmixe feet broad^ by reason that one and twenty feet, the
thickness of the parapet, are taJkei) from it ; and, the parapet going
rppqd the towers a^ b^lwark^, as well as along the rampart and gates,
the breadth of jthe^r platforms comes aJ^p to be diminished in propor-
tion.

Without the rampart is the dltch^ being a moat, or wet ditch, a hun-
dred and forty feet broad, and t;ifrelye feet doep : It is cut out of the
earth, has its scarp and /counterscarp incrusted with hewn stone, and is
always i^W of water from the river, ^^^ ^^ other neighbouring wa(^
that are made to run into it. Oyer it, before the ^tes, are seven bridges,
that is, one before each gate, giving passage into, and out from (he
/otyp; and haying^ at the outer encjs of them^ as many high-way8|

THE mSTORT OF MOMS. lOS

Alt, horn ttcBce, nu out into die tdjaccnt couotij, and hMwe each
Af sauK nune widi llie gjite it niiis oot from. TVj were origiiially
iied bridges ofslone, built by tike Buf{;ii]idiaiHiy but now diey tic diair
CBB of timber, lalrijfliadel^tbe Spflsivdi; diaiii, be^nc euh pOit
Acre iiBOfv « dnw-bridge^ orrather « concalmitioD of such brid^
ew bejrodd anodier, pfaucd upon moonts, or iHUarSy founded io the
udk « kiiglk, as to croas it ofer, and to the ordinaij bmdth

TW liver IVouiHe, vhethcr within or without the town, ii hot veiy
■hD and incnuwlriable; however, it is navigable for boats, as niu»
as if of it below Morn, and boidqed all along with a quay, or laoding-
place^ levesied with slone, its channrl being incrusted with the same. As
forlbebridlges, ^tare over it, joining the two parti of the town ump-
ther, ibe one pait on die cast-^de, being by fisr the greater, the other
on tike ucit side much the lemer, there are a great many of diem, one
ia evoy street dbat touches upcn it, but none of them oraudenble,
te river bong but ssaalL They are all fixed bridges of stone, as dicy
bare alwajv been, built orighially by die fiurgjondians, and rebuilt
klely by the Spaniaids^ terminated in die top with a cause-way, or
guarded on both adcs vrith a balustrade, or laH; the whcde

That was die condition of Mods, as Duke FhHip the Good fortified
% aaddiis is all the Icngph its fortifications came, u hislifo-time; for,
aceonfing to the knowle^ die Burgundjaas had of the art of militaiy
ajihitftture, in those days, being suiiuuuded vrith a lampart and a
dHch, thev reckoned it a town complcatly fortified.

Cbnles tike Wairior^ Duke Philip's sod and socccmor, having like-
waesharp and vicdcnt war, in his time, against Lewis the El^enth,
Kmg of France, upon tike account of hb grandfodiei's death, and the
knowledge of the art of asilitary architecture being come a greater kngdi
ia Ma days, thanit vras in hb fother^s, coofidered fuidier of forti^^mg
Mons, being a principal frontier-town to him on the side tonids
Fnncc!, by the addition ofoutawria toils strength; and, in order to it,
he first cut down all the vrood, vrhich covered the coontiy about the
town, and, by such means, <faconred it all around, so as to make a
gfaod explaande, immediately vrithout the ditch, that reaped, for a
gRSt vray off^ all about die place; then be cut out wamrtber ditch,
fikewire a moat, making it go quite round, a little without the foimer,
and disposed of the other wBlen about die town, so as, bythemcansof
canals, to make them run into the ditdics, to fill them : And last of
all, fiirthe better defince of the mnpart, oo thesoothand irest sides
of die town, being the sides towards France and Flanders^ he erected
two forts, beiaig a kind of ravnbn, upon the ground included between
the two ditcher die one before the Hayoo-g^Ue, towards the aouth, the
odber before the Bartemont-g^, towards & irest: This vras dooe in
the jear of our Lord 14f O; and he would, perhaps, have done more
coarnds the fonifjiing of If ona, if hb death, which happened, at dia
kattle of Nancy, intheyear 1477» had not prevented bm.

H 4

104 THE HISTORY OF MONS.

What kind of works these outworks of Duke Charles tbe Warrior^s
were then, we ciannot precisely tell ; for now they are either taken lo,
and embodied with the Spanish and French works that have been since
made, or levelled. However, 1 have seen a draught of them in the
hall of the castle at Mons, by which it appears, that the forts have been
good large. works, built of earth, revested and incrusted with stone, to
a solidity double of the thickness of the rampart, and to a height equid
to the depth of the ditches, between which they were erected, terminated
in the top with platforms, guarded- on the outside with battlements,
fortified with round turrets, and having bridges of $tone over the two
ditches, both before and behind them, the whole being suitable to the
rest of the fortification ; that ihe ditch has been a moat, half as broad
as, the other, and whole as deep, going round, sometimes at a greater,
and sometimes at a lesser distance ; and that the wood has been dis-
covered, for a great way off, all about the town.

That this was the condition of Mons, as Uuke Charles the Warfior
further fortified it, and this is the length its fortifications came in hit
life-time; when, according to the rate of reci^oning the strength of. tourii$
in those days, it was indeed become pretty strong; being inclosed with
a rampart, fortified with towers and bulwarks, further fortified witli
sonie outworks, and surrounded with a double ditch; all which did
indeed make it strong at that time, though now it would signify
nothing.

However, it continued so in the same state, without any further
alteration or change befalling it, either in its edifices or government,
j^li the days of Philip the Second, King of Spain, Duke of Burgundy,
and Earl of Hainault, son to the Kmperor C harles the Fifth. This
Prince had no war in his time with the French, but cruel and bloody
war with the Dutch, the btatcs-general of tbe United Provinces, who
naturally were his subjects, but had made a general defection from
him, because of his tyranny and <^ppressi(m towards them, upon the
account of their differing in religion from him, they being protestantt,
and he a papist, and established a republick of their owA, which was
headed by William the First, Prince o( Orange, and Lewis, Earl of
Nassau, his brother, who, in the year of our Lord \57^, being assisted
with the Protestants of France, came into Hainault, drew near to Mons
in the nighttime, and took it by a stratagem. But it was retaken, by
force, the same year, by Don I'erdinand, Duke of Alva, governor for
King Philip in the Low Countries, and Don Frederick of Toledo, hit
son, who besieged it closely for two months, and then forced it to-
iurrender upon terms.

King Philip having recovered it into his hands, and the bloody war,
betwixt him and the States-general, becoming more violent, considering
the weakness of the rampart about it, by reason of the slenderness of
its fortification, and the Spaniards being come a greater length, m the
knowledge of the art of military architecture, than the Burgundians
ever were, resolved to provide for the further security of the town, by
.amending the dufects in its strength. So accordingly, in the year of
our Lord 1576, for the better defence of the rampart, he fell a fortify*

THE HISTORY OF MONS.' 105

ing it with bastion^, such as the Spaniards in his time could' construct';
and begun on the east-side at the gate of Nimy, where, the ground
being a rising gniund, or hill, he thought it was most attackable, from
thence going southwards, round; but he only perfected two of them
during all the rest of his life-time ; the one at the saillant angle, on thfe
right of the gate of Nimy, townrds the east ; the other at the saillant •
angle in the middle of the distance between that and the gate of Havre,
towards the south-east.

What^kind of works these bastions of Philip the Second's Werej we
can very well tell, they being still on foot and intire, and free from any
other edifice; they are bastions flat, not royal; built of earth, revested
with stone to a solidity tripleof the thickness of the rampart, and to a
height equal to that of the same ; terminated in the top with platforms,
or terrasses, guarded on the outside wfth parapets, or battlements and
banquets, or footsteps, suitable to the rest of the fortification.

xWwas the condition of Mons, as King Philip the Second amended
it, and this is all the length its fortifications came in his time; he would
perhaps have done more towards the strengthening of the town, if the
cruel and bloody religious war, which happened in his reign, had not
hindered him.

Albert, Archduke of Austria, King Philip the Second's son-in-law,
by marrying his daughter Donna Isabella, and successor in the domi*
liion of the Low-Countries, though he had little or no war during hit
government, with the Dutch, or any other of his neighbours, yet con-
tinued the design his father had begun, of amending the defects in the
strength of Mons, and fortifying the rampart with bastions ; and ac-
cordingly, in the year of our I«ord l603, addod one on the south-west
side, near the gate of Bartemont, where there being likewise a little
risii^ ground, he thought it was somewhat attackable; it is at the
saillant angle on the left of the g^te of Bartemont towards the south*
west.

What kind of work this bastion of Archduke Albert was, we can
likewise very well tell; it being still on foot and intire. It is of the
tame figure, has the same dimensions, and is every way the same with
the other two, that are already described.

That was the condition of Mons, as Archduke Albert further
amended it, and this is the length its fortifications came in his govern-
Bent. It continued so in the same state, without any furthev. addition
to its strength, till the days of Philip the Fourth, King of Spain, and
Earl of Hainault, King Philip the Third's son, who having sharp war
in his time with the French, during the minority of Lewis the Fourteenth,
the present King of France, and the Spaniards being come a greater
length, in the knowledge of the art of military architecture than former-
ly, considered further of strengthening the defence of Mons, by compleat*
ing its fortification with outworks ; in order to which, in the year of
our Lord l660, he first enlarged Duke Philip the Good's ditch, in such
and such places, so as to render it capable of the works he designed in
it ; and then, beginning on the East-side, at the gate of Nimy, where,
the ground being high, he thought the town was mostaltacVsiVA^^l^TfiL
thence going aouthwiwds roundy be plaoted and raised iVk^ioWoitVcv^^^^vxy

106 TH£ HISTORY OF MONS.

ivprkt : A Iwrge ravelin, just before the Nimy-g^ towards the East ;
a half-moon in the middle of the distance, between King Philip the Se-
cond^ tsro bastions, likewise towards the East; another half-moon be*
fore the Hayon-gate, towards the South ; a third half-moon in the mid*
die of the distance, between that and Arch-duke Albert's bastion, like-
towards the South ; a fourth and large half-moon, just before the Barte*
moBt-gate, towards the Mfest ; and a horn- work before the Water-gfUe,
towards the North-west.

What kind of works these outworics of King Philip the Fourth's were,
ve can well enough tell; they being still on foot and intire, and free
from odier edifices. They are built of earth revested and incrusted with .
ttone, to a solidity and height in proportion to the rampart ; terminated
with platforms, guarded with parapets and banquets, suitable to the
re&t of the fortification ; planted in the ditch, at the distance of its ordi*
nary breadth from the rampart, that is, beyond the general ditch, which
«ccompaiues the rampart all along; surrounded with water, that it, their
particular ditches, which only accompany them, and are commonly half
the breadth of the other, both being but one ditch enlarged, originally
eat out by Duke Philip the Good ; and joined to the scarp or slope, on
the inside, and to the counter-scarp, or contrary slope, on the outrid^
with draw-bridges.

That was the condition of Mons, as King Philip the Fourth com*
pleated it, and this is all the length its fortification came in his reign,
rerhaps, he would have done more, but his death, which happened in
theyear.of our Lord l66^, prevented him.

Charles the Second, late King of Spain, King Philip the Fourth's
son, and successor to the Earldom of Hainault, having likewise sharp and
riolent war in his time, with the present King Lewis the Fourteenth of
France, continued the design his father had begun, of strengthening the
defence of Mons, by compleating its fortification with outworks, and
partly by the means of the knowledge that t!ie Spaniards were then come
to in military architecture, partly by the help of the skill of some strag-
gling French pretenders to that art, who, either by chance, or out of
design, were got into his service, did more of this kind for that town
than all those who were before him, though to no great purpose.

First, In the year of our Lord 1 670, in Duke Philip the Good's
ditch, beginning on the Eastntide, where the town, because of the ri*
sing ground, is most attackable, at the gate of the Park, from thence
going southwards, round, he added these following outworks to those
that were in it before: A half-moon, just before the Park-Gate, to-
wards the North-east ; another half-moon, in the middle of the distance
between that and King Philip the Fourth's ravelin, before the Nimy-
gate, likewise towards the North-east $ an irregular horn-work, with a
small ravelin before it, covering King Philip the Second's bastion, on
the right of the Nimy-gate, towards the East; and a third half-moon in
the middle of the distance, between the Havre-gate and the Hayon-gate,
towards the South, TH^ he converted the ground, included between
Duke Philip the Good's ditch, and Duke Charles the Warrior's, into a
ffand covered way, with k glacis, or parapet, on the outside; reignirfg
(g^lte fouifdtbc jtown, and being tenaikd or angled all along; divided

THE HISTORY OF MONS. 107

io jK>rae places, because of its too great breadth, and intercut in others,
for the sake of a commynication of water between the ditches. After-
wards» without Duke Charles the Warrioi's ditch, for the further forti-
fication of the place, he added these outworks : A small swallow-tail,
with a moat, or wet ditch, separated at some distance from the other,
in the middle of (he distance, between the Castle-gate and the Park-g^te,
towards the North-east ; a small half-moon, with a moat, at a good dis-
tance from the other, before the Nimy-gate, towards the £^t; two
ravelins, and a half- moon, consecutively, in a lake, considerably both
hroad and deep ^that reigns, instead of Duke Charles's ditch, immediate-
ly without the glacis, and Duke Philip's ditch, all along, from the
Nimy-gate, on the East-side the town, to the Hayon-gate, on the South,
so as to surround it on these two sides ; the part of it on the East being
called the Apostles Lake, that on the West, Priests Lake) at some dis-
tance from the glacis, without the horn-work and ravelin, that covers
Duke Philip the Second's bastion, on the right of the Nimy-gate, to-
wards the E^ist; a triple fortification, of a horn-work, a single tenaille^
and a double tenaille, one without another, with moats accompanying
them, ^,% the distance of the breadth of the lake from the glacis, and
Duke Philip's Ditch, they being all on the other side of it, before the
Havre<jate, towards the South ; three ravelins, consecutively, in the
lake, at some distance from the glacis, on the right of the Hayon-gate,
likewise towards the South ; an odd unaccountable fortification, of an
ijrragular horn-work, with a counter swallow-tail, at some distance from
\Xf towards the left, and two small ravelins and a quarter-moon lying
scattered between them, all in Duke Charles's ditch enlarged, without
the glads, before the Bartemont-gate, towards the West ; and a grand
sin^ tenaille, with a ravelin before the angle of the right, in Dukft
Charles's ditch, covering King Philip the Fourth's homework, before the
Water-gate, towards the North-west. Last of all, for the further se*
curity of his outworks, he cut out a ihird ditch, likewise a moat, mak*
iag it go round the town on two sides, that is, the West and Nordi, a
li^e without Duke Charles's ditch; whereas, on the other two, the
Eas^ and South Sides, it was before-hand surrounded, and abundantly
leirured, with the lake, that is, the Apostles Lake on the East, and
Priests Lake on the South ; both being but one lake, though, by the
works before the Havre-gate, divided into two, and of a sufficient both
breadth and deepness to secure the town on those sides. He also dispos-
ed ,of the other waters about the town, so as, by the means of canals,
to make them run into the ditches, into the lakes, or into the marshes,
as he had a mind; and, by the means pf sluices, to make them ruUi or
pot run, as he had a mind, whatever w^ he would.

What kind of works these outworks of King Charles the Second's were,
we cannot precisely HI, as to them ail ; some of them being still on
ibiot, and intire, and free from other edifices ; others, either taken in,
ind embodied with the French works that have been since made, or
levelled ; but, by an account of those that are on foot, and free, one may
guess at what the others have been : They are built of earth, revested
ai)d jncrusted with stone^ haying jtheir dimensions somewhfit| but not aU

lOS THE HISTORY OF MONS.

togetber, in proportion to the rampart; terminated with platforms,
guarded with parapets and banquets suitable to the rest of the fortificap
tion ; planted in the ditches, at the distance of their ordinary breadth
from the interior works towards the town ; surrounded with water, or
their particular ditches, and ioined to the scarps and couuter-scarp's^
as well as to one another, with draw-bridges.

That was the condition of Mons, as King Charles the Second further
compleated it; and this is the length its fortifications came, in the time
that he had it; for, after he had brought them so far, his engineers,
both Spaniards and French, told him it was a town both completely and
right fortified; but it afterwards appeared, how much they were
wrong.

In the year of our Lord 1678, the war continuing, between King
Charles tlie Second of Spain and King Lewis the Fourteenth of France,
King Lewis marched an army into Hainan It, under the command of
Julius, late Duke of Luxemburg, who came before Mons, and besieged
it, but afterwards found it convenient, because of the wateiy situation
of the place, to convert the siege into a blockade ; which lie continued
so long, that those yirithin the town were reduced to very great straits;
when the army of Great-Britain and Holland, and of the other powers
in alliance with King Charles, under the command of William the
Third, late Prince of Orange, and afterwards King of Great-Britain,
came seasonably to their relief, attacked the Duke of Luxemburg with
the French army, fought them, and gained a compleat victory over
them, at the memorable battle of St. Dennis, where the Scotch and
English troops did wonders; and where the Prince of Orange, engaging
too far among *the enemy, wbuld certainly have been either taken, or
killed, by a French officer, if Mynheer Overkirk had not come time
enough, and shot that officer through the head : So, by the means of
the good success of that day, on the side of King Charles and his allies,
the town of Mohs, for that time, narrowly escaped falling into the hands
of the French, and continued still to be under the dominion of the
Spaniards. This action was immediately followed by a separate peace,
betwixt France and Holland, which, afterwards, drew on a general
one.

In the year of our Lord I69I, the war being again broke out, between
King Charles of Spain and King Lewis of France, King Lewis came,
himself in person, with a great army, into Hainault, sat down before
Mons, and, by the means of that odd, unaccountable fortification, of
an irregular horn-work, a counter swallow-tail, with two little ravelins
and a quarter-moon lying between, before the Bartemont gate, towards
the West, which the French took, sword in hand, forced the town to
surrender upon terms, after a siege of three and twenty days. The
Prince of Orange, then King of Great-Britain, had gathered an army to
endeavour its relief, but could not come up to it in time: So die
Spaniards lost the town of Mons, with all its fine fortifications, to the
French, who kept it during all the rest of that war, and have had i(
ever since, except for a very little while.

THE HISTORY OF MOKS. . 109

No sooner King Lewis had got Mons into his hands, but, knowing
the importance of the place, he resolved well to keep it, if he could ;
and, considering the faults of its fortification, immediately begun, that
tame year, to amend them : And, the French .being one of the nations
of Europe that understand the art of military architecture best, they
never gave over the fortifying of Mons, till, by making alterations and
additions, suitable to its weakness and wants, they rendered it a town
complcatiy and rightly fortified, with all the art and skill they were
masters of; the principal direction of the work being committed to the
particular care of the famous Monsieur De Vauban, Lieutenant-general
and Chief Engineer of France, who has indeed given it the finishing
stfoke, and acquitted himself very handsomely in it, both as to design
and execution.

First, he repaired the breaches that had been made, during the sieg^
in the rampart, and those in the outworks, which he had a mind to
preserve as they were ; then, beginning at the river, where it goes out of
the town, at the North-west corner, on the left of the Water-gate, from
thence, going eastwards round, he made the following alterations and
additions. In the rampart : A small bastion, fiat, at the saillant angle,
where the Park-gate is, towards the North-east ; another, irregular, of
the same kind, in the middle of the distance between King Philip the
Second's bastions, towards the East ; and a demi-bastion, likewise fiat,
at the saillant angle, on the left of the \Yater-gate, towards the North*
west. In Duke Philip the (rood's ditch : A small ravelin, before
King Philip the Fourth's horn-work, covering 'the XVater^te, towards
the North-east ; the tenaille of King Charles the Second, there, being
converted into a part of his covered way and glacis : A second ram*
part, taken o£f from the too great breadth of King Charles's grand cover*
ed way, beginning near the Water-gate, having two bastions fiat in it,
and ending upon a large half- moon before the Castle-gate ; which, with
King Charles's two half-moons without the Park-gate, and King Philip's
ravelin before the Nimy-gate, are joined together, consecutively, with
traverses, or galleries; thi^ whole being at the distance of the ordinary
breadth of the ditch from the first rampart, towards the North and North-
east; a small tenaille before the courtine, and behind the ravelin, of
King Charles's irregular horn-work, covering King Philip the Second's
bastion, on the right of the Nimy-gate, towards the East ; a half-moon,
covering the point of King Philip's other bastion (King Philip the
Fourth's half-moon being between the two) towards the South-east ;
tiro small traverses, one without another, a half- moon, and another
traverse, consecutively, or one after another, in the way from thence tp
file Havre-gate, likewise towards the South-east; after King Charles's
next half- moon, there, the river, where it enters the town, on the South-
aide, on the left of the Hayon-gate, King Philip the Fourth's two half-
moons. Arch-duke Albert's bastion, and King Philip's other half-moon,
before the Bartemont-gate, a cut-work, on the right of the half-moon,
with a- double counter-guard, before the two, alf three without the
Bartemont-gate, towards the West; a half- moon, a traverse, another
hali^rooon, and another traverse, consecutively, joined to^tk^^X) «sA,

10 THE HISTORY OP MONS.

ending iipon the river, where it goes out of the' town, on the left of die
Water-gate, towards the North-west, from whence he hegan his cot(tiK»
In Kin^ Charles the Second's covered way and glacis : the covtirecf.
way retprmed to an ordinary hrcadth; the glacis double-tenailled^'oT
double-angled all around ; both cut in some places, on the left of ths
Water-gate, towards the North-west, at the point of King Philip this
Second's second bastion, towards the South-east, on the left of the
Hayon-gate, towards the South, on the right of Arch-duke AlbertHi
bastion, towards the South-west, and intirely destroyed in one place, on
the right and left of the Havre-gate, towarcu the South and' South-east,
for the sake of the passage of the river, into and out of the town, and of
a communication of water, between the ditches and lakes about the
town. In Duke Charles the ^yarrioI:'s Ditch : three half-moons, con«
secutively, in the distance between the Water-gate, and the Castle-gate,
towards the North; a large voluminous horn-work, with a tenatlfe,
and a ravelin, before it, in the room of King Charles's swallow-tait, ' ift
the middle of the distance between the Castle-gate and the Park-gate, ^
wards the North-east, where a canal from the north enters the ditch,
fnd where the ground begins to rise, and, consequently, the town to bt
more attackable ; a grand complex fortification, of three large hom-
Svorks, with their accompaniments, one without another, the first hay-
ing a tenaiUe before it, the second a tenaille, a ravelin, a cut- work, and
a quarter-moon, the third a tenaille, and a ravelin, the whole running
out, from between the Park-gate and the Nimy-gate, a good way into
the country, towards the East, where a canal from the East enters the
ditch, and where the ground rises most, and, consequently, the town is
most attackable ; Duke Charles's ditch ending, and the lake brginning,
immediately after the three horn-works, in the Apostles Lake, a cut^
¥rork, and a quarter-moon, consecutively, in the room of King
Charles's two ravelins and half-moon^ before the Nimy-gate, likewiie
towards the East, where the ground falls low again, and, consequently,
is less attackable ; a half-moon, on the left of the Havre-gate, towards
the South-east; Duke Charleses fort, as well as King Charles's horn-
work, remaining before the Havre-gate, the first serving as a work of
communication thorough the lake to the last, and consequently, dividing
the lake into two ; a small ravelin, before the horn-work, on the other
side the lake, before the Havre-gate, towards the South, the single
tenaille and double tenaille of King Charles, there, being converted into
a covered way and glacis, tenailled, and surrounded with a moat; in
Priests Lake a ravelin in the middle of the distance, between the Havreu
gate and the Haydon-gate, likewise towards the South ; the lake ending
on the one side, the river from the South entering the town, and Diike
Charles's ditch beginning again, on the other side, another grand fortifi-
cation, of a large horn-work, a ravelin, a double tenaille, and another
horn-work, one without another, running out, from the right of the
Hayon-g^te, into the country, towards the South-west, where the
ground rises a Kttle along the river-side, and, consequently, is somewhat
attackable ; a ravelin on the right of the Hayon-gate, likewise towards
Ibe Soutb-^est; a half-moon on the right of Arch-duke Albert's bastion,

THE HISTORY OF MOMS. Ill

Kkewfae towards the South-west; a horn-work^ with a small ravdin be«
fore ity in the room of that odd unaccountable fortification of King
Charles^ an irregular horn-work, a counter-swallow*tail, with two KtCte
ravdins, and a quarter-moon lying between, by means of which, thm
f^nch easily took the town, before the Bartemont-g^te, towards tbm -
West, where, likewise, the ground rising a little,, the town is somewhat
ittackable; two ravelins, and a ,half-moon, consecutively, in thedn*
tance between the right of the Bartemont-gate, and the Water-gate,
where the river goes out of the town, towards the North-west, wMra
he beg^ his course. In the ground, between Duke Charle/» ditch,
and King Chaiies's third one, a new covered way and glacis, negular,
tmd tenailled ; reigning round the town on all sides, except where the
lake is, there being no need for it on those sides, by reason of the ]akt%
beii^g sufficiently broad to guard the works there ; cut in some places^
on 'the left of the Water-gate, towards the North-west, before the ku^
hom-work, in the middle, between the Castle-gate, and the Park-gate,
towards the North-east, on the right of the three horn-works, between
the Park-^Ue and the Nimy^gate, towards the East, on the left of the
outermost hom-work, on the right of the Hayon-gate, towards the
South-west; and intirely wanting in one place, on the right and left of
the Havre-g^te, towards the South and South-east, for the sake of the
passage of die river^ into, and out of the town, of the enterance of two
camds, from the North, and from the East, into the ditches, and of a
communication of water between the ditches and the two lakes, about
the town. As for King Charles's ditch, he destroyed it, and, instead of
it, converted the ground immediately, without the outer glacis^ into
a grand esplanade, reigning for a great way off, all about the town,
which he fortified with redoubts, upon the avenues to the place, as fol«
lows: Without the Water-gate, towards the North-west, on the right
of the river, a ravelin, in a moat, joined to Duke ChaiWs ditch with
a travene of water ; and, beyond it, a lozenge, likewise moated, on the
liver-side, further into the country ; in the middle of the distance, be-
tween the Water-gate and the Castle-gate, towards the North, a ravelin,
. moated, and joined to Duke Charles's ditch, with a travese, as before;
Irithout the Castle-gate, likewise, towards the North, on the left of the
canal that comes ftom thence, a losenge moated, as before; beyond it,
farther intathe country, another of the same, and the village of Espin»
lien, on the other side the canal, inclosed with a hom-work; in the
middle of the distance, between ^e Park-gate and the Nimy-gate^ to-
wards the North-east, a ravelin, moated, and joined with a traverse^ at
before ; without the Hayon-gate, towards the South, on the right of
tiie river, upon the water-side, the mill of ^t. Peter^s, inclosed with an
irregular fort, being a polygon, on both sides the river, with a small
ravelin before it, on the right ; in the distance between the Hayon-gate
and the Bartemont-^te, towards the South and South-west, two rave-
lins, moated, and joined, as before, consecutively, one after another ;
in die distance between the Bartemont-gate, and the Water-gate, towards
the West and North-west, three ravelins, consecutively, moated, and
joined, each of them, as before. He also disposed of the waten a.Wi\

]1C . THE HISTORY OF MONS.

the town so, as* by the means of canals, to make them run into the
ditches; and, by the means oF sluices, to make them run or not "run, at
he had a mind, and run which way he would : Especially, he mad^
two complications of canals, the one near the village of Espinlieo, to*
wards the North; the other, over-against St. Peter's Mill, towarda the
South, which equally contribute to drain the ground, and to defend the
town on those sides. Last of all, he built a citadel within the town, be*
ing a demi-hi!xagon, adjoining to the rampart, on the inside, at the sail*
lant angles, in the middle of the distance, between the Bartcmont-gate
and the Water-gate, towards theJVest; which, because it is inconsider-
able, and of no consequence, upon the double account of its low situai-
tion, and weak defence, both lying in a plain, and having nothing but
an explanade about it, with a small ravelin before the mid-courtine^ to*
wards the town, 1 shall supersede any further description of it.

What kind of works these outworks of King Lewises were, we can yerj
well tell ; for they are still on foot and intire; and 1 have seen and ob*
served them both very exactly, and very lately. They are built all of
earth, revested and incrusted with stone and brick, intermixed ; having
their dimensions in proportion to the rampart, as well as to one ano-
ther; terminated with platforms, guarded with parapets and banquets,
suitable to the rest of the fortification; i^lanted in the ditches, at.regu-*
lar distances; surrounded with an abunclance of water, and joined to
the scarps aixd counter-scarps, as well as to one another, with timber
bridges, some of which arc draw-ones, and some fixed.

That was the condition of Mons, as King Lewis the Fourteenth of
France finished it ; and this is the compleat and- right length its fortifr*
cations came, in the time that he first had it; by the means of which,
and of its situation, it was certainly then become, both naturally an'd
artificially, one of the strongest and most impregnable towns in the
world : And it continues to be so to this day.

King Lewis kept it, that ficst time, till the year of our Lord l6.Q7»
when a general peace being concluded at Ryswick, between himself and
the princes in confederacy against him, by the seventh article of that
treaty, he was obliged to restore it to King Charles.

It continued again in the hands of the Spaniards, till the year of
our Lord 1701^ when. King Charles the Second being dead, and hav*
ing constituted, by a testament *, Philip, Duke of Anjou, King Lewis's
- grandson, and his own grand-nephew, his heir and successor, by vertue
of that claim to the monarchy of Spain, King Lewis seized upon the
town of Mons, among others, for Duke Philip, and keeps it now a se^
cond time, for him, to this day. But, the war breaking immediately
QUt again, upon that ground of the Spanish succession, and being just
now on foot, between Charles the Third, present King of Spain, cousin
and successor to the former, and King Lewia of France, with Duke
Philip of Anjou, who pretends likewise to be King of Spain, and King
Charles being powerfully assisted by his allies, the emperor, the Queen
of Great-Britain, and the States-general of the United provinces, in the

* Forced. S«e tht lucoetaion of the Booie of Austria to the Crown of S|>aui,^Aaiio 1701. Vol. X^

THE HISTORY OF MONS.

113

{unuit aod recover of his right, they are like to drive his enemies, King
ewis, and Duke rhilip, out of his territories, by a sharp and victori-
ous war, and oblige them to quit their pretensions, by a sure and last-
ing peace. Last year, they luckily got Lisle from them ; * thiff year, they
eaiSly took Touruay ; very lately, they bravely foiight them at tiie bat-
tle of Arquennes ; and iust now, they are closely besieging Mons : But,
whether or not they will have it, at this time, is doubtfuU

In fine, this is the condition of Mons, as King Lewis of France now
has it, and that th^ compleat and right length its buildings and fortifica-
tions are come, atthis time, as it was founded -by Prince Alberonr of France,
nfounded by S^ Waltrud, Countess of Hainault, built by Earl Alberick
of Hainault, rebuilt by Earl Baldwin the Third, further rebuilt by Earl
Baldwin the Builder, ^d has been fortified by Dulfe Phijip the Good
of Burgundy, further fortified by Duke Charles the Warrior, amended
by King Philip the the Second of Spain, further amended by Arch-
duke Albert of Austria, compleatcd by King JPhilip the Fourth of Spain,
lurther compleated by King Charles the Second, and finished by King
Lewis the Fourteenth of France.

It is of an oblo^ng, round, or parabolick figure, lying cross the river,
on both sides, and slsatching itself from East to West, the river running
from South to North. It has in length, taking it, from the Nimy-gate
on the East-side, to the Bartemont-gate on the West, just two thousand
common paces, that is, a thousand geometrical paces, or two ^hird
parts of a British mile; in breadth, reckoning, fnoni the Castle-gate on
the North side, to the Hayon-gatf on the South, it is fifteen hundred
common paces, or seven-hundred and fifty geomistrical paces, or half a
British mile ; and in circumference, going round within, on- the inside
the rampart, there are exactly six thousand common paces, that is^
throe-thousand geometrical paces, or two British miles ; but measuring
it without, on the outside the outer ditch and lake, we found it to be as
good as fiifteen thousand common paces, or sev^ thousand and five
lund^ geometrical paces, or five British niiles,

VOL* xu

( nf i

OEOaRAPHY AND HISTORY OF TOURNAY :

FIRST WRITTJtN IN FREI^B,

rOftTHI

SERVICE OF PRINCE EUQENE OF SAVOY,

And MBt incloied in a letter to liim, when be marched to besiege Tournay,

NOW DONE A SECOND TIME IN ENGLISH,

fOftliHE
SATISFACTION 01 0U& BRITISH GEIOXEMEN AKD 0ITI(^&9>

By John Mock Gregory y L JL L.

9K0FXSSOR OF OEOGRAraT 4VI> HISTOIIT.

T« whick 90 fr^fix§4i o». <» MfMe IMt^cahrp, tht' An^iorU LtUer io Prmc% Ewgemn
Printed at Edinburgh, 1709, <hiarto, containing ibrty-four pagip.

TdkUfiighsieisPrinuFrancU^uginetf Savoy f in tke(imyabou

Zdinburgk^ the Ninth qfjufyf 1709^
Sir,
THIS is only to accoix|pany the inclosed, and it is t]^e fourth I have
vrrit to your highness, since I had the honour of one from you.

The first was from London, Janua^ 1704, concerning my own pri*

vate affairs,. The second was from Edinburgh, August 1708, after a

long silence, having inclosed an account of the situation and fortifica*

. tion of Lisle. The third was likewise from Edinburgh, December the

same year, concerning my own private affairs.

This present has inclosed an account of the situation and fortification
of Toufnay ; I should be glad to know, that your highness is pleased
to take all my little services in good part. 1 am.

Sir, Your highnesses most humble.

Most obliged, and most devoted servant,

MACK GREGORY.

nnOURNAY is a great town, the second city of Walloon Flanders, and

X the principal place of residence of the parliament of that part of

iJbfise countries, whicb| because it wc^ some time ago conquered by tb^

THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY* ilj

Frencli, and is still in their pofisession, is commonly called| :^The
conquered Countries/

. It is situate on the bafiks of the river Scheld, upon the skirts of a
large campaign, that reigns about it^' for several leagues on -the
one side towards Lisle ; on the other ^de towards Oudehard ; there
are a great many little bills, that interrupt the continuance of the
plain, thou^ none so nigh as to command it: And, just where the
town stands, it is an eminence; the bank of the river, on the one
side, being a rising ground, or hill; that on the other side a level
or plain. There have likewise been some heights hard by, especially on
the hill side the river, that were indeed very hurtful to the. town, in the
case of a siege, by commanding and weakening its defence. But since
the French came last there, and have fortified it, all these heights, and
the other eminences, that did aiiy way prejudice its strength, are either
inclosed, and taken in with the outworks, or levelled ; so that now the
town is free, and its fortifications command all around.

The Scheld is one of the greatest rivers in the Low-Countries. It takes
Its rise near Chastelet in Picardy, and makes a great many turnings and
windings, as it goes through Cambresis, Hainault, and Flanders ; but the
main of its course is from south to north, especially it is so at Tournay :
Atiengtb it falls into the German Sea, over-againstthe Islands of 21ealand.

Upon both the sides of this river, at a place where it runs fram south
to north, or rather from soath-south-east to north-north-west, stands
Tournay, seated upon the two banks, the bank on the west-side being a
bill, tiiat on east-side a plain ; and the river, running thorough the towp,
divides it into two unequal parts, the greater being on the west-«ide up-
on the bill, the lesser on the east-side in the plain; just fifteen leagues
below where it rises near Chastelet, and about twenty above where it
falls into the sea over-against Zealand. But Tournay is not so far dis-
tant from the sea in direct way, there being no more than fifteen or six*
teeh leagues from it to Newport, or to Ostend.

Besides this great river, there is a small brook, or rivulet, which,
takes its rise near a little village, about a league and a half from the
town on the East-side, and comes turning and winding thorough the
country, till at length it falls into that part of the ditch, which is about
the tow^ on the same side.

This town is one of the most ancient in Europe, so that it is very
hard to trace out its origin. However, we find that it was at first found-
ed by the Nervii, otherwise Minervii, so called from the goddess Minerva,
wlxm they worshiped, the original inhabitants of that country ; who,
in the year of the world 3360, six-hundred years before the birth of our
Saviour, built a tower there, in a small island of the river Scheld, in the ,
place within Tournay, at the lower end of the town, where now there is
abridge over the river, called the Iron Bridge; which tower served
them as an observatory, or watching-place, from whence they could
discover and view the country all about. They likewise built a castle
there, in the year of the world 3396, on the east bank of the river, upon
the water-side, just opposite to the tower, which they joined to it withra
bridge of timber over the part of of the river tl^at run between, and sur-
rounded it with a moat, or wet ditch, on the laud %\&e v viV\c!icL hm& v^

I 2

n5 THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY,

much the more practicable there at that time, because the ground tlien,
on that side the river, was a marsh, whereas now it is good ground. And this
castle served them as a fortress, or place of security, where they lodged
th6ir wives ^nd children, and laid up what else was dear unto them,
during the troublesome time of war.

About five-hundred paces from that tower and castle, up towards the
south, the banks of the river, on both sides, were in those days covered
with woods of tborn^rees, and thickets of briar- bushes; among which
the same Nervii, the ancient people of the country, in the year of the
world 3430, begun first to build huts and houses, under the shadow of
the trees and bushes, and in the neighbourhood of their tower and cas-
tle ; and those huts and houses, by degrees, and through time, grew out
into a considerable village, on both sides the rivet. Then, to secure
themselves farther from the attempts and assaults of their enemies, they
cut and plied, and joined, and interlaced the thorns and briars, with the
supple branches of other young trees, so as to make a hedge ^bout their
village, so strong, and to such a thickness, that not only their enemies
could, not pass it, but what w^ more, they could not so much as see
thorough it. This was done in the year of the woj-ld 3482, 9nd it is the
first inclosure of Tournay, which from a village niade it become a town,
They likewise, about the same time, built a bridge of timber over the
river, to join the two parts of the town together; as before they had
built one below over a part of the river, to joih the tower and castle tOr
gether ; Which tower and castle were, by that hedge-inclosure, shut
oi|t yrithout the town, at the distance of &ve hundred paces, down to-
wards the north. And they called the name of the town Doom wick or
Doornick^ signifying in Teutonick, or old High Dutch, the ancient
language of that country, as much as to say, Thorntown, or Town oiF
Thorns, it having been built in a wood of thorns, and inclosed with a
hedge bi the same. Which name it retains to this day. Accordingly,
"^he Latin name of it is Dornacum, or Tornacum, and the French Call
it Tornay, or Tournay.

What sort of town this ancient town of the Nervii has been, we cannot

\ well tell J fo^ now there are no vestiges of it to be seen, no more than of
thei^ castle and tower^ But I have seen a plan of them in miniature, in
ai>, old Teutonick manuscppt, preserved by the Monks of St, Martiii's at
Tournay, and to be seen in their library by any one that calls for it;
by which \t appeiars, that the town has been of an oblong figure, lying
eross the river on i)pth sides, aud stretching itself out from east to west,
(he river running frorp south to north ; the castlie has been a square, up-
on the water side, on the east-side of the river, below the town ; and the
tower has been round in a little island in tl^e middle of th^e river* just
opposite to the castle.

This was the condition of Tournay, as the Nervii, the orispnal in-
habitants of the country, built it. It continued much in the same
state, without any farther alteration; either for its increase, or for its
better dcifence, till ' the days of Julius Caesar, the first Emperor of t|ie
Roiiians; who, ^n the year of the nvorld 39^0, came into tnat countryt
.besieged the town ofTournay, found it an easy matter to bireal^ th(nt)^g!i^

' its hedges, find |$ujbd^ed it to i\\» )iom§Q empire^

THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY. 117

It continued in the powef of the Romans, till the year of our Lord
445, when Clodion, simamed the Hairy, King of France, son to
Pharamond the Great, the first King thereof, having conquered as far
as the rivers Rhine and Maese, came at last unto the Scheld, drove the
Romans out of the country, and took both Toumay and Cam bray, r^
But the same King Clodion, in the year following, being obliged to
return home, because of an irruption which the Goths aiid Vandals, at
the instigation of the Romans, had then made into France; he was
content to abandon his foreign conquests, to save his own kingdom; so
the country of the Nervii and the town of Tournay returned to the
Roman Empire.

It continued again in the possession of the Romans, till the days of
Clovis the First, sirnamed the Great, King of France, who, in the year
479) having overcome the Roman governor at Soissons, came conquer-
ing into the country of the Nervii, and subdued to himself all that the
Romans held there ; by which means Tournay returned to the dominion
of the French, who kept it unmolested for a long time after.

It is remarkable, that, notwithstanding all these changes and revo*
lutions, which happened about Tournay, and though the Romans, as
well as the French, were there for some hundreds of years, yet it never
was any thing considerable, and never came to have any better inclosure
than hedges, till the timqofChilperick the First, King of France, who
alone did more for it than all those who were before hioiy and made it
indeed look like a town.' For, first, he went thither in person, and
dwelt at it; he added a great many houses to it; he built some palaces
in it, particularly Our Lady's Church, the cathedral ; and adorned it
with an infinity of other publick buildings. Then, what was most of
all, in the year of our Lord 580, he was the first who begun to inclose
it with a wall and a ditch, and took care to have it perfected in his own
life-time; so as to take in with it the old town of ^e Nervii, on both
sides the river, but still to leave out their castle and tower, at the dis-
tance of five-hundred paces, down towards the north. He also built
bridges over the river, to join the two parts of the town together ; the
part on the west side, upon the hill, being always the greater, that on
the east side in the plain, the lesser. In fine, it was in this prince's time,
that the town of Tournay arrived at a pitch of splendor and magnificence,-
beyond what it had ever bficn at before. An account of all which may
be seen upon record, in a rich Latin manuscript, preserved by the Canons
of Our lAdy's, to be seen in their treasury.

This second inclosure of Tournay of King Chilperick's is still on foot^
and intire, tho' now shut up very far, within the body of the town, by
the last inclosure, which has been since made, and so much engaged
and confounded with other edifices adjoining to it, on all sides, that it
if not every where to be seen. However, in some places, going thorough
the town, we see a part, both of the wall and ditch of it; and, by sighC
of a part, we may guess at the whole.

It is not a rampart, but a wall, built in the Roman fashion; but
lifter the manner of the Goths, which begun early to prevail over that
of the ancienty ip architecture, especially in these western countries*

13

118 THE HISTORY OP TOURNAY.

It has thirteen gates in it ; eight in that part of it which surrounds the
greater part of the town, on the west-side the river, commonly called,
the High Town, standing on a hill; four in that part, which surrounds
the lesser part of the town, on the east-side the river, named the Low
Town, lying in a plain; and one upon the river, at the upper end of
the town, towards the soijTfch, at a place where the channel of it is so
narrow, as to admit of a gate over it, thorough which the river runs.
So that this gate is not only a gate upon the river, but it may likewise
be said to be a kind of bridge of one arch over it, joining the wall on
the one side, and that on the other side together, at the one end of the
town, as in effect we see at this day, it does actually serve as a bridge:
And, corresponding to it, there is another bridge of five arches over the
river, at the lower end of the town, towards the north, at a place where
the channel of it is so wide, as not 'to admit of a gate, or bridge of one
arch upon it; which bridge joins the wall on the one side, and that on
the other side together, at the other end of the town, and so corapleats
> the inclosure. There is also a third bridge of three arches over the
river, in the heart of the town in the middle of the distance between the
o!her two : It joins the body of the town on the one side, and that on
the other side together, and is also a work of King Chilperick's.-

The gates on the west-side, in the wall about the high town, beginning
at the river, at the upper end towards the south, from thence going
westwards, and so round, are reckoned in this order, and thus named,
St. Mark's-gate, St. Catharine's-gatc, St. Piat's-gate, St Martin's-gate,
St. Quintiii's-gatc, the Magdalen-gate, our LadyVgate, and the Tower-
gate: Those on the east-side in the wall about the Low Town, be-
ginning at the river, at the lower end towards the north, from thence
going eastwards round, are reckoned and named so : The Castle-gate,
St. Bricc's-gate, the Hospital-gate, andSt. JohnVgatc: And that upon
the river, at the upper end of the town, towards the south, is named
the Water-gate, as beii>g a gate, but as a bridge it is called. The Bridge
of one Arch; whereas the bridge corresponding to it, at the lower end
of the town, towards the north, is named The Turned Bridge; and
the third bridge, in the middle of the town, is called, The Bridge to
Bridge.

This wall is fortified all about with round towers, at the distance of
fifty paces one from another; and every one of these gates is so placed
between two towers, one on each side of it, and so nigh to one another^
that the gate stands equally defended and hid between them.

The wall is built intircly of hewn stone, to the thickness of fire feet,
and to the height of twenty ; but the gates and towers arc of earth
revested with stone, likewise hewn; these to the solidity of ten feet, and
to the height thirty ; those to the thickness of ten feet, and to the same
height with the wall : So that the towers are in solidity twice the thick-
ness of the wall, and in height a third part higher, after the mamier
practised in the towers of the Aurelian wall about Rome; but the gates,
though twice as thick as the wall, yet are no higher, according to the
common practice. The wall is terminated with a corridor, or gallery,
ruiw'mg along the top of it ; the gates and towers with platforms, or
tcrrasses, some of which are covered, and %oine d\sco^cted*, and both

THE mstORY OP TOXmNAT; 1 19

plallbrms and corridor are guarded on the outside, with a battlement,
or breastwork, likewise of hewn stone, two feet thick, and &ye feet
2n'^, that reigns along the one, and around the others, all about Hht
town. fL

The bridges over the river are also built of heWn stone: The one^ ^T'^
the lower end of the town, towards the north, making a part of the'^ ' ■
inclosure, to the breadth of fifteen feet, and to the length of a hundred
and fifty, the channel of the river being so wide at that place; the other,
in the middle of the town, to the breadth of twenty feet, and to the
length of a hundred, the channel there being so wide ; whereas the
third, being the water-gate^ at the upper end of the town, towards the
south; is but ten feet broad, and fifty feet long, the channel there being
no wider : They are terminated in the top, with a causey, or street,
guarded on both sides with a balustrade, or rail ; the whole of hewn
stone.

Without the wall is the ditch^ fifty feet broad, and ten feet deep,
having its scarp and counter-scarp incrusted with stone, likewise hewn.
It is a moat or a Wet ditch, on the one side the river, towards the east,
where the ground is a level, or plain, aiid is supplied with water from
the rive^, as also from the little brook, which fells into it, on the same
side ; on the other side, towards the west, where the ground is a rising
ground, or hill, it is dry. Over it, on both sides, before the gates aro
bridges, giving passage into, atid out from the town; they were anciently
draw-bridges of timber, but now they are fixed ones of stone : And,
at the outer ends of them, there are principal streets, that anciently
were so many high-wa3rs, running out from the gates into the adjacent
country, having each of them the same name with the gate it runs out from.

The channel of the river within the town is so unequal in its dimen^
nons, that I can say nothing about it; for it is di^erently wide and
deep In different places: At the upper end of the town, towards the
south, it IS fifty feet wide, and a hundred feet deep: in the middle of
the town, a hundred feet wide, and fifty feet deep ; and at the lower
end, towards the north, it is a hundred and fifty feet wide, and five and
twenty feet deep. It is bordered all along with a large quay, or landing-
place, revested with hewn stone, its channel being incrusted with the
same; for the merchants of the town their conveniency in embarking
and dis-embarking their goods, the river being navigable for barks and
boats, all the way from the sea, not only up to Tournay, but as far as
Conde and Valenciennes, which is seven leagues higher. The bridges
over it v^ithin the town, giving passage from the one part of it to die
otlier, are already described ; having at both ends of them some pria-
cipal strie^ets, that from thence run out thorough the town.

It is observable concerning this inclosure of King Chilperick's, that,
whereas anciently it was every where to be seen, being free of other .
edifices, now it is so far shut up in the heart of the town, and so mixed
with other buildings adjoiningto.it on every side, that one sees but parts
of it here and there. The bridge over the river, at the upper end of the
town, towards the south, called, Hie Bridge of one Arch, is a part of
it, being the ancient water gate; and a very remarkabVe ^axX, \MSVYk^o\!k&
of the hardiest pieces of Gotblck architectuie m tkt^ NVOiVd. W v^ ^^^

I 4

130 THE HISTORY OF TOUBNAY.

feet broad, and fifty feet long, the channel of the river bein^so wide
there, all one arch; for which reason, it is called, The Bridge of one
Arch, all the other bridges upon the river being of several arches:

iciently it served only as a gate, but now it is commonly used as a
JlRdge; and is terminated in the top with a causey, guarded on the one
fiide with the old battlement, and on the other, with a new balustrade:
the whole of hewn stone. From this bridge, going westwards, round,
at the distance of about three-hundred paces, there is another part of
the inclosure to be seen, being the ancient St. Cathanne's-gate. And
in several places, going thorough the town, there are parts of it here
and there to be found; and, by a sight of apart, one may guess at the
whole.

And this is what they call Old Toumay, as it was founded, enlarged,
inclosed, and fortified, first by the Nervii, the ancient inhabitants . of
the country, and then, by Chilperick the First,% King of France.

It is a town of an oblong round, or parabolick figure, lying cross the
river on bot^ sides, and stretching itself out from east to west, the'river
running from south to north. If h§is in length, takingit from St.'Brice^a
gate on the east-side, to St. QuintinVgate on the west, cross the river,
just a thousand common paces, that is, five-hundred geometrical paces,
or a third part of a British mile; in breadth, reckoning from the water
gate, or the Bridge of one Arch, at the upper end of the town, towards
the south, to the Turned Bridge, at the lower end towards the north,
along the river-side, it is five-hundred common paces, or two-^hundred
and fifty geometrical, paces, or a sixth part of a British mile; and in
circumference, goins round within, on the inside the wall, as near as
one can go for the other buildings adjoining to it, there are about - three
thousand common paces, that is, fifteen-hundred geometrical paces, or
a British mile; but measuring it without, on the outside the ditch, as
nigh to it as we could go, we found it to be as good as four-thousand
and five-hundred common paces, or two-thousand two-hundred and fifty
geometrical paces, or a British mile and a half.

This was the condition of Toumay, as King Chilperick the First of
France left it, in the year of our "Lord 587> the last year of his life,
when having compleated its inclosure, as the last token of his good will
to it, he declared it a noble town, and gave it all the privileges of a city,
with this eoifit of arms, Azure, a castle triplo-towered Argent.

' It continued so, in the same state, and in the power of the princes of
the same nation, without any further addition or change befalling it,
either in its building or government, till the days of Charles the Second,
sirnamed The Bald, King of France, and Emperor of Germany: who
having sharp war, in his time, with the Danes and Normans, thatwert^
then come from the North, in the design to make an irruption into
France, in tlie year of our Lord 8W, they besieged and took Toumay
in their way, and destroyed it with fire and sword. It lay in ruins for
thirty ycars^ that i^, till the year 9 10, when, in the days of Charles
.the Fourth, sirnamed The Simple, King of France, it was begun to be
rebuilt^ and, in the space of a few years, it came to be in as good a con-
dition as formerly k

■'\

THE HISTORY OF TOURN AY. l« l

I

It continued so, m this rebuilt state, and again in the dominion of

tiie French, who kept it unmolested or sft)ove three-hundred years, that

is, till the year of our Lord 1214, in the da3's of Philip the Second,

sirnaihed Augustus, King of France; who having violent war, in his

-^me, with Don Fernando, sirnamed of Portugal, Earl of Flan

^whom he looked upon as his vassal, and a rebel, because he had ente:

into an alliance with Otho the Fifth, Emperor of Germany,' and John)

lS!ing of England, against him. Don Fernando besieged the tomn of

"Toumay, and took it. But it was immediately retaken, the same year,

'by Eling Philip ; who, besides, gave the princes in alliance against him

an intire defeat, at the memorable battle of Bovines, within two leagues

of Toumay, took Don Fernando prisoner, and carried him to the

Louvre at Paris, where he kept him twelve years: By which means,

Toumay returned into the power of the French, who again held it in

peaceable possession, for a long time after.

Charles the Sixth, sirnamed The Well-beloved, King of France, in
the year of our Lord 15 S4, having occasion to be at Toumay, as a
mark of his good will to the town, confirmed to it all the privileges
that his predecessor. King Chilperick the First, had given it, and made
this addition to its coat of arms, a Chief Argent, three Flower-de-Luces
Gules; which was a considerable piece of honor done to it, the flower*
deduces being the ensigns armorial of the Kings of France their own
coat : So that the arms of Toumay, as they now stand, are, Asure,
a castle triple-towered Argent, on •a Chief Argent, three Flower-de-
Luces Gules. And Lewis the Eleventh, King of France, having like-
wise occasion to be there, in the year 1467» confirmed again to it all
the privileges and honours, that his predecessors. King Chilperick the
First and King Charles the Sixth, had bestowed upon it. And the
burghers of Tournay, at that time, were so sensible of the good will
and kindness of the Kings of France towards them, upon so many occa*
sions, and were frenchified to such ^a pitch, that, when King Lewis
departed from the town, in order to return home, the magistrates pre-
sented him with a flower-de-luce of gold; and, to make it appear to
him, how much he might reckon upon their gratitude and fidelity
towards him, they affirmed, that every burgher of Tournay bore the
figure of a flower-de-luce imprinted upon his heart.

In this manner, it continued in the same state, and in the hands of
the French, who had kept it unmolested for such a long time, till the
year of our Lord 14799 ^^ the days of the same King Lewis the Eleventh
of France; who, having sharp war, at that time, against Maximilian,
Arch-Duke of Austria, and Earl of Flanders, and the Arch-Duke
having gained a memorable victory over the French, at the battle of
Esguingate near Terouane, marched thereupon straight to Tournay^
besieged it, and took it upon terms. But, four years after, that is, in
the year 1483, a peace being concluded at Arras, betwixt these two
princes, and confirmed by a marriage agreed on, between Charles Dau*
phin of France, King Lewis's son, and the Lady Margaret of Austria,
the Arch-Duke'^s daughter, by an article of that treaty, it was restored
to the French, who again held it peaceably for some time«
, Lewis the Twelfth, King of France, havmjN^rj V\^\«e,XL\NivtVu\sA

lit THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY.

•

time, with Henry the Eighth, King of England, especially towards
the end of his reign, in the year of our Lord 1513, King Henry came
over with an army of fifty-thousand men into France against him. He
landed at Calais, and ravaged Picardy; then he went into Artoia
Flanders, and took bofii Terouane and Tournay : And although,

e year following, peace was concluded between these two King^, and
onfirmed by a marriage, betwixt the same King Lewis of France and
the Lady Mary of England, King Henry's sister, yet the townof Toumay,
by that treaty, was not restored to the French, but it remained in the
possession of the English, who kept it five years.

It is to be observed, that, notwithstanding all the war that had
chanced to be in the country of Flanders, and all the changes and revo-
lutions that had befallen the town of Tournay, yet its inhabitants, by
this time, were come to increase so much in number, by reason of a
great concourse of people that had come thronging thither, at different
times, on several occasions, and from a great many foreign countries,
especially from France and Burgundy, that there was not room enough
for them to lodge in, within the old town; and, no empty space being
left to build any more in within King Chilperick's wall, they were
obliged to build without the ditch : Which buildings, by degrees, grew
out mto suburbs, having each of them the same name with the gate
they stood nearest to ; those suburbs, through time, became consider-
able, because they were so very large ; and this gave beginning to, what
was afterwards, when it came to be inclosed, called, The New Towm

In this condition it was when the English came from England before
it, in the days of King Henry the Eighth ; who, after he had subdued
it, did not lodge within the town, there being no convenient lodging|»
for him thefe, but took up his quarter^ in the old castle of the Kervii,
on the east-side the river, five-hundred paces from the town, down
towards the north ; which, together with their tower in an island of
the river, continued on foot at that time. But because he found, that
that old castle was both too little for him, and become ruinous, he*
ordered the tower and it together to be thrown down, and a new castle
of his own to be built, in the same place, and on the same ground, but
a great deal largel* and more capacious; ,so as that it might be sufficient
to hold, not only himself, and his ordinary attendants, but likewise a
good number of troops in garison ; and to the end it might serve, both
as a castle, or palace, where himself, or his lieutenants, might lodge,
and as a citadel, or fortress, from whence his troops might command
the town, in the case of an insurrection among the inhabitants : which
was accordingly done; and it was inclosed with a wall and a ditch,
adjoining to tike river, on the east-side, and at the distance of five-hun-
dred paces from the town-wall and ditch, towards the north. And then
the other English, who had occasion to come thither at that time, and
either would not, or could not be allowed, to lodge within the castle,
built houses for themselves hard by, in the neighbourhood, and under
the shadow of it, in the interspaces that reigned from the castle^ oil
both sides the river, towards the town.

This castle of King Henrfs is still on foot, though not intire, and
90W shut up within the town, by the last vuclo&utQ oiTo^miuBLY^ which

THE fflSTORY OF TOURNAY. IM .

"was afterwards made; and although it be somewhat engaged, and con-
founded with other new edifices adjoining to it, both without and within,
and the French, since they came last there, have industriously made it
their business, by throwing down some parts of it, to disfigure an edifice,
which served as a lasting monument of the English conquest and power
over them, yet it is still very manifestly to be seen, by those who will be
at pains to look out for it, on the east-side the river, down towards the
noith, where it makes the north-east corner of the town : For that was
the quarter of Tournay where the English dwelt, during the space of Bre
years that they staid tnere, and where all the old buildings, both within
and without the castle, on both sides the river, as well as the castle itself^
have been built by the same nation.

The inclosure of it is not a rampart, but a wall; built in the Roman
fiuhion, but after the Gothick manner, according to the knowledge that
the English had of military architecture in those days. There are two
gates in it: The one towards the river, railed, the River-gate; the
other towards the country, named, the Country-gate. Each of these
gates is defended by two round towers, one on each side of it, and nigh
to one another; and the rest of the wall is fortified all about with round-
bulwarks, at the distance of two-hundred paces one from another.

The wall is built intirely of hewn stone, to the thickness of sik feet,
and to the height of four and twenty; but the gates, the towers, and the
bulwarks are of earth, revested with stone, likewise hewn; the first and
the second to the thickness of twelve feet, the last to the solidity of
eighteen, and all to the same height with the wall : Being terminated
in the top with platforms, or terrasses, as the wall is with a corridor,
orgalleiT, that runs along the top of it from one platform to another;
and both platforms and corridor are guarded on the outside with a
battlement or breast-work, likewise of hewn stone, that reigns along the
ooe, and around the others, all about the castle.

Without the wall, on the one side, is the river, a hundred and fifty
feet brcKad and five and twenty feet deep, bordered all along, on both
sides, with a large quay or landing-place, revested with hewn stone,
the channel of the river being incrusted with the same ; on all the other
sides, there is the ditch, being a moat, or wet ditch, sixty feet broad,
and twelve feet deep, having its scarp and counterscarp incrusted with
stone, likewise hewn, and being supplied with water from the river.
Over the river on the one side, and over the ditch on the other, before
the two gates, are as many bridges, giving passager into, and out from
the castle, and having at the outer ends of them streets, that run from
thence thorough the town : They were anciently draw-bridges of timber,
but now they are fixed ones of stone. The one over the river is the most
remarkable, consisting of five arches, fifteen feet broad, and a hundred
and fifty feet long, the channel there being so wide; 'being terminated
in the top with a causey, or street, guarded on both sides with a balus-
trade or rail : the whole of hewn stone. It was anciently called the
Castle-Bridge; but now it is named the Iron-Bridge: It is just five-
hundred paces distant from the Turned Bridge, which makes a part of
King Chilperick's inclosure of the town, down towatd^ iVke T\ot^\^TA
exactly m the place where the island was, iU vrVi\c\i «\OQdL tid^ «\^«9cCt

XU THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY.

tower of the Nervii, their castle having been built on the river-side, upon
the ground where .the bridge ends, towards the east, which is now occii-
pied with a comer of King Henry's castle, for, of the ancient tower and
castle of the. Nervii, there is not now the least vestige to be seen.

And this is that castle of Toumay, which was built by the order of
King Henry the Eighth of England, during the time that the English
staid there. It is of an oblong square, or parallelogrammatick figure,
lying along the river-side on the east, five-hundred paces from the town,
down towards the north, and stretching itself out from south to northy
the river running the same way. Its length, taking it from the south-
side to the other side parallel, is just five-hundred common paces, that
is, two-hundred and fifty geometrical paces, or the sixth part of a
British mile; its breadth, reckoning from the river-side to the other
parallel, three-hundred common paces, or the tenth part of a British
mile; and its circumference within, on the inside the wall, is abeut
fifteen-hundred common paces, that is, seven-hundred and fifly geo-
metrical paces, or half a British mile; but without, on the outside of
the ditch, it will be as good as two- thousand common paces, or a thou-
sand geometrical paces, or two thirds of a British mile.

This is the condition that Tournay was in, at the time that the Eng-
li^ were there. It consisted of the old town, inclosed by King ChU-
perick the First of France; of several suburbs all around, occasioned
by a throng of people from a great many foreign countries, especially
from France and BurgUhdy; and of the new castle, or citadel, built by
King Henry the Eighth of England, without the town, upon the east-
side the river, down towards the north.

The English kept it &ve years, that is, from the year of our Lord
lilS, to 1518, in the days of Francis the First, King of France; who,
having made his peace with King Henry, and given him a sum of money,
to reimburse him of the charges he had been at in building a citadel at
Tournay, and King Henry not caring to retain a place so remote Irom
his other territories, the English were content to evacuate it, and it
retunied again to the dominion of the French, who lost it in a short time
to the Spaniards. For the same King Francis the First ef France,
having violent war then with Charles the Fifth, King of Spain, Emperor
of Germany, and Earl of Flanders, in the year 1521, the Emperor
Charles sent thither an army, which immediately sat down beifore
Tournay, and took it in a few days.

The Emperor Charles the Fifth having got it into his hands, and con-
sidering that it was a member of the Earldom of Flanders, and an
advantageous post upon the river Scheld, he resolved well to keep it,
if he could, and to prevent the French from coming there again* So,
to the end he might be able to do that effectually, he resolved to have it
fortified at a better rate than ever it had been before ; and considering
that then, after the invention of powder and guns, neither the wall
about King Chilperick the First's town, nor that of King Henry the
Eighth's castle, was sufficiently strong to hold out against an enemy, he
'hereupon was the first who conceived the design of having it fortified
i a rampart; and because the toYrn^ by reason of its excrescence

THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY. 125

into suburbs, M^bich by that time were likewise grown considerable,

required a new inciosure, he designed further, that Uiat rampart should

inclose and go clear round it, by the far ends of idl the suburbs, so as

to take in King Chilperick's town, King Henr/s castle, the suburbs,

and «tU that was on it. Which design he immediately took care to have

put in execution, beginning, the very year following, being 1522, to

cut out the ditch, and throw up the rampart, making both to go quite

round the town, by the outer ends of the suburbs and castle, so as to

surround and shut up all. And this is the third and last inclosureof

Toumay, which gave birth to what they call the New Town, that is,

that part of it which is included between the two last inclosures.

This last inclosure of the Emperor Charles's is still on foot, and
intire; and, tho' it be now very near two-hundred years old, yet it
it is all that Toumay has about it.

It is not a simple wall of stone, as King Chilperick's inclosure is, but
a rampart of earth thrown up, built in the ancient fashion, not after the
modem; everyway irregular, not according to art; and fortified with
bulwarks, not bastions : being a gross piece of Gothick architecture, ■
that discovers, by its face, both the £^ge it was done in, and the hands
who did it; for one sees in it a mixture of an ancient and modem work
together, that points out a turning, or changing, from the one to the
other* the whole accompanied with a Spanish air; and tho' the French,
at that time, began to understand a little the modern way of building
^nd fortifying, yet the knowledge of it did not so soon come the length
of being comprehended by the Spaniards. It is hard to tell its dimen-*
sions, because of its irregularity; for we could not take them otherwise,
than measuring them by common paces, which we did, walking it on
foot all the way, both within and without the town : So, according to
what we found, I shall give a description of it, as full and es^act as is
possible ; and to begin with its plan.

It is built in form of a parabola, or figure oblong and round, of an
oval kind ; consisting of two parts upon the two sides of the river, and
having seven gates in it, two sluices, and about eighty bulwarks, pn both
sides the town.

The great semidiameter of the interior parabola is just a thousand
common paces, that is, five-hundred geometrical paces, or a third part
of a 'British mile; which, doubled, makes the length of the groilnd,
within this parabola, two-thousand common paces, or a thousand geo-
metrical paces, or two third parts of a British mile. The great semidi-
ameter of the exterior parabola is a thousand and forty-two common
paces, that is^ five-hundred and twenty-one geometrical paces, or some-
what more than a third of a British mile; which, doubled, makes the length
of the ground within this parabola, or the greatest length of the place,
take it which way you will, two-thousand apd eighty-four common
paces, or a thousand and forty-two geometrical paces, or somewhat
more thap two thirds of a British mile. The little semidiameter of the
interior parabola is just sevens-hundred ^nd fifty common paces, that is,
three-hundred and seventy-five geometrical paces, or a quarter of a
British inUe 9 which, doubled, makes the br^dthol\h&^Q»\ffAv^^^^^

126 THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY.

this parabola, fifteen-hundred common paces, or seven-hundred and
fifty geometrical paces, or half a British mile. The little semidiameter
of the exterior parabola is seven-hundred and ninety*two common paces,
that is, three-hundred and ninety-six geometrical paces, or somewhat
more than, a quarter of a British mile; which, doubled, makes the
breadth of the ground within this parabola, or the greatest breadth of
the place, take it which way you will, fifteen-hundred and eighty-four
common paces, or seven-hundred and ninety-two geometrical paces, or
somewhat more than half a British mile. The circumference of the
interior parabola is just six-thousand common paces, that is, threer
thousand geometrical paces, or two British miles; and the circumference
of the exterior parabola, six-thousand two-hundred and fifty-tiro
common paces, or three-thousand a hundred and twenty-six geometricsJ
paces, or somewhat more than two British miles. But the circum-
ference, measuring it upon the top of the rampart, going along the
corridor, or terra- plain, and around the platforms, ortc^rasses, by the
foot of the battlement, or parapet, and reckoning all the sides and
turnings pf the ramparts and bulwarks, or the greatest circumference of
the place', take it which way you will, is eight-thousand two-hundred
and forty common paces, that is, four*thousand a hundred and twenty
geometrical paces, or two British miles, and somewhat more than two
thirds of a mile.

There lure seven gates in it : Four in that part of it, which surrounds
the greater part of the town, on the west side the river, commonly
called the High Town, standing on a hill ; and three in that pdrt,
which surrounds the lesser part of the town, on the east side the river,
named the Low Town, lyin^ in a plain. These seven gates in this
rampart are built answerable to a^ many of those that are in King
Chilperick's wall ; but most of them with different names. The gates
on the west side, in the rampart about the High Town, beginning at
the river, at the upper end towards the south, from thence going west-
wards, and so round, are reckoned in this order, and thus named :
The Valenciennes-gate, that answers to S. Catharine's-gate, in King
Chilperick's-wall; S. Marti n's-gate, that answers to the gate of the same
name; the Lisle-gate, answering to S. QuintinVgate ; and the Seven
Fountains -gate, to Our Lady's-gate. Those on the east side, in the
rampart about the l^w Town, beginning at the river, at the lower end
towards the north, from thence going eastwards, round, axe reckoned
and named so : The Brail-gate, that answers to the Country-gate in
King Henry's castle^wall; the Mortal-gate, answering toS. Brice's-gate;
and the Sorrowful's-gate, to the Hospital-gate.

Upon the river, at each end of the town, there was a panncl, or piece,
of wall, having three gates in it for the water to pass thorough, built by
the Spaniards, to join the rampart on the one side, and that on the other
side together, and so to compleat the inclosure. But, since the French
came last there, they have destroyed those pannels of wall, and put
sluices in their room, which serves the turn of joining the two ramparts,
and compleating theinclosure to better purpose; because, besides the
joining of the ramparts, by these sluices, they have the command of the
*^^»water, so as to be able to let it out, or keep it in, or make of.it

THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY,^ X27

what diey please; \irhefeas by those pannels of wall they could do nothing
with it.

It is fortified all about with round bulwarks, at the distance of a
hundred paces one from another; and every one of those gates and sluices
is so planted in the middle, between two bulwarks, one on each side of
it, and so nigh one another, that it is equally defended and hid between
them. They are all placed at the outer ends, as the others areat the
inner ends, of as many of the suburbs, which, because they lie between
the two, are indifferently called by both their names.

As for its profile, the rampart, the gates, the bulwarks, and all that
is on it, built wholly of earth thrown up, revested on tiie outside with
one facade of hewn stone, and on the inside incrusted with another of
the same: The rampart and gates being to the thickness of seventy
kfitp that is, reckoning the mass of earth, with the revestdre an^ incrus-
tuie of stone, and to the height of eight and twenty ; the bulwarks to
the solidity of five and thirty feet, and to the same height with the
rampart, according to the common practice, except those defending the
gates and sluices; which, though they be to the same solidity with the
Qthersy yet are in height a third part higher, that is, two and forty feet
U^, after the manner practised in the towers of the Aurelian wall about
Rome. The rampart and gates are terminated in the top with a grand cor-
ridor, or gallery, being a kind of terra-plain, running round the bulwarks
with grand platforms, or terrasses; and both platforms and terra-plain are
guarded on the outside with a grand battlement, or breast-work, being
a kind of parapet, likewise of earth cast up, revested and incrusted with
hewn stone, to the thickness of one and twenty feet, and to the height of
leven, founded upon the top of the rampart and bulwarks, and reigning
along the terra-plain, and around the platforms alt about the town.
By which means, though the rampart be seventy feet thick, yet the
terra plain in the top of it comes to be only forty*nine feet broad, by
reason that one and twenty feet, the thickness of the parapet, is taken
from it; and the parapet going round the bulwarks, as well as along the
lampart, the breadth of their platforms comes also to be diminished in
proportion. n

Without the rampart is the ditch, a hundred and five feet broad, and
fimrteen feet deep; being cutout of the earth, and having its scarp and
counter-scarp incrusted with hewn stone. It is a moat, or wet ditch,
on the one side the river, towards the east, where the ground is a level,
or nlain, and is supplied with water from the river, as also from the
little hrook, which falls into it on the same side ; on the other side,
towards the west, where the ground is a risuig ground, or hill, it is dry.
Ov£r it, on both sides, before the gates in the rampart, are seven draw*
bcifdges, that is, one before each gate, giving passage into, and out from
fhf town, and having at the outer ends of them as many highways, that
from thence run out into the neighbouring country, and have each the
mofi imme with the gate it runs out from.

That was the condition ofToumay in the Emperor Charles the Fifth's
tuse, and tbi« is all the length the new inclosure and fortifications of
the town caro^ in his reign; for, according to the knowledge that the

12* THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY.

Spaniards had of the art of military architecture in those days, after it
was surrounded with a rampart and a ditch, they reckoned it complettly
fortified.

It continued so, in the same state, without any farther addition to its
strength, and in the power of the princes of the same nation, as being
reckoned a member of the earldom of Flanders, till the year of our Lord
1579* in the days of Philip the Second, King of Spain, the Emperor
Charles's only son, and his successor in the earldom of Flanden. Tlus
prince, in his time, had little war with the French, who had been long,
his&ther^s enemies; but had a very religious war with the States-General
of the United Provinces, who were naturally his subjects, and had rtade
a general defection from him, because of his cruelty and oppression
towards them, upon the account of the difference of religion between
bim and them, they being protcstants, and he a papist, and had estab-
lished a commonwealth of their own. The people of Toumay bad bq;an
early to join with theStates^jeneral; for, in the year 1576, they assisted
with them at the pacification of Ghent: And, in this year 1579, the
stales being united into a commonwealth by the union of Utrecht, those
of Toumay entered uito an alliance with them, against King Philip the
Second ; from which time they were an independent state, and goyeme4
themselves after their own mind, as allies of the States-General, -

In this condition it continued till the year of our Lord 1581, in the
days of the same King Philip the Second of Spain; who having soot
Prince Alexander of Parma into the Low-Countries, in quality of
governor; and having given him a commission, to use all means to reduce
bis discontented subjects to their allegiance, and the Prince of Pftrma
being in Flanders, and considering of what importance Tournay would
be to him, for the securing of several other places, in the midst of which
it stands, he catched hold of an occasion, when Prince Peter of Espinoy,
governor of it, marched out to go towards Ghent, and carried along
with bim the best part of the garison, to join and to head the army of
the States-General there ; and first making shew, as if he would have
followed the Prince of Espinoy, and continuing to do so till he was oat
of sight of Tournay, he then suddenly turned about towards the town,
besieged it, and took it in six weeks.

It is recorded in the annals 9f Tournay, that, though the town at that
time wanted both governor and garison, and there was nobody in the
• castb but the Princess of Espinoy, the governor's lady, with two or
three companies of foot, her guards; though it was besi<^ed with a
sreat army, and battered with a great number of cannon; yet the -people
mm within made the mo^t obstinate defence that ever was heard of.
For not only men, but women, not only burghers and boys, but wives
and maids, appeared upon the rampart, to resist the enemies assaults^
and behaved themselves very bravely. The Princess of Espinoy, at the
head of her ladies, during the time of an assault, was shot through the
arm,^t one occasion. At another occasion, the besiegers having spmog
a mine, and blown up a part of the rampart, several gentlewomen, who
bad been on the terra-plain upon duty at the time, got both death and
burial at once in the ruins; and, the Spaniards entering the breach, thqr
"oundsome of the women still alive, being buried in the ruins only up ^

THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY. 1 29

^e shoulders; and the Marquis of Renty, who commanded theassault,
seeing ihem in that pickle, he admired their bravery, pitied their con-
dition, ordered them to be taken out, and allowed them to go back to
'Ehe town. It is likewise recorded, that, during the continuance of this
«iege of Toumay, one Colonel Prestoun, a Scotch officer in the service
of the states-general, being sent off by the Prince of Espinoy, commander
in chief of their army, with a party of three-hundred horse in the design
to throw them into the town, for its relief, he attacked the Spanish
camp before Toumay at the German quarter, where the Prince of .
Chimay, general of the artillery, commanded ; and having beat the
Spanish foot, and broke through the German horse, he not only forced
liis own way into the town, with all his own troops, but, besides, he
carried thirty of the Prince of Chimay's artillery-men along with him.
However, all this did not save the place, for it was surrendered, the
thirtieth of November, 1581, after a siege of two and forty days : And
so Toumay returned into the dominion of King Philip the Second of
Spain.

King Philip having recovered it into his hands, and the religious
war, betwixt him and the states-general, becoming more violent, the states
being powerfully assisted by their protectrix, Elisabeth Queen of England,
and he passionately desirous to reduce them to his obedience; consi-
dering the weakness of the defence of what towns he held in Flanders,
especially of Lisle and Toumay, and the Spaniards being come a greater
length in the knowledge and skill of military architecture, than former-
ly, he resolved to provide for the further security of these towns by the
adition of outworks to the fortification. So accordingly, in the year of
our Lord 1596, for the better defence of the town of Toumay, to supply
the defect of its rampart, he ordered the ditch to be enlarged at twelve
different places, to make way for as many outworks he designed to plant
in it, and afterwards raised them, being a kind of ravelin, or half-moon,
one before each of the seven gates, on both sides the town, and five
more at other convenient places, three on the west side, and two on tha
cast.

What kind of works these outworks of King Philip's were then, 'we
cannot precisely tell ; for now they are either taken in, or embodied
with the French new works, or levelled. However, I have seen a draught
of them in the parliament-hall at Tournay ; by which it appears, that
tiiey have been large voluminous works built. of earth, revested and
incru^ted with stone, to a solidity double of the thickness of the rampart,
and to a height equal to the depth of the ditch, where they were planted;
terminated in the top with platforms, guarded on the one side with battle-
ments, suitable to the rest of the fortification ; planted in the ditch sur-
rounding them'; and joined to the scarp on the inside, and to the coun-
terscarp on the outside, with draw-bridges.

By this means, Tournay was then become indeed pretty strong, ac-
cording to the rate of reckoning the strength of towns in those days;
being inclosed with the Emperor Charles the Fifth's rampart, fortified
with good bulwarks, for its defence, with the additional defence of King
Philip the Second's outworks : All which, at that l\vn!^) d\^ VtA^^
render it strdng; but now it would signify notViing.
roL, jr/. K

130 THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY.

Ho we very it continued so^ in the same state, and in the power
of the princes of the same nation, without any change or revolu-
tion befalling it, either in its edifices or government, till the days of
Charles the Second, late King of Spain ; who having sharp war, in his
time, with Lewis the Fourteenth, the present King of France, in tbie
year of our Lord 1 667, King Lewis marched an army into Flanders, came
before Tonmay, besieged it, and took it in a very short time: So once
more it returned into the power of the French. He also took Lisle and
Douay, and several other towns, the same year, and put King Chailes
so hardly to it, that, the next year l668, a peace being concluded at
Aix la Chapelle between these two princes, by an article of that treaty,
King Charles was obliged to resign to King Lewb the town of Toumay,
and some others, for ever.

King Lewb the Fourteenth, having got Toumay into his hands, and
knowing the importance of the place; considering how weakly itwai
fortified, and the French then being come a length in the knowledge .of
military architecture before other nations; and though he but lately con-
cluded a peace with Spain, yet having a mind to observe it no longer
than it should serve hb turn, and in the case of war, foreseeing how
, useful and advantageous a post Toumay would be to him, for preserving
the country he had already conquered, and for pushing on hb conquests
further, he thereupon resolved well with himself to keep it, as long a»
he could, and, to that end, immediately begun to take care to have it
compleatly fortified, with all the art and skill imaginable, and gave the
direction of the work to the famous Monsieur de Vauban, his chief
engineer, who has indeed acquitted himself very handsomely in it.

Monsieur de Vauban, having got such a commission, proceeded in
this manner in the execution of it: First, he considered, that, as for
the Emperor Charles the Fifth's rampart, there was nothing to be done
with it, because of the facades of hewn stone, with which it was revested,
and incrusted, without throwing it all down, and rebuilding a new one,
which would have run out to a prodigious charge; and for that he
thought there was not so great need there, as elsewhere. Besides, he
reckoned, that, whatever weakness there was in or about the rampart,
it might be best corrected by a suitable contrivance in the design and
execution of the outworks. As for King Philip the Second's outworks,
he resolved either to take in and embody them in those that he himself
designed, or to level them.

So, without insisting upon the defects of the rampart, he immediately
proceeded to the construction of the outworks ; and, having cleaned
the ditch, and enlarged it in such and such places, so as that it might
be capable of the works he designed in it, he planted it abundantly with
ravelins, half-moons, horn-works, and all the other kinds that he thought
proper for the ground, and for correcting the faults he observed in the
situation and fortification of the town ; especially he built four great
horn-works, three on the one side of the town, towards the west, where
the ground is a rising ground, or hill; and one ou the other side, to-
wards the east, where it is a level, or plain; all large voluminous works
running out from the rampart into the neighbouring country, so as to
JncIosQ aad take ia all the heights, and other emiaeaces^ that did aajr

THE HISTORY OF TOURN AY. 15 1

way prejudicey or weaken its defence. Then, to secure all, he raised n
. noble citadel, immediately without the town^ at the upper end of it,
towards the south, and on the west-side the river, being the hill-side, in
a place, where the ground is higher than any where else near the tbwn j
in the building of which, he employed all the art and skill, he was
master of, in military architecttire, both as to design and execution, so
as to render it a fortress of great beauty, as well as of great strength.
And, ^as it is commonly said to be one of De Vauban's master-pieces, so
it is certainly one of the most regular, as well as it has been one of the
most chai'geable pieces of fortification in the world ; though I will not.
say it is one of the strongest, because of its being situate on a height,
apon a ground that is yery capable of being mined, and where mines
may have dreadful effects. The horn-works on the same hide of the
town are liable to the same inconveniency, being situate the same Way;
against which inconveniency, the architect has provided all the remedy
that can be, that is, countermines: for both citadel and horn-works,
and aU the other out works, on that hill-side the town, are intirely
countermined before-hand; on the other side, being a plain, the works
are not liable to such an inconveniency, and, conse.quently, there is no
need of such a remedy. So that, if ever an enemy comes about
Tournay, and attacks it on the high side of the town, where the citadel
and three of the horn- works are, they dare do it only by mining; and,
•the ground there being before-hand countermined, if they be not both
very wary and very lucky, they may meet with dreadful rencounters.
And, whereas, on that high side, they have fire to deal withal, on the
other side, being low, there is water ; for, though the ground there be
somgwhat drained, yet it is still a little marshy; and, in the case of a
siege, the besieged can, by shutting the sluices upon the river, overflow
the whole country on that side with water. By this means, Tournay,
by nature and art together, is a town compleatly fortified, and abund*
antly strong. For if, on the one side, it be naturally weak, because of
its dry situation upon a hill, art has provided there abundapce of out-
works, and these outworks countermined', to remedy that defect. If,
on the other side, it be artificially weak, by reason of fewer outworks
there, and these outworks not countermined, nature has provided a *.vet
situation in a plain, to counterbalance that want. So that nature and
art have conspired together, to render it a place of strength. However,
there is nothing, that art has fortified, but art can take it; nor any
thing, that nature has made strong, but what wit may overcome.
And the surest and safest, as well as the most efiectual and successful
way, to besiege Tournay, would, in my humble opinion, be in this
manner: To make feint attacks on the high side the town, where there
are countermines, and to make real attacks on the low side, where, there
are none; and, because of the inconveniency of water on that side, to
b^in early to batter the sluices, that keep it up; which being destroyed,
the water will run clchr away along the channel of the river, and the
ground on that side become good ground, and the besiegers attacks may
go on a-pace, with a great deal of safety, and with all the success
imaginable; whereas, if the real attacks be on the hi^h side, where thft
ground is naluraii/^oodf^ jbut CQunterminedi bj beg^t«uii%^Ax\;} \a ^>ar

X 2

13« THE flISTORY OF TOURNAY.

cover the countermines, the attacks may indeed he carried on, but
slowly, with a great deal of danger, and with a success that will always
be doubtful.

But, because there is such variety in the French fortifications about
Toumay, such excellency appears in Monsieur 'De Vauban's works^
where ever they are, and such regularity is to'be seen, in all that he has
done there, both as to design and execution, both in plan and profile,
I shall therefore be at pains to give a compleat description of these o^t«
works, and an exact account of their dimensions, for the satisfaction
'of the curious: And, to do it in order, I shall begin with the citadel,
on the south side the town, upon the west side the river; from thence ge
northwards, and so round. And, first j as to its plan :

It is built in form of a pentagon, or figure having five equal sides ;
having just so many courtines, as many bastions, and two gates, all
royal work, that is, regular, and according to art ; so that we found
it an easy matter to take its dimensions both in whole and in part, fUid
to do it both exactly and compleatly.

The semidiameter of the interior polygon is just seven-hundred and
five feet; which, doubled, makes the length, or breadth (they being
equal) of the ground within this polygon a thousand four hundred and
ten feet, that is, two hundred and eighty two geometrical paces, or near
the fifth part of a British mile. The semidiameter of the exterior poly-
gon is nine hundred and three feet; which, doubled, makes the length,
or breadth of tlie ground within this polygon, or the greatest length or-
breadth of the fortress, take it which way you will, a thousand eight
hundred and six feet, that is, three hundred and sixty -one geometrical
paces and a foot, or near a quarter of a British mile. Each side of the
interior polygon is just eight hundred and nine feet; which, multiplied
by five (there being so many sides in it) makes the circumference of this
polygon four Hiousand and forty five feet, that is, eight hundred and
nine geometrical paces, or somewhat more than half a British mile;
Each side of the exterior polygon is a thousand and forty two feet;
which, multiplied by five (there being so many sides in it) makes the
circumference of this polygon &ve thousand two hundred and ten feet,
that is, a thousand and forty two geometrical paces, or somewhat more
than two third parts of a British mile. But the circumference, mea-
suring it on the outside, going round by the foot of the rampart, along
the way that is called the Round Way, and reckoning all the sides and
angles, or turnings in and out, of the courtines and bastions, or the
greatest circumference of the ' fortress, is a great deal more, in this
manner ; The length of each courtine is four hundred and eighty feet,
and the circumference of each bastion ei^t hundred and ninety, in this
manner: Each demigorge a hundred and fifteen feet, each flank ninety,
and each face two hundred and forty ; which, doubled (there being two
of each) and added together, make the circumference so much, as I'
have said: And the length of the courtines, multiplied by five (there
being so many of them) with the circumference of the bastions (sub-
tracting the demigorges) likewise multiplied by five (there being so many
of them) and added together, that is, the length of all the courtines,
^fu^s, and faces m the rampart, added tog&Hi^, makes the circum,';

THE HISPrpRY OF TOURNAT. l^%

ference on the outside, or' the greatest circumference of ihe fortress
take it which way you will, exactly five thousand and seven hundred
feet, or a thousand a hundred and forty geometrical paces, or 8o;n&>
what more than three quarters of a British mile.

As to the profile of it, it is asrampart of earth cast up, revested on
th6 outside, and incrusted on the inside, with a facade of hewn stone. *

Its breadth at the bottom is sixty-six feet, that is, reckoning the masis
of earth, with the revesture and incrusture of stone; its inward talad,
or sloping, fifteen feet; and outward talud seven and a half: Its height
fifteen feet, and its breadth at the top forty three and a half. The bas*
tions are terminated in the top with platforms, or terrasses, as thecour-
tines are with a terra-plain, or corridor, or gallery, that runs along the
top of the rampart from one platform to another ; and both these plat-
forms, and that terra-plain, are guarded on the outside with a parapet,
or battlement, or breast-work, and a banquet, or footstep, that reign
along the one, and around the others, all about the fortress : The one
being three feet broad, and a foot and a half high ; the other, fifteen
feet broad at the bottom, a foot of inward talud, two feet of outward,
six feet high on the inside, four feet on the outside, and twelve feet
broad at the top. Both parapet and banquet are built of earth thrown
up, revested and incrusteid with hewn stone, founded upon the top of
the rampart, but with this difference : The one is terminated in a level,
proper for men to step or stand on, on the inside towards the town, and
continued all about ; the other terminates in a slope, on the outside to-
warda»the country, proper for bullets to slip or slide on, and is all about
discontinued with embrasures, or porU-holes, and merlons, or solid
spaces between the port-holes. By this means, though the rampart at
the top be forty-three feet and a half broad, yet the terra-plain abov6
the cour tines comes to be only twenty ^ve feet and a half ; by reason
that fifteen feet, the breadth of the parapet, and three feet, that of the
banquet, are taken from it: And, the parapet and banquet going a-
round the bastions, as well as i long the courtines, their platforms come
also to be diminished in proportion.

There are but two gates in this rampart : The one towards the town,
called the Royal Gate; the other towards the country, named the '
Dauphin-Gate. They are each of them struck out in the middle of a
courtine, where they stand defended by the two neighbouring bastions.
Without the rampart,, there is, first, the round way, or the way of the
rounds, being a corridor-, or gallery, fifteen feet broad, guarded on the
outside with its parapet and banquet, otherwise called the False Bray,
which is every way of the same kind, and has the same dimensions
with the Royal Parapet, that is, the parapet of the rampart, which we
have already described. Both these works are built of earth cast up,
revested and incrusted with hewn stone ; and reign, as the rampart docs,
all about the fortress. Without the False Bray is the berm, or fore-land,
being a kind of bank, six feet broad, on the inside of the ditch. It is
of earth revested with stone. Then there is the ditch, being a dry
ditch, ninety-six feet broad at the top ; its scarp, or inward talud', or
sloping, ten feet ; and counter-scarp, or outward talud, th£ ^».m<&% Sx%
depth ten feet, and its breadth at the bottom seventy viis.* \X\% csxX^x^X

k3

134 THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY.

of the eartb, has its scarp and counter«scarp incrusted with hewn ^ne
accompanies the rampart all around, and is always dryt being u{ion tfce
top of a riiung grounds or hill, where no water comes.

This ditch is abundantly planted with outworks, in this manner:
First, the courtine towards the town, that has the Royal Gate in it, !•
defended with a fortification of three forts, or outworks : The one in the
middle, just opposite to the gate, being a large ravelin ; the other two
are small quarter-moons, one before each face of the ravelin, near the
angle of the shoulder. Beginning there at that first courtine, where the
Royal Gate is, towards the town, from thence going southwards, round,
the next thing, we found in our way, was the King's Bastion, one of the
bastions of the rampart, which, for order's sake, we ^hall likewise call^
the first bastion. Then there is the second courtine, also towards the
town, before which is repeated a fortification of a large ravelin, and two
small quarter*moons, as before. Next is the second bastion, called,
the Queen's Baslion. After that, comes the third courtine, towaidt
the country, defended with a fortification of five forts, or outworks :
The first, in the middle, just opposite to the courtine, being a large
ravelin, as before; the other four are two cut-work£, and two smul
quarter-moons, covering the faces of the ravelin; a cut-work and m
quarter-^moon being before each face, the one towards the angle of the
shoulder, as before, the other towards the saillant angle. Next is the
third bastion, named. The Dauphin's Bastion. Then there is the fourth
courtine, also, towards the country, having the Dauphin-gate in the
middle of it, and before it a fortification of five outworks, a ravelin, two
cut-works, and two quarter-moons, repeated and disposed in the same
order as* before. After which, is the fourth bastion, called. The Bastion
of Anjou. Then there is the fifth and last courtine* also towards the
country, defended with a fortification of four outworks : The first, in
the middle, a ravelin, as before; the other three are a cut-work, and
» two quarter-moons, covering the faces of the ravelin, the cut-work and
a quarter-moon being before the left face, the one towards the angle of
the shoulder, the other towards the saillant angle, as before ; the other
quarter-moon, alone, before the right face, near the angle of Che
shoulder. Last of all, is the fifth bastion, named, The Bastion of Or*
leans.' After which we found the courtine, towards the town, having
the Royal Gate in it, from whence we began our course around the
fortress.

All these outworks are built of earth thrown up, revested and incrust-
ed with hewn stone, and have their design and execution, their plan and
profile, their terra-plains, parapets, banquets, and the rest, suitable, and
in proportion to the other parts of the fortification ; being founded in the
ditch, which has been before-hand enlarged in such and such places,
so as to be capable of them ; and, detached from the scarp on the inside,
and from the counterscarp on the outside, as well as from one osyother,
at reasonable distances ; but joined both to scarp and counterscarp, as
well as to one another, with draw- bridges..

• Immediately, without the ditch, there is the covered-way, or the way

that is covered, being a corridor, or gallery, fifteen feet broad, guarded

pji tfie outside with its parapet uid banquet, otherwise named tHe gladis ;

THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY. 135

The one being three feet broad, and a loot and a half high^ as the other
h^quets are ; the other sixty-nine feet broad at the bottom ; a foot of
inward talud^ ,&ix feet high on the inside, and, on the outside, it is all a
continued talud, ox slope, beginning at the top of the height, and ending
insensibly at the bottom ; the whole tenailled all around; Both these
works arc of earth revested and incrusted with stone ; and reign, as the
rampart does, all about the fortress. Without the glacis, last cf all, is
the explanade^ being a grand corridor discovered, or a part of the neigh-
bouring country levelled, to the breadth of a hundred and five feet, and
accompanying the glacis all round.

This citadel is built without the town, on the south-side, and on the
wett*si4e the river, where the bank is a rising groynd, or hill, upon the
very highest spot of ground about Tourpay, iXi the design to comipand
Ihe jtown on the one hand, and the country on the other ; but especially
to command the town and the river, they both lying low under it, to-
wards the north and (fast, and it approaching with its outworks to the
oncy within the distance of four-hundred paces, and to the other adjoin-
ing so near, that the outworks of the one incroach and presume upon
the fortifications of the other, which are there levelled, to make way
for them ; so that they not only take up all the ground between the
rampart of the citadel and that of the town, but also enter a {vetty way
within the town, there being a grand overture made in the Emperor
Charles the Fifth's rampart, to let them in. The two extremities of this
rampart of the town are made to end sloping, in a right line upon the
dacis of the citadel : And, in the space. Within the town, between this
glacis of the citadel, and King Chilperick the Firsfs wall, the buildings
arCf for the most part, thrown down, and the ground where they stood
is converted into a grand explanade, having in length a thousand paces,
and in breadth two-hundred ; and serving as a grand court before the
citadel gate, where twenty thousand men may be dn^wn up in order of
battle. By this means, the town and its rampaf t being in this manner
levelled, as well as the country and its hedges discovered, and the
heists and other eminences inclosed, the citadel seated upon the
very highest spot of gropnd thereabouts commands intirely all a-
round.

As to the French fortifications about the town, they are disposed in
this order : First, that part of the Emperor Charles the Fifth's ram-
part, that adjoins to the outworks of the citadel, on the east-side towards
the river, running from the sluice, that is there upon the one, up the
face of the hil), to the glacis of the other; the distance between these
two, being four hundred paces, has been lately thrown down, and is re-
built in a new way, so as to make a saillant angle, in the middle of the
distance from the glacis of the citadel, to the sluice upon the river, to
defend the same. The one side of this angle, towards the river, lies low,
in a little plain that reigns immediately along the water^side, to the
breadth of two hundred paces, towards the west, at the ypper end of
the town toward the south, and the ditch without it is a moat, or wet
ditch, supplied with water from the river, and continuing to be so, as
far as the plain continues, that is, to the very angular point ; the otjier
side; towards the citadclj stands high, upon the aactwl o^ V.Vi^\vv>N\ ^^x

. K 4

1S6 THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY.

from the angular point begins to run up pretty steep, and the ditch vrith*
out it is dryi^ The gate of Valenciennes is in the wde towards the river,
where there is nothing to defend, neither it nor the sluice, but the sail*
laint angle; but the sluice, the gate, the riyer, the rampart, all lies tow,
under the cannon of the citadel, which stands, and looks, and defends,
and commands, high, over all. That part of the Emperor CharlesTs
rampart, that adjoins to. the outworks of the citadel, on the west-side, is
denuded of its bulwarks, that have been levelled, to the length of two
hundred paces, and the rampart itself is made to continue sloping in m
right line, till at last it ends, as I have said, upon the glacis of the for^
tress. • -

Four hundred paces from the citadel, going northwards, round the
town, is the gate of St. Martin's, which, for order's sake, we shall call
the Second Gate, reckoning the Valenciennes gate the first, between the *
river and the citadel, which b between these two gates. This gate is de-
fended with a great fortificatioii of three forts, or outworks before it;
the first, a half-moon, just opposite to the gate ; the second a horn-work,
covering the faces of the half-moon f and, the third, a ravelin, before the
' courtineof the hom-werk : Being all large voluminous works, especially
the horn-work, planted in the ditch, where they take up a great deal of -
ground, one without another, directly before the gate, and running out
a great way from the town into the adjacent country^ which they in-
tirely command, as far as their cannon can go«

Immediately after this fortification, in the middle of the distance,
between this gate and the next, there is one half-moon alone, by itself
defending the rampart: And, before the next gate, being the Lisle
gate» and the third in our way, round, there is another half moon, like-
wise alone, by itself, opposite to the gate, defending it. After which, we
found another great fortification of three forts, or outworks, and a rave-
lin, as before: All large voluminous works, especially the horn- work,
and running out a great way into the country.

Immediately after this, there is again a half- moon alone, by itself, de-
fending the rampart; which, though it be only a half-moon, yet, among
officers and soldiers, it is commonly called. The Bastion of Blandinois :
And the ground there falling low, and changing from a rising ground in-
to a level, from a hill into a plain, the ditch is no longer a dry ditch,
but begins to be a moat, or wet one, being supplied with water from the
river, which is at the distance of six hundred paces, the plain that
reigns there along the river-side towards the west, at that lower end of
the town, towards the north, being so broad. Then we found the gate
of the Seven Fountains, being the fourth in our way, round, and defend-
ed with another great fortification of three outworks, a half-moon, a
horn-work, and a ravelin, as before. After which, the rampart, on
that side, ends upon the 'river, where it is defended with an irregular
fort, or outwork, commonly called, The Platform, adjoining to it :
It is one of King Philip the Second's old outworks, as I suppose, left
so in its old form, adjoining to the river, as well as to the rampart, de-
fending both, but especially defending the sluice there.

The rampart, on the other side the river, makes a turn, as it goes about

King Henry the Eighth's castle, and is extraordinarily defended with a

§<ery complex piece of A>jtiiicatioD, eonsistiuii o{ six ouVnoiV.^, <i\%;^Q^^

THE HISTORY OP TOURNAY. lif

m this manner: First, the turn of the rampart, towards the north-east,,
is defended with a half-moon before; after that, the Brail-gate, towards
the east, being the fifth in our way, is defended with a small ravelin,
covefed with a counter-guard before it : Then there is a grand double
tenaille, which, beginning upon the river, on the northr*side, from
thoice runs east, turns south, and goes as far as beyond the Brail-gate,
where it ends upon the ditch ; so as to cover and defend the half-moon,
the ravelin, and the counter-guard, already named, as well as all that
part of the rampart, that, from the river on the north, runs east and
south, as far as beyond the Brail-gate, being in length eight hundred
paces. Without this tenaille, on the north-side, near the river, there is
a half-moon defending it on that side ; at the east-end of which is a
canal, with a sluice upon it, conveighing the waters of the ditch away
into the lower Scheld, the river running on the west-end of it, so that
it stands between the two: And, without the tenaille, on the east-side,
there is another hklf-moon, defending it on that side, which makes out
the number of six outworks that compose this complex piece of fortifica-
tion.

After this, we found a half-moon all alone, by itself, in the middle of
the distance, between the Brail-gate and the next, defending the ram-
part. Then there is the Mortal-gate, being the sixth in our way, and
defended with another great fortification of three outworks, a half-moon,
a horn-work, and a ravelin, as before. After which, is another half-
moon alone, by itself, in the middle of the distance, between the Mor-
tal-gate, and the next, defending the rampart. Then there is the Gate '
of the Sk>rrowfu], the seventh in our way, defended with a large ravelin;
overagainst the point of which, the small brook, that runs towards the
town on that side, falls into the ditch. After that, is another half-mood '
alone, by itself, defending the rampart, in the middle of the distance,
between the Sorrowful's-gate and the river. And, last of all, the ram-
part, on that side, ends upon the river, where it is defended with a large
outwork, being a kind of bastion detached, and commonly called. The
Bastion of Camus: It adjoins to the river, which it defends, as well as
the rampart; but, especially, it defends the sluice that is there; be-
ing likewise defended on the other side, with the saillant angle of the
rampart, between the river and the citadel, from whence we began our
course round the place.

All these outworks are built of earth thrown up, revested and in*
crusted with hewn stone, and have their design and execution^ their
pkn and profile, their terra-plains, parapets, banquetSi and the rest,
suitable, and in proportion, to the other parts of the fortification, es-
pecially to the defects and irregularities that are in and about the Em-
peror Charles the Fifth's rampart. They are founded in the ditch,
which was beforehand enlarged in such and such places, so as to be
capable oif them; and, on the one side, where it is a moat, they are
abundantly surrounded with water, it being always full from the river;
on the other side, where a moat is not practicable, they are dry; They
are detached from the scarp on the inside, and from the counterscarp
on the outside, as well as from one another, at reasonable d\&l^.Tk^^%\>a^\.
joined both to scarp and counter-scarp as well as to ou<& axioX^cieC) ^*v^

»t THE HI^TQRir OF TOimNAY.

Wthout iht ditch, there is the covered-way, seventeen feet and a half
b.road, guarded on the outside with its parapet and banquet, or the
glacis : The .one, the same with the other banquets ; the other, seventy
feet broad at the bottom, a foot of inward taiud, six feet high on the in-
side; and, on the outside, it is a continued talud, or slope, from the
top to the bottom: The whole tenailled ail around the place, as the
glacis about the citadel is. And, without. all, is the explanade, a hun-
dred and five. feet broad. These works are likewise of earth, mvested
ai]id incmsted with stone, and reign, alopg with the ditch, as the nun^
part does, all about the town.

Lastly, without the explanade, in the country, two hundred paces
from the glacis of the town^ on the hi^h side towards the west, in the-
middle of the distance, between the glacis of the citadel, and that of the
first horn-work, there is a ravelin, with a dry ditch abopt it, placed ail
alone, by itself, by way of a redoubt, to defend the avenue to the town
there. Between the first homwork, and the second, there is a hal&moon
placed in the same manner, at the same distances, and to the same puiw
pose. Between the second horn-work and the third, there is another
half-mpon, the same way. And, on the low side, towards the .east, at
the lower end of the town, towards the north, at the same distaoce from
the glacis of the town, there is a bridge of timber over the river, with a
square fort, or redoubt, on the cast-side, defending it, and defending
the avenue to the town there. The other avenues to Toumay are suffi-
ciently well defended with the numerous outworks about the town and
citadel. . .

These are the French fortifications about Tournay, and this is the
length they came, under the care and direction of Monsieur De Vauban ;
who, when he had brought them thus far, repkoned U a town com-
plcatly fortified, and as strong as the situation of the place would allow ;
and, certainly, it is so. As for beauty and regularity, it is, without
dispute, that there is a variety of forts, or outworks, an excdlency of
design and execution, and an exactness in plan and profile, so great
about Tournay, that the like is not to be seen about any other town
in Europe, except it bp at Bergen-op-Zoom, fortified by Co^horn ; but,
as to this matter, one may say, that though Monsieur De Coeborn has
a great many very pretty inventions, that are all his own, and a great
deal of very pretty reasoning, upon these inventions of his own, yet,
after all, if his works were tried as much as we see Vauban's are daily,
it is a question how they would prove.

And this is \Vhat they call New Tournay ; that is, that part of the
town which is included between King Chjlperick the First of France's
wall, and the Emperor Charles the Fifth of Germany's rampart» as it
was begun by the French and Burgundians, and other foreigners, con-
tinued by King Henry the Eighth of England, and the English, inclosed
by the Emperor, Charles the Fifth, first fortified by King Philip the
Second of Spain, and compleatly fortified by King Lewis the Fourteenth
of France.

The new town is of the same figure with the old one, that is, an ob?

long round, or parabolick, but stretched the contrary way; for whereas

the old $own lias cross the river^ on both sides, and stretches it^lf out,

THE HISTORY OF TOURNAY, |S9

from east to vrest, the river running from south to north, the new one
lies' along the river, on both sides, and stretches itself out, from south to
north, the river running the same way. It has in length, taking it from
jtfaeone sluice upon the river, at ti^e upper end of the town towards thesouth,
to the other filuice at the lower end towards the north, along the river, just
two thousand common paces, that is a thousand geometrical paces, or two
jtbird parts of a British mile ; in bi^eadth, reckoning from St Martin's-gate,
on the west-side, to the Mortal-gate, on the east, cross the river, it is
fifteen hundred common paces, or seven hundred and fifty geometrical
paces, or half a British mile; and in circumference, going round with*
hi, on the inside the rampart, there are exactly six thousand common
paces, that is, three thousand geometrical paces, or two British miles ;
but measuring it without, on the outside the ditch, we found it to be
as good as twelve thousand common paces, or six thousand geometrical
paces, or four British miles.

The citadel is a pentagon, or figure, having Ave sides, adjoining to the
town, on the south side, and apptoaching to the river, on the. west,
within the distance of four hundred paces. Its length, take it which
,way you will, is just Sive hundred and sixty-four common paces, that is,
two hundred and eighty-two geometrical paces, or near a fifth part of
a British mile ; its breadth, being equal to its length, the same } and
its circumference within, on the inside the rampart, is exactly a thou-
sand six hundred and eighteen common paces, that is, eight hundred
and nine geometrical paces, or some more than half a British mile ; but
without, on the outside the ditch, it will be as good as three thousapd
seven hundred and fifty common paces, or a thousand eight hundred
and seventy-five geometrical paces, or a British mile and a quarter.

In fine it has continued in the same state, and in the same hands,
without tmy further alteration or change, from the year of our Lord
16679 wh^ the French took it last, till this present year }70g^ when
they are like to lose it again. For the present King Lewis the Fourteenth
of France, having sharp and violent war just now on foot, with Charles
the Third, the present King of Spain, upon the account of the succession
to the Spanish monarchy, and King Charles being powerfidly assisted
by the other princes in confederacy with him, the ambition of King
Lewis and the power of France seem to be reduced to a very low ebb.
The last year they took Dsle from him ; and now they are before
Touinay i And the confederate generals having catched an occasion to
besiege it, when the French had drawn out a part of the garison, to re-
inforce their grand army, the garison being weak within, it is like to
jlall into their hands.

I!..

C i40 )

A

\

, 0

LETTER TO A NEW MEMBER

OF THE

HONOURABLE HOUSE OF COMMONS;

Toochtng the rise of all the embezzlements and mismanageracuts of th«
kingdom's treasure, from the beginning of the revolution unto this
present 'parliament. With an account, from time to time, of the
many oppositions the House of Commons met with about redressing
the said publick-grievances. And, lastly, a proposal humbly ofieiy^
ed to their consideration, how to prevent the like miscarriages for the
future. To which is added, a parallel account of the national ex*
pences, from November 3, l640, to November l659; and from
November 5, l688, to Michaelmas 1700.

Amsterdam : Printed in the year 1710. Quarto, containing twenty-eight pafei.

Sir,

YOU being a new member of this honourable house, I presume, ^qu
ar^ not so well acquainted with the transactions of several former
parliaments, in relation to the miscarriages and embezzlements of the
publick monies of this kingdom ; because I perceive you are somewhat
surprised at her Majesty's speech touching that paragraph, wherein she
complains to your House, ' That she cannot, without great concern,
mention to you, . That the navy and other offices are burthened with
heavy debts ;' which so far afifcct the publick s'^rvice, that she most
earnestly desires you to find some way to answer those demands, and to
prevent the like, for the ti;ne to come; the justice of parliament, ia
satisfying former engagements, being the certain way for preserving and
establishing credit.

I say, being a new member, you arc utterly at a loss in this matter,
and want thoroughly to be instructed in mismanagements of the minis*
try. For you are earnestly desired by the Queen to find out now some
way to answer those demands, ^nd to prevent the like embezzlements
and misapplications, for the time to come ; it being but justice of the
parliament, in satisfying former engagements, and it is the most certain
way for preserving and establishing of credit.

Is this the way of establishing and preserving of future credit ? Then
it is plain, that, by her Majesty's confession, the credit of the nation be-
gins now to flag; and, if sp, the question will be, Whether it is occa-
sioned by the funds not answering the intended end, they were raised for?
Or, Whether the credit of the nation is sunk by crafty ministers, that

'e licked themselves into fair estates, and so have embezzled and mis-.
ed the kingdom's publick treasure} Now, if you can find out

A LETTER TO A NEW MEMBER, &c. 141

but where this shoe pinches, you have done your work ; for hei Ma-
jesty's desire is, to prevent the like practices for the time to come.

In order to. which, give me leave to inform you, That the R-

H the H of P , in their address to her Majesty, do as

frankly complain of mismanagements and embezzlements in several of
the Queen's offices heretofore committed, as well as her M^*esty ; which,
at your leisure, you may read, in their address to the queen, printed in
die year 1705.

And I must beg your patience to shew also, That the honourable the
House of Commons have formerly made as hearty and heavy complaints,
as most have done, and publickly declared. That common justice was
refused to be done this honourable house, when so often desired, to re-
dress the publick grievances of the nation, especially touching the mis-
managements and embezzlements of the publick monies of the kingdom.
Vide their votes of March 24, 1701.

Since they have had every one their turn of complaining, Do not
you admire where the fault lies all this while, and that there- is no
remedy as yet found out ? That is to say, from the year 1701, to this
present year 1710, being full nine years.

One would think, at first dash, that the queen, the lords, and. the
conunons were all at a lossj and willing, hearty, and ready to embrace
any expedient, and listen to any proposal, that could be found out to
put a stop to, and prevent the like mismanagements and embezzlements
of the kingdom's money for the future, or else they would never, cer-
tainly, make their complaints so often. But, alas ! Sir, there lies the
mystery.

Now, sir, to unriddle this grand secret is to let you into our former
miscarriages, and the way, that was then taken to stop and redress those
grand grievances, and the many obstructions former parliaments met
with, though they heartily espoused, and designed to go thorough
stitch with the remedy ; and then you will find where this great fault
has Iain all the while, and perceive who are blame-worthy, such as
complained, or those very persons, that refused to punish the trans-
gressors, when they were first catched offending. And give me leave to
add. That all mismanagements and losses, that have since happened to
this kingdom, are owing to such, as refused to do common justice, when
so often importuned thereto.

The great mismanagements of the kingdom's publick treasure, and
the misapplications thereof, fell out in. the reign of the late King William ;
which was then observed, for several years together, to be a growing
evil upon the government ; and at last it did prodiice several annual
commissions, by act of parliament, for taking, examining, and stating
the publick accounts of the kingdom ; but what success these commis-
sioi^ had, will be worth our time to examine.

Though it has b^en publickly objected. That by these commissions
little was done towards the adjusting the accounts of the nation, and
inferences have been thence drawn. That such commissions are of little
or no use; yet, certainly, it is the duty of our representatives (especially
since desired from the throne) to make it their eati\e&l exideaLNOMt V^ ^tA.
out proper remedies for tiiis fttal disteipper, lest it tad Vn iiDLQ>i;^aAax^^^

141 A LETTER Td A NEW BfEMBER

I

loooarchyy the churchy and the state* For the Commons have com*
plained' of these miscarriages; the Lords, in their turn, have complained
of them ; and now at last her Majesty, in her most gracious speech, is
heavily complaining of these miscarriages. And, since they have ail
had their turns of complaint, one Would tbipk it were high time to redn«
this common and publick grievance, which has, in short, almost ruined
the credit of the parliament ; and there will be no retrieving of it, tili
a stop be put to those growing evils. It will scarcely be pretended bv
any man, that such an adjustment of accounts is, in its own ifiatfire,
impracticable: if, then, the former copsmissions had not altogether the
desired success, the fault must lie eiiher in the scheme laid down, as
« probably it might be for the first year or two ; or in the commissioa, if
^ey wanted either skill, application, or integrity sufficient ibr the
business, they were employed about.

Now all these wants have been charged upon some of them, bat
whether with justice, or not, I am not yet well satisfied; but I am' sore
there were two other impediments, of which I may speak with rooie
certainty, either of which was enough to hinder the execution of that
commission. '

The first of these was. That divers great men, that had mighty
accounts to pass, and, perhaps, had little«tomach to do it, had such a
power and influence in the bouse of commons, as were able to cramp
the commissioners in their power, and discountenance them in iheit
report, and even to banter them in the execution of their trust.

That this was openly practised, is notorious to all that were then
members of the house; and how much the commissioners must needs
be discouraged in the execution of so difficult a task, the performance
of which was to be laid before such judges so possessed, I'll leave any
one to guess.

The influence of these men, perhaps, produced another difficulty!
which was a flaw in the commission itself; for the commissioners were.
notimpowered sufficiently to require proof of suspected vouchers; they
could not commit persons for contempt of their authority, and con-
.sequently were exposed to the hazard of being abused by false vouchers*
These were difficulties almost, if not absolutely, insuperable.

Now, that never-to-be-forgotten parliament, in the year 1 70 1, took
care to remove most of these obstructions, by providing a bill with
larger power, appoinjting commissioners of known worth and integrity,
who were willing, without recompence, to take the trouble upon them,
and having such an house of commons (as God be thanked we now have)
disposed to hear, and inquire strictly into those miscarriages ; and there
was great reason to expect a good issue.

But, perhaps, this very expectation (pray God it do not again)
defeated the bill, because some of those very persons, who had hereto-
fore borne such a sway in the house of commons, were then grown soP
powerful in another place, and accounts were still as terrible as ever;
it was not therefore their interest to sufifer such a bill to pass for those
vtry reasons beforementioned.

/»»^ Seeguie sucht^ commiwian, with such i^weiSi was as hard to

-i

OF THE HOUSE OJF C0MMOM5, &c. i4S

htteshttdf as, on the other side, some men's accounts were fo be made
up; and consequently, such an enquiry, as the confmissi^iiei^ wex^
thereby impowered to make, might have ruined the credit,' and^
perhaps, the fortunes of some great men.

Secondly, The same persons knew, that there was no bantering the
commissioners named in the bill, because they knew them to be men of
sense, honour, and courage, and that knew, and were resolved to execute
their commission; and, as they were volunteers in that service, had •
g^ven earnest of their resolution to unriddle that mystery which divers
good men had before lost their labour in, and thereby, perhaps, might
have made discoveries, at that time, very unseasonable to some great
men. And,

Lastly, The disposition of the house of commons itself, who were
resolved as fast as possible to extricate this nation from that labyrinth
of debts, interest, deficiences, and other incumbrances she was then in,
and is at present in a hianner lost, was a terror to those who knew by
what steps and artifices she was led into, and left in it.

I say, it was not safe for them, either to let the bill pass, or to have it
rejected in gross; and therefore such expedients were to be found out,
as might embroil the two houses about it, a practice in which they had
not long before shewn a great deal of mastery.

They knew, that the commons, as they had the sole power of granting
money, so also of taking an account of the disposition of all money by
them granted, and^f appointing commissioners for that purpose. This
was laid hold on as a proper handle, to introduce those amendments
which they knew the commons could not agree to, without departing
from those rights which they were sure they would never relinquish*

Divers amendments therefore were made, not, perhaps, so much tor
alter the bill, as to lay upon the commons a necessity of throwing it
out; thereby hoping to* shift the odium of such an action from their own
door.

.' But the commons, who were aware of this drift, and saw the conclu-
sion of the session so near at hand, appointed a committee to dra^ up , ,
their reasons, why they could not agree to the amendments made by
the lords, and afterwards ordered them to be printed, for the satisfac-
tion of the people whom they represented ; which I shall give you in
the very words of the house, as they stand in their votes, March 24, I7OU

The commons do disagree to the first amendment made
by the lords:
Because it is notorious, that many millions of money have been given
to his Majesty King William by the commons, for the service of the
publick ; which remains yet unaccounted tor, to the great dissatisfac-
tion of the good people of England, who chearfully contributed to those
supplies: And their lordships first amendment prevents any accounts
being taken of those monies by the commissioners appointed by the
commons for that purpose.

The commons do disagree to the second amendment
made by the lords :
Because John Parkhurst and John Pascal, esqs. b«k.^^ ^ot ^<^N^Td\.
years been comw'mioners of the prizes takeu duiin^ X\i<&\aX& vi^x^ %xA

144 A LETTER TO' A NEW MEMBER

are accountable for great sums of money arising diereby, which ouifit
to be applied to the use of the publick.

That th^ said John Parkburs^ and John Pascal were frequent^

pressed to account for the same, by the said commissioners appointad

by act of parhament;' buty by many artifices and evasions, ddayed aiid

avoided giving any such account as was required by thei said com-

'missioners.

That the clause, to which their lordships have disagreed by their
second amendment, requires them to account before the first of Sept
next; but, by their lordships amendment, the said John Parkhurst and
John Pascal are exempted from giving any such account, which is
highly unreasonable.

' The commons do disagree to the third amendment.

The commons cannot agree to the clause set down by the lonb,
marked with X, because . their lordships have therein directed the
cbmmissioners to allow and certify a pretended debt to Colonel Baldwin
Leighton; whereas the disposition, as well as granting of money by act
of parliament, hath ever been in the house of commons ; and this
amendment, relating to the disposal of money, does intrench upon that
right.

The commons do disagree to the fourth amendment :

Because it is notorious, that Edward' Whitacre, mentioned in ■.,

left out by their lordships, hath, by colour of his employme]nt (fs
spUicitor to the admiralty) received the sum of twenty-five thoutend
pounds, and upwards, of publick monies, without producing any just
or reasonable vouchers for the expence thereof, and therefore ought to
be accountable for the same.

And that, by reason of their lordships disagreeing to the several parts
of this bill, the supplies, provided by the commons for paying the
arrears due to the army, must of necessity be ineffectual till another
session of parliament.

These reasons were ordered to be inserted in the votes of this day*
And, though I have seen many attempts to answer them, yet never met
with one that bore a good face, or a true reason for the occasion of
them; and, till some body shall produce others more justifiable and
probable, the commons will stand clear of all imputation for the mis*
carriage of that bill, and the evil consequences that have attended the
nation ever since the want of it.

But though King William thanked this good parliament for their
quick dispatch of those necessary supplies which they had granted for
the publick occasion, and for the encouragement they had given him
to enter into alliances for the preservation of the liberty of Europe, and
the support of the confederacy, and made no doubt, that whatsoever he
should do, during their recess, for the advantage of the common caute
in this matter, would have their approbation at their meeting again in
the winter. Vide the speech he then made at the conclusion of that
session of parliament, 1701.

Yet so diligent were the then ministers of state> that, for fear of being

OF THS HOUSE OF COMMOKS,|ce. 145

filled to account by the said commissioners, Aey got the consent of
mg William to dissolve that parliament, by reason they did assure him
they would get him a better, and such a one as should not question the
embezzlements of his ministers, being now lible to carry all things before
them; which was then the language of that state-ministry. And the
' good King assured them be would do it, when he next came from
Holland, and was as good as his word ; and then the ministry were safb
in their affairs. And, upon the death of King William, some of th^
ministry being changed, We never heard a word of ibein more, till their
lordships began to take up the cudgels.

You must know, at that time, some of the ministry, being turned
6at, had set up that which they now- call a juiito, in opposition to the
court party; and who should be more forward in pushing on the said
H-*— of P— into an enquiry of mismanagements and embezzlements,
than certain noble persons who had run the same way the new courtietv
had just entered, to lick themselves into as fair estates as other antiquated
courtierB had done. *

I say, these persons, having «et up a junto in opposition tothe const
iaterestt pressed forward an cpquiry into a three years embezzlement
and misapplication of the publick treasure^ under her Majesty's adminis*
tration. And is as follows:

£ »• dp

First, llieir lordships were pleased to observe, that
in three years time the navy had exceeded its charge
allowed by parliament, the sum of •• 366032 17 8

Secondly, l^hat the officers had issued, for the use
of the navy, short of the sum allowed to that service,
thesumof 1142361 t 4

Thirdly, The debt of the navy in two years has
Sncieased to the sum of ^ 1250Q97 14 1

Fourthly^ There wanted of the complement of men^
which was then allowed for the sea service, \S66.
persons • •••• •••

Fifthly, There were the last year ten^ags in pay of
the navy; and three were not in their posts, viz. The .
H Churchill, esq. Graydon, and Sir James
Wisheart. ^.•^•« ••••••

Sixthly, The pensions of the navy since the year
1697 are increased; that the estimate for 1705 comes
to...,. .^..••...^.^., • 18011 O 0

Seventhly, That Sir John M n (whom her

Majesty was pleased to turn out for not doing his

duty) has a pension of « • ••• •• 819^7 6

Eighthly, The pension of Admiral N-^-l's widow,
which is set down continued, has not been paid her
these two ^ears last past. ••••* •»•• p

Ninthly, The Prince of Denmark's council to him
as Lord High Admiral^ are allowed per anjpua • • • i^ 700O 0 •

45 A LETTEE TO A WW MEMBER

And vet OieTe is paid but 1 1702 f There 1
1000]. per annum to each > ]703< were >
council, and ii> the years 31704 c but j

Tenthly, The H Churchill, esauire^s, ap-
pointments for the navy^ are, first council to the prince

pef annum ••• •

Secondly^ A pension to him per annum • • •
Thirdly, As Admiral of the Blue, per annum
Fourthly; For his table money per annum • <

• « • • • • •

• • • •

JC

s.

i

•

5
6

•

iooo

0

0

0500

0

0

1277

0

Q

0365

0

0

3142

0

>

0

Tot.

And lastly, Though by parliament there are allowed forty-three
cruisers and convoys for our merchant men, there have not been
employed at any time twenty-two, and they have not done" the duty of
tiiree »iips for the protectioh of our trade. All which obstructions they
luLve humbly laid before the queen, and do rest assured that hct
Majesty, in her great wisdom, and tender concern for the happiness of
her subjects, will dispose herself to apply the proper remedies. And
they humbly beseech her to give commands that all possible methods
may be taken for the encouragement of seamen, the guarding of th<^
coasts, and the protection of trade.

Mow you may perpeivc, Sir, that here is a mighty embe^^zlement
and misapplication among ^he iiavy to a considerable sum, as you m^
perceive ii) tjie foresaid articles ; and would not one believe that their
lordships were copcerned at this matter in good earnest; and that Jhey
Jiad nothing more at heart than tllie preservation of the merchants trade,
they so sensibly pom plain for want of due protection? But, alas!
Sir, this is nothii)g but a mere pretence, as I .shall prove to you anon.
But I must beg your patience till I have let you into a commoner of
tlngland's observatibns thereon, by way of reply to each particular,
as he then wrote from Braintree, Feb. Ifl, 1705, to a certain member
of parliament, and printed the same year.

First, then, says he, their lordships observe, That,
in three years time, the navy has exceeded its charge
allowed by parliatpent^ the suI^ of ••••• ••** 36^032 17 t

This, at first view, he says, was a very heavy charge on the govern-
ment; but, \^ith humble submission, it is presumejd their 1 ps are

not all bred accomptantis, and therefore not so muph blameable as some
are. I confess it startled me, at this time of day, to see so good, so
mild, and so gentle a gpvernment^ charged with such an inconsiderable
sum, not worth mentioning, considering the length of lime, viz. three
years. We cannot forget the miscarriages of a late reign so soon, when

|iome of the 1 ds of ac were impeached for the embezzlement

of the kingdom^s treasure. Let them but look back, and they will find
tfTJce as much exceeded in the same service for the same time.

/

OP TBE HOUSE OF COMMONS, kc 147

When E — R— r-rll, esq; (now L — O d) was

treasurer and p^yma^ter of the navy, there was then
actually received put of the £xchec|uer for that service,
jrom iVIichaelmas 16919 to Michaelmas, I694, Viz,
three years time, the sum 0(3^ • •> ••• ^ •••.*•• • •,«,• % .6170359 10 3^

The estimate, allowed hy parliament for the navy,
.amounts for the sanie time b,ut to« ,• • • • ^^ • • • •• •.• •-• 5400000 00 O

So that the charge of the navy did exceed, what
was designed by parliament, the sum of •/•••• i» ••• • 770359 10 3 J

Ai^d then po complaint was made of it ; yet our.three
years inconsiderable sum„yiz. • • ,• ••• ••,•••••• •••••• 366032 17 t

is a monstrons charge uoya: Yet theirs exceeds this

jby -...•. • 404325 \S If

What would not the saints have said! if such a sum as ihis hadieU
upon the^arty the I^ ds are now accusing,

Secopdly^ That the admiralty have issued short of
ihe s^m, allotted by parliament for that service, the
sum. of • ••••• 1142361 t 4

But their L ips. wisely observe. That the navy

^counts n^tkcrthe sum, received by the treasurer of 7^ 6193094 15 0

JLhe navy, betueen Michaelmas 1701, to Michaelmas

J704, to amount to the sum of -^v** 5420700 .11 1

Which, if subtracted from the provisions intended
by parliament *, which I have placed above the la^
(Sum; and then it will come to but ••,*}••••••• »• 772394 8 11

So that their L — ps have oyer*charged the admiralty

in this article, by the sum of ••*•••*•» 3699^6 18 5

Prppfv-A ••• ^...... 1142361 2 4

Now, Sir, if -the sum of • •••••• 366033 17 S

Be added with the sum of provisions, «.•••< • • • ••• 7723^4 3 11

Intended by parliament for the navy's use, .then the
^urawijlbe... ..•••••••• •f.vf- 1138428 1 1

Which is all thu^ir L rr-ps can pnetend to charge the treasurers

of the navy with; and we hope their honours think it in safe hands, so

long as Sir T :— h — — - is of ability to make it good; if not, pray

jlet them speak.

But their L — • ps not speaking shewed they thought him to be of

ability; but now it seems he is dead, and indebted to the navy, the
nation will find whether he was of ability or not^.

Thirdly, Itappejars at Michaelmjis 17.04, the debt
pf the Aavy to be •••.•••••• 2266864 17 10

And the navy deb,t^ at Michat-lmas 1702, came
J)Ut^ vr .....-••v-.v 1016767 3 9

So that it has iixcreased in two years time • 1250Q97 14 1

A^d well k may, for it appears by the treasury books, that the S|i(ns,
given by parliament, have fallen short; and, by the extraordinary
^pences of the war, viz. the taking of Gibraltar, and beating of the
preach fleet, must needs increase .the debt consider-
/jthlvi as the trea$ujry books obsei:ve, to the sum of «« 119^^1^ V& V

148 A LETTER TO A NEW MEMBER

f

a

And, if any complaint ought to be madey it was on the government's
side, and not on their L ^— — ps, as if a mismanagement; but those

L— ^ — of the C , I presume, knew which way they crept into jfiur

estates, by fingering the publick treasure of the nation ; and now would
inake all persons as guilty, &c. that they might come off the easier.

To the 4th, 5tb, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th articles, if there be any
mismanagement or embezzlement in them, they are so inconsiderable^
not w^rth taking notice of, and especiaUy by the H of P>.

^llow the three flag-oncers pay and table come to,
per annum, jg4y 27 10. for three years comes to ••• • 14781 10 0

We will allow a misapplication ofthe nav/s pensions
to amount for three years, (though in truth it is not so)
Id 3000 00 .0

And the P-— Council for three years have embezzled
the sum of » •••• £000*00 0

Now what a mighty sum is this, viz • • • 2d661 4o 0

for three years time to complain of? Says he, Sir, this is but a fle^*
bite to what I ehaU demonstrate to you*

You cannot forget. Sir, that a Lord C— — was impeached, not
long since, for a considerable sum' of money he had ; yet he was-not
contented with his place that brought him 40001. per annum hot the late
King William allowed him, besides, a pension of 40001. per annum
^ more: And yet he procured to himself the grants
of several manors, fee^farm-rents, quit-rents, &c. to
tkevalueof 33600 00 0

So that this person has exceeded all their embezjile-

«nents,viz. 2368110 0

By the sum of ••* •^••••. ••.. «p«. 99IS 10 O

But give me leave to sum up their L< — ps whole charge, as well as. the
embezzlements, &c. against those persons, and you will find they appear
not so great a charge f|3 made.

First then, as for the debt of the navy of 2366864 17 ?

I will leave it as I found it, to be made good by par-
liament.

Secondly, As for what the navy has exceeded its

(charge by act of parliament, viz. •? •••• 0366032 Vf %

i will m^e it a charge as money overpaid for the use
uf the navy, above the sum allowed by parliament.

Thirdly, As for what the navy has issued short of
the sum allottefd by parliament, 1 have sufficient war-
rant to charge it ••• •••• 0672894 03 11

Fourthly, The fmnetessary pay of three flag ofi^eers
I will charge; whichcomesto 0014781 10 00

Fifthly^ A ^opposed misapplication of the pensions
for thr«e years, which comes to •• .^ .•..•* . 0003000 "00 00

And, lastly. An embezzlement of three years money,
^r the prince's council, comes to •••••••••••••••• Opo60p0 00 00

So th^t the whole cash in handls, the misapplies-
iioarand embexzhmentsfor three years time, comes
tojbut"*. •. ••• ••••••?••? ••**••• \06«2U 11 0;

QP THE HOUSE OP COMMONS, &c. 149

t

To which may be answered: First, as their L ■ ■■ ps do find,
by the navy accounts, the money, exceeded, did amount, in three
years time, to a considerable sum: Yet they do not say, it was not
applied to that use; therefore \ presume, I have good warrant to dis-
charge tlie navy of that sum as paid ^ which is •••• 0366032 17 02

Secondly, ^be three fiag officers are paid the sum
of « •• 0014701 10 00

And, lastly, the pensions are paid, Vis, • • • 3000 00 00

Total 0383734 07 02

»»

Thereibre, all that as can be pretended to be in
hands, misapplied or embezxled, for three years time,
isbut ••••• >. 678397 0» 11

And, whether this> mighty sum be not issued to the yards and vie*
taaller% is the question; and those ministers best know 'Whether it be
so or no, for. I shall not justify them in it: But what I' have to offer
may mollify diis great offence. ^

Sir, I cannot but remind you; and give me leave to shew what con^
siderable charges and embezzlements there were brought on the nation
in so small a time as five years. *

The- Lord R-^-: — hath actually received out of
the exchequer, for the army from Michaelmas 1691,
to Michaelmas l6p6 (not computing the pay for the
army in Ireland) the sum of • • » » • • • P256911 13 4£

llie estimate, allowed by parliament for the army,
came at the same time but to • • • • • 6500000 00 00

So that the army has been over-paid by •••••••• 273691 1 13 4|

E-— — R ■ , esq. now L O— , hath
received out of tbeejcchequer, for the pay of the navy
for the same time • 9108»33 10 02

The treasurer of the ordnance, for sea and land
service, hath received, for the same time, the sum of 1543826 05 9| .

Total of both \^S^^^ 15 llj

■ . ^»— «— — — — 1^

Now, the estimate of the navy, yards, ordnance^
and victuallers, for the same time^ comes to but 9OOOOOO 00 00

So that the navy and ordnance, &a have been over-
fed • « 165265^ 15 111

There has been actually received out of the exche-
quer for the civil list, for the same time, the sum of 3455302 00 00
The estimate.of the civil list comes for the said time

butto • 3000000 00 00

So that the civil list has been overpaid by 455302 08 00

Upon these heads, there has been over-piud as follows.

Tothearmy 2756911 13 4|

Navy and ordnance, &c.- • * 1652659 15 llf

To thex^ivil list r »• 0455302 08 00

1^3

150 A LETTER TO A NEW MEMBER

Airi yetthe debt of the army, navy, ordnances, &c. jf . t. /.

and tHe civil list, amoiinted to that time to the sum of 6OOOOOO 00 OOT
So that in five years, there was actually embezzled

or misapplied- ••••• •»•* • • •' 1086*575^ l7 4#

Now, Sir, how much was paid to the army, navy, &c. short of thesfr
proportions allowed by parliament, will' also be worth the toquiry of
your hbnout^bte house. • •

But to their L— = — ps lest observation : They say, diat forty-^hi^
eruisers and convoys are allowed by parliament to protect our mer-'
chants from the enemy (do they mean abroad or at home?) And thai
not twenty-two have been employed at any time ; nor have they dotw
the duty of three cruising ships, which they think is a great hardship on
the subject, and endangers their trade; and beseech her Majesty, that
all pcMhtb methods may be taken for the - encouragement of seamen^
the guarding of the coast, antl the protection of trade.

Certainly, their L-^ ps think this natron has a very treaph^rotw

memory, to forget so soon the complaint your H— -^ H- ■ ■■ of C* ■ ' ■
made to their L— - ps upon this very subject.

Let them remember, that one article of their impeachment agidmst
^ — iw R was this: That,' when severat complaints were made by
the old East-India company to the lords of the admiralty (his lordship
being chifefC——*-) of divers piracies in the south seas, to thedestmc*
tion of theif trade, that he rejected their request, and procured m

C- for Captain K ■ d, who went a P ■ ■; and tiiait die

sdid C ■ ■ commanded Captain S to deliver severkl' able seamen

out of the D (when the nation was threatened With an invasion

ffom France) to Captain K d,- and they went a p ' ■« ing^ ^

Secondly, That the L*— ds S > ■ and B — — nt, &e. gjot a

grant under the G S— , in 97, to have all the ships, &c. goods^

treasures, &c. taken' since April 30, 1696, by P cy without account. '

Arid that said L — •-*— S put the Great S— unto a Treaty

with F , whereby great dominions were given that King, to iik%

prejudice of the merchants trade in generaU

Bttt r am very glad their L ps begin to be so tigilant in national

miscarriages; for, \frith humble submission, I think it is high time they
were all redressed. I am sure, your Honourable House has been
many years labouring hard to bring it to pass, and have been as o^n

prevented therein, by their L ps not being at leisure, or, at least,

not in a humour to do it; which reiiisal^ your Honourable House, not

Ibng since/ voted to be a denial of j^ (m their Lordships) to the

cohimon cause, and an hindrance to the publick benefit of this
khigdom i*i gfeneraL Andy since they have pubHckly begun to
address her Majesty, that this publick grievance may be redressed, though
very inconsiderable, yet,- if not nipped in the blossom, who knows what
an heighth it may at last come to^ I think now time offers to redress
them all ; and once yourH- H ■ ' » desired such an opportu-

nity; and you cannot do less, for your country's serviice, than vigor-
ously,- and with all diligence, to prosecute this sJair, and to go hand in
hand with- their L ■ ' ■ ps, to accomplish it. For, as I am an high
church-man^ Sii*> I am nut for having the government imposed on, nor

OF THE HOUSE OP COMMONS, &c 151

the natioi/s treasure embezzled, or profusely spent in needless pensFona,
&c. by any manner of persons, either high-cburch, low, or no-church*
And whoever is catched in the transgression, and spared' by one side
or the other, can be no good subject, nor an hearty lover of her Ma*
jesty's government.

It mightily rejoices me to see their L— — ps eyes begin to be opene^,
and thatthey can Spy faults and mismanagements in government, as well
as other persons; though I must confess, there is no government so
infallible, but may err in some hiatters; which errors are very visible
in the late reign, as well as in this. And, since it so often happens, it
may 'be' convenient to remind their L ■ ■ ps of yonr late impeachments,
that all offenders and embezzlers of the publick treasure may be brought
to a strict account. This is what you always aimed at for the nation's
service, and have always continued so to do by your constant addressing
her Majesty; and, since I have made it so visible in four heads,' that
upwards of ten millions of money have been embezzled in five years
time, it' is to be hoped their L ps will be pleased tb condescend, that
the late ministers of state be brought to an account, as well as the
present.

I hope, by this time, their L*— — ps are thoroughly convinced in
their judgments, that it is high time they were brought to an account;
ivhicb, if done, I am sure, would be of great service to the nation, and
would deserve the publick thanks of the kingdom. This would en-
courage the nation and seamen chearfully to go on in the common cause,
the one with their purses, and the other with their lives; but, if their
L ■ ps will contentedly sit down, only with the accusation of.

the navy, of a Churchill, a Greydon, or a Munden, for so considerable
a sum (which all their Lordships can pretend to charge is not an
embezzlement) of £67t^Z97 3s lid. will look only like a party quarrel,
and shew they take delight in exposing their small mismanagement,

when they meekly suffer an O— -, a R , a S , &c. to go away

unpunished, with upwards of thirty millions of the kingdom's money

unaccounted for. This, I hope, their L ps will take care to

avoid, like English patriots, and not suffer the government of the nation
to be miserably oppressed and beggared.

It cannot enter into my thoughts, but their L ■ ps will do all things

for the good of the nation in general ; yet I am somewhat surprised to

see their address to the Q- printed by their authority. 1 cannot tell

what to make of it, it looks so much like the Observator's appealing to
the people, designing to expose the smallest miscarriages in government
on one side, and let the greatest embezzlements on the other go free.

But their L ps have mightily missed their ends in it, if they intend

so; for the address is so seasonably come out, that it will very much
open the eyes of the nation; and, , if the grievances be not redressed on
all sides, it will look like a party address, dissenting from the kingdom's
true interest, and so they may become the odium of the nation. But
let us hope for better things from their H— — — s.

Another thing to me seems very odd, and looks just like the stranger
and satyr in the fable, that blew both hot and cold in a breath ; or, what
fum be the meaning of settling a grateful reward oq his {jrace thft Outo

L4

iSf A LETTER TO A NEW MEMBER

of Marlborough, for his eminent service done to the publick in geoertl:
and yet, at the same time, to repine at his brother Chorchiirs iBcon*

•iderable per annumof £3142. lOs. which theii L ps have caused ttf

he prinCed at large, in their A-*— —— ss to her Majesty ? One woidd
think, that what his grace had done might have easily swallowed fo
small a trifle as his staying at liome, without]their L ' »■■ s publick
notice thereof. If the nationls grievances are heartily defined totbt
redressed, I think it would be very convenient their L ps shouM

join with your honourable house, to tall all evil ministers of state to m
<«peedy account.

Secondly, In the next place, to secure the government, and dw
ehurch of England, as by law established, and not suffer them to be
insulted and bullied by the Whtggish enemies of state, both at home tod
abroad* And, \#

Lastly, To secure to oar merchants their trade; and this, in fome
measure, will enable you to secure the whole state.

But,< if we must tumble into faction, and only accuse one paitj^'
because the least transgressors, and let the other go free, because th»
greatest offenders, it is just like Alexander's pirate, that was eon-
demned to be hanged for robbing in a small vessel, whilst he himsdf^
swith his great fleets, triumphed in spoiling and ruining of the greatestof
kingdoms.

To conclude: I roust be bold to say, had the first transgressora been
severely punished, when catched in the offence, it would have detened
others from doing the like mischiefs; and all mismanagements and losses,
that have since happened to this kingdom, are owing to that H ■ ■■ of
P — ~ ; that refused, « upon your complaint, to do the nation common
J ^ when so often importuned thereto by your honourable house.

I am, Sir^
Brainiree^ Feb^
,19,1705. Your most devoted servant,

W. h.

And thus I have led you, step by step, through all this commoner of
England's observations thereon; and I think he has handled the ministry
to purpose.

But, perchance, you may desire to know what effect these ohsefvati<ns

wrought on their L .ps at that time ? Even none at all r for tbe

design, it seems, lay here : * As soon as this address had brought oww
the court interest to their party, all matters of complaint were laid
aside, and the ministry were as brisk at their old sport of erobexslements
and misapplications, as ever, and so would have gone on to the end of
the chapter.' Had not some true old English heroes opened the eyes <tf
her Majesty, the whole kingdom had been sunk into an eternal ruin,
without redemption ; and that occasioned the queen to change the low-
church ministry ; and this brought to our assistance our deliverers finppi
this slavery, our present new parliament, and occasioned that excellent
.speech from the throne, at the opening of this session, where her M»-
j^ty (though sensibly) complains o( the heavy debU of thenavy nod
^ibero£ces.

OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS^ &c. 153

. And now, Sir, what if I should let you into some othef new embe^
slements and misapplications, which I may truly say were occasioned
by their 1 — -^ps, for want of their seasonable and annual addressing of
the Queen.

For, if fame speaks truth, it is reported, that Sir T L— — n^

T"' ■'■ r of the N — vy, has died indebted to the sailors three years

iprages. If so, according to the estimate of the navy, it amounts to

%lH>ut ••.5400000 00 00

which is one article, without doubt, your honourable house is to uiakei
good.

Aad a certain late L — d T r, they say,

h^B embexzled or misapplied the sum of • • • • • 2500000 00 00

which embesalements are grown a new debt on the several offices com-
plained of.

The total of both comes to 7900000 00 00

And for the year ensuing you are to provide no

leM than • 6000000 00 60

. To carry on the war against France and Spain,

ioall •••* • .'ISOOOOOO 00 00

a pretty little inconsiderable sum. These you are to raise, and make
gobd as desired. And whether with these sponges, as De Foe says, you
will be pleased to wipe out the scores and debts of the nation the low-
church ministry have contracted, I think will' be very much worth
your while to try the experiment of. • ^

It jvould not be amiss to squeese these low-church sponges heartilyi
till they drop again to purpose ; and, who knows but you may get out
of them ten years embezzlements (rather than part with the whole ill-
gotten sum for twenty years last past) which comes
toabout — 158758,93 17 4f

So that you will clear the nation from the debt of the late L — a .

T -r, and Sir Th s L — ^ — n, the T r of the N— vy,

and have in their pockets clear, to begin the next year's war with the
sumof »•• 1975893 17 4f

But there lies the greatest difficulty. In whose hands will youf
honourable house intrust the remaining money, and all that you shall
laise for thefuture, since it is so apparenthow difficult it is to bring such
ministers of state to account for their embezzlements and mismanage*
ments of the kingdom's publick treasure ? This is a matter will require
your whole thoughts. For, if that can be but effected to your liking,
content, and satisfaction, it will for ever make the queen easy, the funds
well looked after, the seamen and the army well paid. And this will be
the means to restore the lost credit, which evil ministers of state have
been long hammering at to ruin, or at least to bring it to such a low
ebboin the government's side, that the said ministry might have. new-
modelled any scheme of government they had most inclination to, hav-
ing so often all the publick cash of the nation in their Kands, and
that they set up the bank with most feloniou&ly, for that end and
purpose. . ^

In my humble opimon (not that I am going to dTirect) it were not
amiii^ if your honourable bouse would not SiU&t ou^^ivs^^wyib^^^

154 A LETTER TO A NEW MEJViBER

or officer of state, to have of the publick money so raised to CKtrj on
the "war against France and Spain, above fifty thousand pounds' a imm^
and good security given, that he sh6uld no ways embezzle or mis-employ'
the said money, but solely pay it to that publick end it was raised fon
But to trust one man with one, two, or three millions at a time, is a
temptation to cheat the publick, at least one quarter patt of it, ifnot of the
whole sum : And, when you come to look into the man's estate, he has
none; or otherwise made it away, on purpose to become a cheat to
the nation.

But yoM may, perchance, object, and say that you cannot find ai^
minister that can give such security ; or, if he could, he onfgbt not to
do it, for it is an infringement of her Majesty's prerogative^ for it is fit
atid convenient, that, as she is entrusted with all the monies so raised,
it is her sole right to appoint such niinisters or officers as she can confide
in with the said money.

To which I answer. It customarily has been so ; but it is also too
visible, for upwards of twenty years last past, that all, that have been in-
trusted \yith the publick treasure, have made it their business to fleece
the government of the publick treasure, to embezzle and misapply the
same ; and, how hard and difficult it has been to bring such ministers
to account, the whole kingdom is very sensible of, and, sure, it is bnt
reasonable to secure the publick treasure at all times; and, if the
House of Commons do not put a stop to this great evil, the nation will
be utterly beggared at last. And there can be no other expedient found
out, that can preserve the credit of the kingdom, but by appointing
commissioners of their own, viz, gentlemen of known estates, and to in-
trust them with fifty thousand pounds a roan, and no more, they giving
security not to embezzle, or misapply the same ; and, if they do, their
estates and security to make it good. And, certainly, it is impossible,
that any one of these persons should miscarry, in their discharge of the
trust reposed in them by ':he honourable the House of Commons.

But I very much wonder, at this time of day, why the low-church
party should stand so tightly for the Queen's prerogative, by saying.
That such an expedient, if found out, with be an infringement of the
same. Time was, that none were more violent against the prerogative
of the crown, than these very people ; and now, in a trice, they are
highly defending the prerogative. This, at first sight, looks mysterious^
but I will unriddle this matter in a trice.

It seeitas, the prerogative, they stand so tightly for, is to screen them-
selves, and that they might not be put out of that sweet and old arbitrary
way of cheating the soldiers and the navy, and fieecing the kingdom of
those few trifling millions, not worth the parliament's taking notice of,
which they had only gotten by cunning oversights, and negligences in
accounts, by such as, perchance, at first were not able to check
them. This makes them stand so violently for the prerogative of
the crown, which by no means, they say, ought to be lessened ; and it
is what her majesty will never consent to.

Now give me leave a little. I think they talk for the Queen, bat

would act for themselves. Their business is only to dive dexterously,

Md to take care that no other sharpers should come at the pocket of th^

OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS^ &e« liS

tiAtion but themselves. They have often found it full^ and have as ofieti
left it empty ; yet still they are struggling to continue in their old game,
and now are cursed mad that any but themselves should be in the govern-
ment, and are preparing gibbets for Mordecai. And- what do not such
ministers deserve^ Uiat deprive the queen-of the set vice of the pick-pockett
and sharpers of the nation )

These pretended friends to the government have indeed stuck hst to
it, but it was like leeches, sucking almost the very heart's blood of the
nation ; but a little salt from the hands of the parliament will soon shew
what it wa^ they adhered so close to the government for.

Are we not -almost driven to the very brink of desimctionf Our
treasdres- are riotously wasted ; our constitution in danger of being sub-»
verted ; and the nation almost in general corrupted. And all this Under
a colour of a false pretended zeal for her Majesty's person and govern* •
ment ; when some men have arrived to such a hdght of favour in court,
and &uch a degree of popularity in the city, that they have at last
took upon them^ with an audacious front, to- direct the very mo*
narchy.

They have been able, for many years piast^ to brand all tihose wha
took any care of our constitution, or offered to require any good hu»«
bandry in the disposition of the publick treasures,' with odious unpopu-
lar names, and almost to stir up the mob against them. Thus, ba<l
they succeeded, the old EngH^ constitution had expired. And since
the majority of the nation have, by their choice, sent us up such wor^
thy patriots^ it is to be hoped they will effectually take care of the mo-
narchy, the church and state, and set the kingdom out of debt, and
tee that the army and the navy are weH paid ; and keep out, for the fu-
ture, such ravening and devouring wolves, that have brought the credit
of the nation to so low an ebb by their misapplications and embezzle-
ments of the kingdom's treasure.

Is it not a strange and wonderful thing, that, ' while the nation h at-*
most bankrupt, wealthy men should shoot up in several offices, like
mushrooms; and, while the government was einiangered to be beggared,
that all its servants should riot in such wealth and plenty, that the
bare handling of a brush in any office was the ready way to a |)lenti-
ful fortune; as if the publick treasure' had been thrown in there only lor
the officers to brush it into their pockets ) These abuses call loudly"
for reformation ; and our representatives, no doubt, will do their ut-
most endeavour to amend the same..

And, since some people may question to what ends and purposes
memben of parliament are elected by the people to represent them, I
shall presume to give them these following instructions.

The business, therefore, of a ^ouse of Commons is, to represent the
whole commonalty of England ;■ that is, they are to do all such things^
and exercise all such powers far the welfare and safety of the publick,
which the whole common people would be supposed to do and exercise,
could they meet together to counsel and debate orderly and quietly,
and deliberate maturely, for their own common good and safety.

They are to appoint all publick disbursements, the quantity, time^
and n^anner of their payments; the uses to vrhk\k ^<e^ «s^ x<^ \y^ "

156 A LETTER TO A NEW MEMBER

poBcd, and, if they please, the officers through whose hands it shall
pass. If so, now is the time then to appoint such oflkers of your owBf
and not suffer the nation any more to be cheated by upstarts, and suck
as have no visible estates to come at, when they embezzle the kjii»«
dom's treasure, as such have done for twenty years last past, without
any publick remedy. This requires your publick amendment ; hr
the war has left us very low in purse, the credit of the nation almost
eclipsed by the late ministry, our funds anticipated and deficient; and*
to compleat all, has left us a. new debt of several millions. Theie
considerations will oblige you certainly to prevent the like grand- mis-
carriages for the future, by appointing, as wo hope you will, such
gentlemen of estates as may give sufficient security to perform that
iiAportant trust, which will be so very necessary for the kingdom's
preservation, and benefit in general.

Secondly, They are to enquire how such sums have been applied ;
and, if they find any misapplication, to bring tlie offenders topnnish-
ment. And this is a second reason why you ought to appoint officers
of your own. For have not your Honourable Mouse endeavoured, for-
twenty years last past, to bring such evil ministers to account, and how
often have been prevented by cunning stratagems and delays of some'
great persons, whose interest appeared too great for you to cope with
in another place.

Thirdly, They are to advise with, and assist the other two sovereign,
estates in all arduous afiiiirs, especially in making and contriving good
laws for the security of our religion, liberties, and properties, of which
at this time we stand in great need ; for our occasional conformists, if;
not well looked after, will swallow up our government by this cunning.
hyjK>crisy, which is a villainous artifice, on purpose to bring ih ruin to
the church and state*

Fourthly, They are to revive such good laws as are antiquated, and
Ui repeal them, if the reasons be ceased, and the laws themselves of no
longer use and benefit to the publick. And,

Lastly, they are to protect and preserve intire the rights and privi*.
leges of the whole people, whom they represent as a third estate of the
kingdom. And this loudly calls to you for amendment. What inso-
kncies and affronts have been offered our church and state by those
tender-conscienced people, our moderate dissenters? How often have'
they been for roasting, gutting, dewitting, mobbing, hanging, drawings
and quartering one poor priest of the church of England, because h&
precu:hed up passive obedience, a doctrine of the church ; which it
seems did a little too much grate upon the scrupulous consciences of
our tender brethren, the most religious dissenters?

I say^ this brought on all those affronts and insolencies which our
holy church and constitution met with in a late fiunous trial, of ever*
glorious memory^ in which her Majesty did not escape their vile
tongues in their imperious and rebellious language. This also highly
calls for your amendment, that it may never more bo in the power Qv
such persons to be so monstrously rude and uncivil as heretofore.

Now, if such offenders are not corrected according to their merits,
die Lord bwi»metcy oa the nation; for the government, both in church

t

OP TOE MOUSE OF OOMMOWS, Stc. IS7

«hd state, are in a very dang^ous condition, and will not be long ]t>e-
fore they are brought to destruction ; which God of his infinite merer
prevent*

•

A psraUd account of the natiunal expencety from NoDemher 3, 1^40, i»

NooenAer 16^9 \ and from November 5, l6S8y to Michaelmas 1700.

The Long FarUaments Accounts

£ 4. i,

SUBSIDIES, six coroe to* «• «....« 600000' O 6

Assessments to disband -the Scotch and fUiglisfe aimies SOOOOO O 0

Tonnage and poundage, nineteen years ••**•••**••• ^TfQOOQO O O

Captives, nine years •••••.••••••••••!•••••**•.•. SfOOO 0 <).

pitto, five years •.•.•»•.•..•*•.••••.... 75000 0 0

Sailoflrish lands •• .• 1200000 0 6

Second sail ••••..•••...* *. • • j^soo 0 4)

Thirdsail ••••• •;•••. 30000 O 0

Contribution for Irish Protestants ••••• 100000 O 0

Secc»id contribution • • • •• ^0000 -O 0

Third contribution • ••••••• V**...* 30000 O 4)

Assessments through Er^land for the British army in

Ireland, for five years *•'•■• •••••^•1200000 0 6

Twentieth pso'ts^f goods, &c. to raise an army for die

Earl of Essex, for the defence of England .••.»••• $745055 0 0 '

Ditto, second time .•..•.•.•,.• 274ii05i O i>

Weekly assessments towards payment of the said army,

three years • ••5617588 0 0

Wec^y meal to raise auxiliaries, six years* •.•«*»•»•• :£0340O 0^ 0.
Monthly assessments towards payments of the saidenny,

twoyean«T* -^ -•• 49t0S4 0 0

Sir William's Waller^s army weekly assessment, one

.year .••....•• - 84258 5 0

The Scots army's weekly assessment, two years* ••••• 166OOO O 0

Brown'» army's weekly assessment, one year* • « 38400 Q 0

FairiEuc's army's monthly assessment at £%iiZ66, thvee

years •. ••• •••11^7726 4 0

Ditto, at ^60000. per month, for two years- 1 • ^ • • • • 16S0OOO 0 0

Ditto, at 4£^0P0; per month, for one year, j&c« • • • • I890OOO 0 j^

forces raked on partumhr ComtieSf SfCf

JExon, for five years, comes to »•••••> 12000 0 0

Hertford one year, then associated* •••'•'^ 4800 0 0

isle of Wigbt^ four ycais ••••• • • 1900 0 0

Total 2705574t VI ^

\

i

151 A UETTEIl TO A NEW MEMBER

£ u L

BroHghlover 27055?*! J7 0

Warwick, &c. associated, five yfars 133650 0 "0

Plymouth, four years .•••^ 28800 0 tt

Yarmouth, four years 19200 0 0

Aylsbury, five yean • iOOO 0 0

Bucjcing)iam, fouryears*^ -. 76800 O 0

Eastern association, five years 1234j6S 10 0

Doiset and Poole, two years, and then associated*-" 24760 0 0

Kent, &c. associated, five years v*--. • 270000 0 0

North Wales, &c. five years • 38652 0 0

Norlhton, fivp years •.. ,..p. -f JigWO X) 0

Huntington, two years, and thenaisociMed •••■■•■• 13300 Ki St

SoQthton. faur years .• 115200 0 0

Newport-pRgnel, one year, then associated .•..•.••• 4S000 fl 0

London, Ac! five yoan SSOO O a

Hull, five yean ■•- • • *6600 0 0

Chester county and city, one year, then associated • • 69^4 0 ~0

Gloucester, county and city, three years •.- 163400 0 0

Pembroke, &c, associated, three years • ■ • 20090 0 0

Salop, tlu«e years ••• 57000 0 0

l«icester, three years tr S640O Q 0

Wilts and MHlmsburv, one year, then assuciated • •• • 2900 O O

Western asBociation, four yoorii •••»-- •• •••• £09160 0. 0

Worcester, ^c. ihree yeais ..-».. -.f j- fil597 12 0

Ididdlesex, tline yean- •••••■••• •■ 108000 0 0

London, toaet.up postsandehains • 96000 O 0

Lincoln, three years ,. .,....,....,,...,..-• U760O 0 0

DeriDy, three yt-ilrt 48000 0 0

I4orthern association, 4hrse years- p-* 433651 14 0

Rutland, three yean .-•.• f ■ 39000 O 0

Suiry, lUree years ••' 44000 0 0

Newark to be reduced, cost -^ 99 '6 12 0

Lancaster, two y»ars • *- 72000 0 ,0

New^Kiit, two yaan>--r<* ••-. ■ 89904 O 0

Counly of London to assess for horses and arnis • - • .• 10000 3 0

Provision for maimed aoldien ••••• r- 16180 0-0

Excise for seventeen years ••• ••* ■* 10200000 . 0 0

Duty on coats, seventeen yean •■•••■ B50000 0 0

JDuly OD currants, seveateen yean •••■.■••••■■• r* 51000 0 0

St^ut^ii^atu cfDeHnqwtas Eitates, vis,

B'ubopt lands, four vean {••• 894089 1$ f

Deaiit and chapters land, four yeats ;••••:••■ 564740 18 S

iDfenoi: le^g/a lands, fouryeafi...... •^•.■. r"-2077802 I ^

Total 45833853 7 4

OP THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, Ac. ISf

£ I. i.

Brou^tover 49S33853 7 4

Temporal estates, four yean S80000 0 O

Crown lands, four yeara 380000 0 0

Composition for court of wards, four years 400000> 0 0

beans forpst, four years ••• ■ ifiOOO 0 0

Fee-farmreiils, IburyearS"''- • .•■105439t ■ 0 O

Tenths of ibe clet^, four years • • -400080 0 S

Prince of Wale/s income 80000 0 0

Timber for thenavy oulof delinquents woods-'-'-* 776O O 0

Postage of letters, fourteen years SOlOtiO ft 0

Wine licence, fourtren years ?••• 312200 0 0

Compi>sition for court ol' wards, ten years • 1000000 0 0

Income of offices for publick service, fifteen yeais •• 850000 0 0

Vintners drfiiiqiiency t 4000 O 0

Compounding with delinquents for thwr estates •••■1277226 0 0

Disbanding tlic army 900000 0 0

Militia of England kept up, thirteen years 3120000 0 0

Oliver's ejipcdilion to Ireland I5op00 0 0

Sak oflandt, vif.

Bishops lands, at ten years ••• £420334 11 Si

Deans jind chapters lands, teii years' •• 141 1852 ■€ 8

Rectory and Glebe lands, twelve years-" £203566 3 S

Crowli'lands, thirteen years' ■. -'9152000- O 0

Prince of Wales's lands, thirteen years- •, S60000 0 0"

Fee-farm rents, eight years 1908784^ 0 0

New-river water, eight years 8000 0 0

Tenths of the clergy, eight years 1300340 . J 0

Lord Craven and other estates, at thirteen yeatv'--. 70OOOO O 0

Giffard and other estates, at thirteen years 9OOOOO 0 0

Sir John Slawell and others, five years 560000 . 0 0

Foret-t lands, thirteen years 56000 0 0

Houses and castks of the Kings £00000 0 0

John and William, Peter, and divers others, via, one
hundred seventy-one persons, their estates to pay
Prince Palatine of the Rhine ^eSOGO. iu arrear,

and ;e8000.perann -' 85000 0 0

Oliver made Captain General of Fairfax's forces, and <

the assessment for the armies of England, Scotland,

and Ireland, ^'goooo. per month for two years --2160000 0 0
Assessments of A'l20000. per month for the said army

and navy, one year • 1440000 0 0

Drums and colours ^90000i per ann. for ten y^nrs 90OOOO 0 0

Irish delinquents to compound for two years rents • > 1000000 0 0

Total 87232198 11 11^

ie$ A lATTEK TO A KEW MEMBER

jff *. A

Brought over 873S219» 11 ll{
Otiwr TOted Protector, «iid Ke assessed for the Bnny

£ aoooO. and JS9OOOO. for three month 63O00O 0 0

Aerecd ;e6OO0t>. per month be the pay of the army

forsix years-. .-....• 4320000 0 0

To defray the charget of justice jfi200000. per ann.

■txyean •••■• 1800000 0 0

Free pfia » the wntt iu money 6798OO 0 0

lu placet (excluding the army and navy) per ann.

■oven years

' 306110

in. for eleven yean 189365

Besides, the House of Commoiw voted each of their
members £*. per week, and count but 256 mem-

J»en, Md no more, for fourleea yean 7*5*72 0 0'

Total 95302945 11 llf

4 gaural ^Attract cf Money railed in England by the hong-ParUament,
from &acenAtr 3, l640, to Nocanber 1659.

Subeidies 6OOOOO. 0 0

Theatmies 38780721 13 0

Tonnage and poundage 5700000 0 0

Captives '■ 102000 0 0

Sale of Irish lands ' 1322300 0 0

Contributions for Irish protestants 1800*0 0 0

Forces 'for defence of particular counties 4UlOSa 8 0

Fxdses - 10200000 0 0

Dutyoncoata 850000 0 0

Ditto on currants 51000 0 O

Sequestrations of estates 604492*17 .0

Postage of letters 301000 0 0

Wine licences - 312200 0 0

Composition for court o( Ward» • 1000000 0 0

Offices to publick service 850DC0 0 0

Vintnera delinquency ■ 4000 0 0

Compositions for estates 1277226 "0 0

Sale of English lands - 253806S7 3 Uj

Settled out of gentlemen's esUtet to pay Prince PaW .

tine &5000 0 0

Compound with Ipeh delinquents 1000000 0 0

ChargeofJustice,sixywrs..-.f •••■ 1200000 0 0

To the House «rf Commons, >*ye"»»a>mestO'ff 7*5478 0 0

free gifts to the saiits, vii; in money ••- 679800 0 0 -

in offices- -f 306ll0 0 0

jo otates, per ann 189365 0 0

Total 95305095 13 Hi

OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, &c. l6l

A general abstract of the receipts and issues of the publick revenues^ taxes*
and Imtns, that have been granted to the late King William^ from
Noroember 5, 1688, to Michaelmas i'/OO.

The Receipts. £, . s. d, g.

Customs 10997955 6 3i

Excise 12105151 19 7 0

Hearth and letter money, &c.» • • • 17^9653 1 4 f

Land-tax 17520100 14 5 0

leccived on ^ ^''""^^'' 2527983 12 90

^ Promiscuous taxes ^ • . 7 170903 17 9 f

Divers receipts •••••••• ...... ^6999 I 4 J

State of loans e . . . 1334860 5 10 J

Remained Nov. 5, 88, with which

the treasury began >< • • 80138 18 3 0

Total 659S7566 17 8 0

■■ ■■■ ■

The issues. £ ^s.d.q.

To the treasurer of the navy, viz. Lord

Faulkland, in King James's time* • 198O68 0 10
To Admiral R 11 in K. W 's

time, treasurer of the navy 1 6940497 1 10 J

To Sir Tho. L n, treasurer of

the navy 818659 5 10 J

Issued < ^^^j ^^ ^1^^ ^^^^ 17957224 7 9 i

To the army Lord Ranelagh 21239723 6 11 |

To the ordnance 2889001 1 6|

To the civil list 78823^1 10 2 f

Divers services 15693555 11 0 0

Remained at Michaelmas 170O • • • • 32567 1 0 2 0

Total 659S7566 17 8 I

Memorandum. There was issued more than received the siun of two
farthings ; a very nice accoupt I will assure you.

The total of the Long-Parliament J695303095. Is. 11 id. Of King
William £65987566. 17s. 8d. Of both £16129066 1. 19s. 7 Jd. An
inconsiderable sum, considering our great deliverance from popery and
slavery, and arbitrary government. And yet the saints want to deliver
OS of as much more, if we please but t9^be so good-natured as to let them
set up a commonwealth.

Edtior. The sums in the precedine totals do not exactly answer, but differ from, the total t«ry
little, in a comparative view, as wilTbe found on the strictest investigation.

Oq Robert Harley, Esq. being created a peer, s«e vq\. 1. v. 1«
. VOL. XJ# . if

KING WILLIAM'S GHOST.

[From a half sheet folio^ prinUd in the year MDCCXI.]

nr^E last time I spoke to you» I told you, you had still one oppor*
X tunity left, but, if slipped, you should be a miserable people.
I was then near my end, God inspired me^ I sp<^e the decrees of

fate.

What successes ! What triumphsl , have ever since atteMed your
victorious arms I Your resolution to assert your own and Europe^s
liberties.

But you stand still ! A fiend in the likeness c^ an Itiperial eagle
dazales your eyes. la her right pounce the hereditary countries, in
her left the dominions of Italy, in her beak Spain and the West Indies.

, Be not frighted. Where is her fleet ? How remote is she from your
shore ? Where,are her manufactures to supplant yours.

The phantom disappears.

Your lions are, at any 'time, an overmatch for her disjointed forces.
' Your good angel comes forth.

Behold the GftUtcan cock and her numerous toada*, three hundred
thousand veteran soldiers, thirty thousand experienced officers^ a
mighty fleet, how distant ? Seven leagues from your coast.

Tremble !

Biitno. ,

Resume your usual courage.

Rush in before Cambray.

The Genius of France sickens.

Push on your bold squadrons, the toads fly t ''^^

t Lutetia surrenders.

O blessed day ! I have my wishes !

Now pause a little.

Secure the Protestant interest.

Give Austria her due, but recompense her helper.

Let Holland keep all the strong-holds in Flanders, it is your barrier.

Reserve Calais your own.

Restore to Prussia Orange. «

Give Portugal Badajox, Gallicia, and Algarve.

To Savoy Briancon, Mount Dauphine, and Fort Barrau.

Erect two bulwarks against France.

Let Anjou t have Navarre, and add to it Guienne.

Lorrain is of the eagle race, his great father was my best friend, gMW
him Luxemburg and Alsace, the three bishopricks Burgundy, Bar, and
Champaigne, he will be your friend for erer. »

Take for yourselves Panama and Calloa, Havannah, and Porto*!
Burn the toad's fleet, choak Brest and Toulon^s ports.

Hat g the pretender, he k not of Stuart's blood.

Go home, be happy, rich and glorious.

« Tb^te toads were •Xivjun^^^ ^ tnns of France.
P«rii formerly called L«Utuu % IRok "Kia^ Qi ^¥»».

( iw )

A REPRESENTATION

THE PRESENT STATE OF RELIGIOt^,

With Regard to the late excessive Growth of Infidelity, lleresy, and-
Pr6(anene$s : drawn up by the Upper House of Convocation, of
the Province of Canterbury, and transmitted to the Lower House
for their Approbation.

[Folio, containiug fivt Pag^es, printed in 171 1.]

May k pleUse your Majesty^ •

W^, the Archbishop, the Bishops, and the Clergy of the province of
CaBterbury, in Convocation assembled, are d^ply sensible of the
n^auy blessings and advantages of your gracious and prosperous
Irign : Anldngnt which, there is none that more affects us, than the
tender care and concern shewn by your Majesty for the flourishing
state of religion, and the godly zeal you have expressed against the
wickedness of tiiose, who, by loose and profane principles and prac-
tices, have endeavoured to undermine and destroy it.

We are thankful to Almighty God, who hath put it into your Royal
heart to repri^ss th^e impious and daring attempts; and, for that end,
among others, to order your clergy to be called together, that they
might, in synod, humbly offer their counsel and assistance.

It IS, on many accounts, our duty, to do the utmost that in us lies,
towards promoting so excellent a work. We hav<e, therefore, applied
ourselves, with diligence, to consider the matters to us referred; and
do now, in obedience to your royal commands, humbly lay before
your Majesty,

A Representation of the present State of Religion among us^ with regard
to the late excessive Growfh of InfideUtyy Seresy^ and Prophaneness,

IT is with the greatest affliction and concern, Hmt we enter upon a
work so unpleasaTit in all respects, were it not (or th« hopes it gives
OS of seeing the^e evils, in some measure, rc|hoved ; and, therefore, we
shall not give yofir Majesty the uneasiness of a particular filiation, eifthek:
of the blasphemous passages that have been pubHshed fronft th^ ^ress, ot
the great impieties that have been committed : But, in discbaii^ of tile
trust reposed in us, by your Majesty, we think ourselves obliged to lay
before you such an account of the progreifs of infidelity, hereSy, and
profenenesB amongst us, as may let your Majesty s^e the catises and
occasions which have given the greatest rise to them, «lu4 XV\a «aA CQ»\ssfe-
quences with which th^ aire ad^ndedk

M 2

164 A REPRESENTATION OF

It is hard to come to tke beginning of these great evils, which alt
times have complained of; and, therefore, to confine our own enquiries,
and lessen your Majesty's trouble, as much as we can, we shall look no
farther back for the source of them, than that long unnatural Rebellion*,
which loosened all the bonds of discipline and order, and overturned the
goodly frame of our ecclesiastical and civil constitution.

The hypocrisy, enthusiasm, and variety of wild and monstrous errors
which abounded, during those confusions, begat in the minds of many
men, too easily carried into extreams, a disregard for the very forms of
religion, and proved the occasion of great libertinism, and profaneness,
which hath ever since too much prevailed amongst us. The seed's of in-
fidelity and heresy, which were then sown, did soon after appear, and
the tares have sprung up in great abundance.

The authority of the present canon of scripture hath been represented,
as standing upon a very precarious foundation, and the inspiration of
the whole hath been called in question.

The miracles, recorded in scripture, have been disputed and com*
pared to the fabulous relations of those that occur in heathen writers.

All mysteries in religion have been exploded as absurd and usdett
Speculations, and several fundamental articles of our most holy &ith
hdve not only been called in question, but rejected.

The Arian and Socinian heresies have been propagated with great
boldncj^s ; the doctrine of a Trinity of Persons in the Unity of the God-
head, hath been denied and scoffed at ; the satisfaction made for the sins
of mankind, by the precious blood of Christ, hath been either directly
renounced, or very ungratefully lessened; the established creeds of the
church have been represented as unwarrantable impositions.

Even at this time, when we are thus met by your Majesty's writ, and
exhorted by your gracious letter, to consult of methods for repressing
pernicious errors and impieties, a book hath been printed, wherein the
Arian doctrine (of which we cannot but declare our utter abhorrence)
is avowed and maintained, and the truth of it is threatened to be shewn
by large and elaborate proofs, in other treatises from the same hand,
which are soon to follow. To this book, the author hath prefixed his
name, attd hath not been afraid to dedicate it to the Archbishpp,
Bishops, and Clergy of this province, in Convocation' assembled, with
invitation to all, to encourage his design by their subscriptions to it,
and not without laying the imputation of Antichristianism upon all
those who shall not approve it.

. The natural immortality of the soul hath, upon different schemes and
.views, been opposed, as'^a vulgar error, and the necessity of all human
.thoughts and actions hath been asserted, to the overturning the founda-
tions of all religion, whether natural or instituted, and to the rendering
all notions of good and evil, of rewards and punishments, whether in
this life,. or the next, groundless and vain. ,

Others have endeavoured to root out of men's minds all notions of a
church, as a society instituted by Christ, with peculiar powers and
privileg^s^ and proper officers to administer the word and sacramentb>

, ' Against King CbM\M tilt lint.

^ THE PRESENT STATE OF RELlCaON, Sec. 1«

aiifll so to- blend and confound the spiritual society with the tebporal'
as to make every thing in religion, its divine truths, and most sacred
ordinances, dependent on the will of the civil magistrate, as deriving
solely ^rom him their sanction and authority. Nay, these religious
ordinances themselves, even the chief of them, Baptism ^nd the Supper
of the Lord, have been spoken of with such a degree of ungodly
mockery and scorn, as to fill the hearts of good Christians with horror
and astonishment.

The frauds of Pagan and Popish priests have been displayed, in order
to represent all priests as imposers upon the credulity of mankind, and
draw infamy upon the priesthood in general ; and to render the order
itself, in what religion soever it was found, equally the object of pub«
lick aversion and contempt.

The books, containing the errors and impieties abovementioned, have
been the more easily published and dispersed, since the expiration of
the Act for restraining the press; and, thro' the greater liberty of print-
ing, which thereon ensued, have the vicious and profane had more
opportunities to scatter their papers, for corrupting the manners of
men*

Not only several pieces formerly written on the side of infidelity,
which might have been forgotten without such a revival, have been
collected into volumes, and published again, but mock catechisms,
framed .in a light manner, have been cried in the streets, to depreciate
the excellent summaries of our christian faith, and, as far as possible,
to root out of men's minds the sense of those great truths that slth con*
tained in them.

This profaneness hath been much increased, by the licentiousness of
the .stage, where the worst examples have been placed in the best
lights, and recommended to imitation; and the various images thus^
painted to the life, and set out with all manner of advantage, have
made such impressions upon the minds of the young and unwary, as
are not easy to be effaced: Where the bond of wedlock hath been
generally treated as a ridiculous and burdensome yoke, to the great
prejudice of society and virtue, and every thing sacred hath been
exposed : Where the office of the priesthood hath been made a matter .
of scorn and reproach ; and where, at the opening of a new theatre,
the building of churches, was impiously derided, as a vain and useless
work, the effect only of superstition and ignorance.

It is indeed for the purpose of the irreligious to discourage the
building of churches where they are so much wanted, and where the
want of them is, in all appearance, one great occasion of the irreligion
of many. For, by this means, vast numbei^'of souls have, in and about
these two populous cities, been excluded from a possibility of attend-
ing the publick worship of God, and from all the benefits of christian
instruction. And the natural consequence of this hath been a gradual
defection from piety and virtue to irreligious ignorance, and all manner
of loose and licentious living.

And as the want of churches here, jso the want of competent main-
tieni^nce for the service of many that are in the country, wfaere two or
^hree cures do not often afford enough to suppott a iavxv\^\.^x>"vi^^^>^^

113

166 A REPKESENTATION OF

not a late, yet a like occasion of profaneness and igneraaea th%te ; Ibt,
by this means, many parishes have no minister residing among them,
and aje several Sundays in the year without any service at all; and U»
ministers, by having so much duty upon them, cannot discharge It ^at
they ought, nor have time for the catechising young parsons, which ii
so necessary a part of christian instruction.

And to the increase of this mischief, both in city and country, hama
they also contributed, who have taken occasion from the relaxation af
those laws which made absence from the established church penal, to
withdraw themselves intirely from all religious assemblies, although the
very act of exemption, which gave liberty in one respect, equally
restrained it in the other.

From these several occasions hath ensued a great neglect of tfia
religious observance of the Lord's Day, too great a part of whieh is
spent, by many, in publick houses, and other diversions, wholly
unsuitable to the times, set a-part for the more immediate service of
God ; tho* we have reason to think, that, through the care of magii*
trates and others, some reformation hath been made of this matter.

But whatever share any of the causes and occasions abovementionad
may have had in that growth of infidelity, heresy, and proianeMss
amongst us, we cannot but bewail the efiect; considering the dishonour
it brings on our holy £a,ith, otr church, and nation ; and the hurt it
has done to your Majesty's people, many of wliom have been made
iiroTse men'and worse subjects by the means of it.

It is lamentable to reflect how many souls have been lost by im*
hibing wicked doctrines from those books which have been scattei^
for several years through this kingdom ; how many more are endan-
gered by too near approaches to infidelity (though they have not at
yet actually arrived to it) from a spirit of indifference and neutrality
in jeligion, which hath been infused into their minds by these means*

But what we have further to apprehend from our impieties is, that
they have made us obnoxious to the displeasure of Almighty God,
who may justly op their account be provoked to visit us with hit
judgments, by stopping the continued current of success with which he
hath hitherto blessed our afi^irs, and delivering us into the handt ef
oiir enemies : by withdrawing the pure light of his gospel from us, and
letting in the abomination of popery among us*

For the emissaries from Rome have been all along very watchful to
. lay hold of these opportunities for the advancement of their cause} to
which nothing is so serviceable as scepticism and looseness of Hie.
These, therefore, as well as the errors and divisions amongst' us, they
have always encouraged to the best of their power, and improved to
their own advantage; representing in several books, as well as in their
common conversation, the great uncertainty of the christian religion
upon protestant principles, and filling men's minds with infinite doubtt,
the better to make them submit to an iniaillihle guide. They- have
swarmed in our streets of late years, as they do more particularly at
this time, and are very busy in makm^ converts ; nor do we doubt but
that divers of your Majesty's subjects, either from the scandal taken

THE PRESENT STATE OF REUGION. l67

Ht tke infidelity, heresy, and profaneness they see, or from faring the
oootagion oi it, haire, by their arts, been j^rverted.

But, notwithstanding that we have these things to complain of^ so^
much bath been done already toward taking off the causes and effects
of these evils, and to prevent the further consequences of them, as to
give us great hopies, that, through the blessing of God upon yoiur
Jitf ajesty's authority and example, and the. endeavours of your subjects
in their several stations, we shall escape the danger we have so much
rnMon to fear.

For, as books have been published in favour of heresy and down-
right infidelity ; so others have been written from time to time, as occa-
sion required, in defence of the fundamental truths, whether of natural
9r revealed religion, with great clearness ^nd strength of argument.
The vain pleas of the several advocates for infidelity have been particu-
larly considered and refuted* to the silencing, if not the conviction, of/
some of the principal of them.

A lecture was founded, not many years since, by Mr* Boyle,* in
defence of the christian religion against all the adversaries of it; and
vaoy excellent and useful sermons have been preached and published
upon that occasion.

Societies have been formed for the reformation of manners; funds
of charity have been raised for the propagation of the gospel in foreign
parts, and of christian knowledge at home, and for the pious education
of poor children; great variety of plain and useful discourses have been
distributed among the meauer sort for their more easy improvement^
and parochial libraries have been set up for the use of ministers in the
country, that they might be better provided for the instruction of those
committed to their charge.

Authority hath often interposed for the countenancing these excell^t
designs, and for withstanding the held attempts that have been made
upon our common faith; and, for preventing the increase of irreligion
and profaneness, royal injunctions and proclamations have issued. Acts
of Parliament have passed, prosecutions at law have been ordered,
gracious speeches from the throne have been made, and from thence
such bright patterns of piety and virtue have shone forth, as have, no
doubt, prevailed upon many, though the influence of them hath not
extended so far as might have been expected.

But then the infidelity of some hath been attended with this good
Consequence in others, that the zeal of devout persons hath thereby
been excited to do every thing that in them lay towards resisting and
stemming the increase of this great evil ; nor have their endeavours -
been altogether fruitless ; our eyes daily see the happy effects of them;
divine service and sacraments have of late been oftener celebrated, and
better frequented than formerly; the catechising of youth bath been
more generally practised, and with greater success; vast sums have
been furnished by private contributions to sustain the charge of edu-
cating poor children in the pious manner above-mentioned ; and many
other new and noble institutions of charity have been set on foot.

.' To be preachtd tt Bow Cb«rch, in CbeapsidCi Itondon.

H 4

168 A REPRESENTATION OP

Many churches have been repaired and adorned at the expence of
the several parishioners and other benefactors; and many chapels
opened in the larger parishes, though not sufficient to answer the wants
of the inhabitants. Great sums of money have been by publick autho^
rity provided and applied for the building, supporting, and adorning
bther churches ; and your Majesty has been graciously pleased, upon ^
our humble address, to recommend to your Parliament to find out
means for the building of such as are still wanting ; of which from thid
great satisfaction with which your message was received, and the great
progress made upon it, we hope to see the blessed effect ; when all,
who are rdigiously disposed, will have the opportunity of giving pub^
lick testimony of it, and the careless be left without excuse.

In the mean time, other methods of redressing these mischiefe, may,
we humbly conceive, be successfully tried, such as your Majesty's
great wisdom and piety, and the foregoing observations, will suggest to
you.

We entertain not the least doubt of your Majesty's first resolution to
render the laws and proclamations set forth for the suppression of im-
morality and profaneness useful to that purpose, by an impartial and
vigorous execution of them ; and to reform the corruptions of the stage^
which have been so instrumental in vitiating young and innocent minds,
and have given so just of^nce to all serious and devout christians.

We are intirely persuaded, that your Majesty will, in the most
effectual manner, discountenance all such persons as are profligate in
their lives, or the known abettors and spreaders of impious opinions ;
and the repeated assurances which your Majesty, whom God long
preserve, hath been pleased to, give to your people of your care to
transmit the succession of the crown in the protestant line, as establish-*
ed by law, give us great hopes, that our enemies of the Romish com-
munion will, at last, be effectually discouraged from attempting the
ruin of that excellent church, of which, under Christ, your Majesty
is the chief governor and glorious defender.

From the application of these several means, which, we do not doubt,
but your Majesty will use, we promise ourselves very great and durable
effects; but that for which we at present in most earnest and most hum-
ble manner address ourselves to your Majesty is, that, by your royal
interposition, an act may be obtained, for restraining the present ex-
cessive and scandalous liberty of printing wicked books at home, and
importing the like from abroad ; in such manner as to the wisdom of
your Majesty and your Parliament shall seem most expedient. For
as we take this liberty to have been one chief source and cause of those
evils whereof we have spoken, so we question not but the restraint of
it would go a great way in the cure of them.

There is another pernicious custom that has very much prevailed
amongst us under the false notion of honour, which we beg leave to
mention in this place; and that is, the practice of fighting duels, which
has so far obtained, that your Majesty hath had many occasions, and
some very lately, to see the dismal effects of it.

We do therefore, in all humble duty, beg your Majesty to take the

«t efbctual methods to extinguish those false notions, so contrary to

THE PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION, &c. 169

tke laws of God, and so destructive of all society, and to put a stop
to this wicked and unchristian practice by such means as your Majesty,
in your great wisdom, shall think most proper.

We have also good hope, that all, employed * in authority under your
Majesty,* will, as we pray, 'truly and indifferently minister justice to
the punishment of wickedness and vice, and to the maintenance of true
religion and virtue;' and wish that some way may be found for the
recovery and improveilient of christian knowledge and piety in families,
which, we fear, is too much neglected.

We likewise hope, that especial care will be taken of the education
of yoqng people at the Universities, by providing that tutors make it
their business to teach their pupils the principles 9f the christian
religion in the course of their other studies, and endeavour to make
them serious in it, with a particular eye to such as are designed for
holy orders.

And for ourselves, who are called to this holy function, we beg leave
to assure your Majesty, that we will take all possible care of the dis-
charge of our own duty, and do all that in us lies, that the canons of
our church may be strictly observed both by ourselves and those com-
mitted to our charge.

We have those parts of our discipline which your Majesty hatlj, in
your great goodness, thought fit to recommend to us for farther im-
provement, under our most serious consideration ; and hope, in some
measure, to answer the wants of the church, and your Majesty's expec-
tations in referring them to us ; as we shall at all times hereafter, as
often as your Majesty shall be pleased to require our attendance for
these purposes, endeavour to make our synodical meetings subservient
to the good order and establishment of this church, the interest and
advantage of the christian religion, the satisfaction of your Majesty,
and the honour of God.

And our daily and fervent prayer to God shall be, that your Majesty
may be the happy instrument of these and many other blessings to this
church and state; that you may be as prosperous in your designs .
against infidelity and vice here at home, as you have been in all your
undertakings against the common enemy abroad; and may, by that
means, add, what alone is wanting to compleat the glory, and crown
the successes of your ever memorable reign.

( iro )

' A PARTICULAR DESCRIPTION

OF THE

FAMOUS TOWN AND CITTADEL OF DUNKIRK;

With all its Fortifications, viz. Rice-¥ank, Forts, Harbour, P^eere,
the BasoD, the Number of the Ships in the Harbour, and Cannpn
in each port, as it it now in the possession of the Queen of Great
Britain. With a particular Account of the Churches, Cloisteii,
and Nunneries, their Worship and Ceremonies, and all Thiagpi
vrorthy of Observation,

MnM 17s t. (luaito, eentaiaiiii^ Tw«iity-OBC P^^iet.

THE PREFACE.

It was not the author's first inteotion to have published this to the worM,
being designed for his own private observation; but the repeated irn^
portunities of several of his acquaintance, who had the perusal
thereof, have at last prevailed with him to commit it to the |>rBai»
hoping it will meet with a favourable reception from all who am

• desirous to know the particulars <^ that famous place, which hath
made so much noise in Europe*

Tba author is not insensible but it will meet with censure from the
captious, and perhaps from- the imperfection they may find in not
•xpressing this description- in that regularity as the curious may
expect. However, what is here related is genuine in every particular,
wherein he has studied more of truth, than art or eloquence, and

" adapted to the c<nnpreh^nsion of the weakest capacity ; and doubts
not but the candid reader will accept of his good intentions, and
excuse the omissions' that tnay have escaped in this scrutiny.

AT the entrance into the peere on the right hand next the sea, is
a wooden fort, si^ported with mighty beams and piles drove
into the sea. It lies opposite to the other fort, of which I shall make
mention hereafter. Here are twenty-four pieces of cannon mounted,
whereof six are brass. There are a^ two very large mortars. There
are places for ten pieces of cannon more. It has a communication
with the walk on the peere by a gallery. It has a beacon, and in the
middle of the fort are the barracks for the soldiers ; it is all boarded
with prodigious beams of timber, and right against each cannon are
placed about forty cannon-balls, besides great numbers upon piles, with
great quantities of powder, and a great many carriages for cannon
under the piazzas of the barracks. The fort is all raised round above
breasi-higb, where the cannon is, with great pieces of timber ; there

A DESCRimON, &6. If 1

are two great pdMf and one draw-bridge coining into the fort, whick
lies a full mile on the peere from the town.

Next to the fort last mentioned, lies the famous Rice Bank, of which
I «hall be very particular in describing what is worthy of observatioa*
It lies about half-way the peere, and has a communication with the
walk on the peere, by a very long gallery, which is railed all aloii|
above breast-high : It is supported with great piles drove into the taa*
The form of the Rice-bank is round, and is built with stone half-way
up, the other half brick : The walls of it are wide enough for a coach,
and, where the cannon is planted, are wide enough for six coaches to go
a-breast, and the grass as even as a bowling-green* There are mounted
twenty- two pieces of cannon, which are prodigious large, and between
each two iron cannon is one brass ; there are also six large mortacs
mounted, which are reckoned the largest in the world; there art
places for twenty-six pieces of cannon more, and against each cannoii
are placed about forty cannon balls, besides great numbers upon pil^.
At the first coming into the Rice-bank is a draw-bridge; then there are
four gates at small distances one from the other, all plated over with
iron. The entrance into it is but narrow. There is an ascent of fifteen
steps into the court-yard, which is very large and spacious, and round
it is pitched with stone. In the middle is a veryjarge well of good
water, and all round are the barracks for the soldiei-s, which are built
with brick two stories high ; there is likewise a noble house for the
governor and other officers, and a fine church at one end of the yard
is railed in with iron tails ; a very prodigious quantity of cannon-^ball,
and bomb-shells of all siaes, besides' the magazines of powder, whieh
are very large. It is incredible to relate the vast magazines of all torti
of warlike stores that are therein. In going up the walls, where the
cannon is planted, is an ascent of forty steps,, and there are four wayi ^
,ef going up the walls at equal distances. The barracks for the soldievs
will contain at least two thousand men. It is all surrounded with tkk
sea, and lies about half a mile from the town ; it is impoasible to
express the strength of it.

Next to the Rice-bank coming into the peere, lies Fort Devett^
which lies about a quarter of a mile from the Rice-bank; it haa a
communication with the walk on the peere, by a long gallery which
is railed all along, above breast high, to keep one from falling into the ^
water, supported with great piles drove into the sea. The form of it it
triangular, and built with stone half-way up, the other half brick ; the
walls are wide enough for a coach. At first coming in is a draw*
bridge, with two gates at a small distance one from the other. The
ascent to the walls where the cafDon are planted it twenty steps, aid
there are mounted ten pieces of iron cannon, and placet for twelve
more; there are against each cannon above twenty cannon |iaUt»
besides great numbers upon piles. There are barracks for the soldien ;
it lies between the cittadel and the Rice- bank, on the right hand, and is
all surrounded with the sea, except at low waten At the entrance
into the peere, on the left hand next the sea, b a wooden fort, tup*
ported with mighty beams and piles drove into the tea ; it Uet o^yaaaMt
lo the other fort. Here are mounted twevitj^uQ ^\tt«k ^ ^st»s«^>

XTt A DESCRIPnOM OF HIE

■

wlicie<rf six ftie faraas; there are alto two very lai^ moitan, and
places for twenty pieces of cannoo more. It has a communication
with the walk on the peerc, by a gallery. There is a standard, and in «
the middle ef the fort are the barracks for the soldiers. It is all boarded
with prodigious beams of timber, and right against each cannon an
placed about thirty or forty cannon-balls ready, as occasion may offer,
besides great numbers upon piles, with great quantities of powder, and
a great many carriages {or cannon under the piazzas of the barracks.
The fort is all railed round aboye breast-high, where the cannon is, with
great pieces of timber. There are two gates, and oue draw-bridge coming
into the fort.

Next to the wooden fort last mentioned, coming into the peere, lies
Chateau Gallicere; it lies about half-way the peere, having a commu-
nication with the walk on the peere, by a short gallery. It is sup*
ported with mighty b^aros, and piles drove into the sea ; it lies near
opposite to the JRice-bank. Here are mounted seven pieces of cannon,
and there are places for four more. It is all boarded with prodigious
beams of timber, and right against each cannon are placed iibout
twenty or thirty cannon-balls. The fort is all railed round above breast
high, where the cannon are, with great pieces of timber. There is one
gate coming into the fort, and at low water thb fort is dry on the
sands.

Fort La Bleau lies about half a mile from the wooden fort coming
into the peere, on the left hand, in the sea, and is likewise near half a
mile from the town. At low water one may go to it on the sands*.
Going into the fort are twenty-three steps to the first gate, where is a
draw-bridge; then there are three gates, then an ascent of twenty^five
steps where the cannon is planted, and there are mounted twelve pro-
digious large iron cannon, and places for seven more. 1 here is a standard
and barracks for the soldiers; there are placed about twenty cannon-
balls to each cannon, besides great numbers upon piles, with great
quantities of powder. The walls are wide enough for a coach ; it is
built with stone half-way up, the other half brick, the form of it is
like a half-moon; at high water it lies near a mile into the sea; in
tempestuous weather, notwithstanding the prodigious height of it, the
waves beat into it. It is paved all with free-stone.

From the town to the end of the peere's mouth, is a full mile long,
which runs into the sea. There are two very fine walks all boarded, the
whole length of the peere on each side, and there are prodigious planks
of timber and piles drove into the sea, with great iron pins and other
iion work, fastened unto the wood, to keep out the sea. The walk is
broad enough for two or three to go arbreast, and above half-way it is
railed about breast-high, the other half about a quarter of a yard. It
must be noted, the outermost walk next the peere, where the ships
come in, is railed about breast- high, and is most part of the way so
much decayed, that there is no walking; but the other walk is in good
repair. The mouth of the peere is wide enough for four or five ships to
come in a-breast, and the whole length of the peere the same, and
as straight as a line. The peere wants very much repairing, especially
the timbef work in many places is very much decayed, many great

TOWN AND CITTADEL OF DUNKIRK. 173

beams are wanting. There is a vast number of piles drove into th^
sea, to hinder ships from damaging the peere ; and there lie on both sides
a great many large ships, and on the ground next the town by the walk
lie one hundred and fifty-four iron cannon, which are not mounted,
btesides a prodigious number of anchors and great quantities of timber*
The cittadel lies on the right hand coming into the town from the
peere. At the entrance is a draw-bridge and one gate with a portcuUisi
or that gate pointed at the end with iron spikes, to drop down with iron
chains to keep out the enemy ; then thei^ are three gates at a small
distance one from the other. At first coming in are four prodigious
large barracks for the soldiers, two stories high, two of them a great
length, and at the hither end of the two shortest barracks is the cloister,
a very noble building. The place about the barracks is very large and
spacious, and there is a very large well of extraordinary good water.
In going up to the walls is a great ascent, where is planted next the
town an English train of artillery of twenty-one pieces of cannon^
besides a prodigious number of other cannon ; amongst them is one of
brass - about twelve yards long, reckoned the longest and the largest
in the world ; all, where the cannon is planted, is undermined, where
lie a great many barrels of powder. The cittadel is all surrounded
with a prodigious strong high brick wall, and is near two miles in cir*
cumference. There are on ^e walls several places for the centrnelsy
and 6ne rows of trees where the cannon are planted, and one- windmill.
There are several magazines of powder, cannon-ball, and bomb-shells^
so conveniently situated, that no bombs can any ways affect them ; and
it is incredible to relate the prodigious quantities of all sorts of warlike
stores that are therein ; there are likewise a great many tin boats upoU
carriages. The governor's house is a noble building, and has a f ne
garden ; and the walls are broad enough for four coaches to go a-breast
where the cannon arc planted.

The bason lies on one side of the park near the cittadel, where are
the Protee and the Augustus, two French men of war, and two English
men of war, the Blackwall and the G rat tun ^ (taken this war] and
eleven other ships, and three Turkish gallics. The bason is big enough
to contain at least twenty-four men of war, the most commodious place
that possibly can be in the world. There are on each side the store*
houses, which are lately finished, all built with brick, two stories high,
very fine buildings. It is incredible to relate the prodigious quantities
of warlike stores that are therein relating to shipping, besides a great
many anchors of all sizes, which lie on the walk on each side. The
bomb-shells and bullets which lie on the walks are incredible. There
are next the harbour two great sluices which let in the water as much
as they please; this is intirely in the hands of the King of France, where
he has soldiers that keep guard, and very few are permitted to go
into it.

The park is a place near the bason, where is the magazine of all
sorts of provisions for the soldiers of the French King ; where the com*
missary lives, and several other officers belonging to the King of France*

There are lying on the walk next the harbour,, near the walU^ <^iv<^
hundred and fiye pieces of cannon belon^ng Xo XJexr ^\v^ m^^^oasr

174 A DESCRIPTION Gf THE

boar, which are not mounted^ but lie as occasion maj serre, besides ik
great many anchors.

In the harbour and peere of Dunkirk are two hundred add foot
ships and seven French gallies, most or all of them taken from the
English and Putch, generally lai^ ships. The harbour is the most
eommodioas in the world, being like a half-moon, placed between the
town-wall and the cittadel ; the walls thereof are so prodigious fa!^,
that no winds or weather can any ways affect the ships; and the bteadth
of the harbour is lai^e enough tor four ships to enter a-breast» and
depth proportionable at high water. At the end of the harbour lies the
bason, being parted by a wooden bridge or gallery, that gpes to the
cittadel, which I have mentioned.

At coming from the peere into the town is a gate with palisadoes.
Then at a small distance is another gate with palisadoes ; and at a small
distance is a gate with a draw-bridge ; and lastly a gate with palisadoes;
and near the first ^te is Fort-harbour, where may be planted seveilil
pieces of cannon. There is a standard prodigious high, and very strong;
all built with brick ; near it by the walls is the clock-tower, vtrf
high, opposite to the cittadel, like the spire of a church, where 19 a
clock and a dial. There are four gates next the harbour, with a draw-
bridge to each, with a portcuHis, or green gate, pointed at the end
with iron spikes to drop down with irotk chains ; and there are in fha
walls of the town, next the harbour, several chimnies for making fixes
to tar the vessels and other occasions for shipping; and there ii^ likewise
the image of the Virgin Mary with Jesus m her arms. It has two foM*
ing-doors with small iron grates, and a piece of wood to keep off the
rain ; and there is a lanthom, where there is a candle burning all
night, that is lighted as soon as it is dark every evening.

By the walls of the town next the harbour, in two rows, are ont
hundred and seven little shops or huts, for the galley-slaves, wbef6
they exercise their trades, most handicrafts whatsoever; likewise several
shops that sell linnen, woollen, second-hand clothes, stockings, gloves^ '
and most millinary things. They have an iron clog about their le^,
where is fastened an iron chain about five or six yards long, which is
made fast to their shop or post ; so they remain chained all day. When
evening comes, their chains are knocked off, but there remains an iron
cldg about their leg, and they are all put into seven French galliesi
which lie in the harbour right-over against their shops, where they
remain all night, and a good guard placed over them. In the morning
their chains are put on, and there they remain fiutened to their shop all
day. When any of them arc permitted to go into the town, they are
chained two by two; the rattling of their chains along the stncefiSy
and their dismal condition, is very deplorable, to see men chained
together like hounds. These goes always with tbem an ofllicer to look
after them. There are a gieat many of them that work in the French
King^s bason on board the ships, and on board the ships in the hap*
hour, and in carrying and cutting of timber, aud many other servile
labours ; and, when they are at their work, they are generally chained
fo^ether two by two^ and when they come ftom thence, sometimes,
twenty or thirty of tbem together it yerj dbmcl try bt^oid* Out of their

TOWN AND jTTTADEL OF DUNKIRK. 17*

trades aod labour the King of France hsA a share ; likewise they pav the
officers that attend them. There are a great many Turks among them,
and roost nations, that are put here for great crimes, and never released
diirii^ life ; notwithstanding some of them are worth considerable, aad^
if money could purchase freedom, it would not be wanting. Their
babit is a red waistcoat and a red cap. In time of war these slaves serva
on board the French King's gallies, in towing the men of war in a calm,
and carrying men to and ho the men of war in a fight; these gallies are
Tery senriceabie, and in particular in galling the enemies with dieir *
caahee-pieces, which are very large, and at the head of the gallev.

The town of Dunkirk it not very large, but contains several noble
wide streets, lanes, and alleys. It is pitched with itone laid regular^
like the middle of the exchange in London* The houses are generally
three stories high, built with brick, much like their buildings in Holland
in all respects, only not so neat. Their churches and cloisters are very
fine noble building;^ as is likewise the town-^ouse; you ascend to it
seven steps; at iint coming in is a large spacious ball, and there axe
aeveral rooms for the publick business of the city. There is consurgisries,
a very noble building lately rebuilt;^ it is the greatest eatii^house in the
town; joining to it is the prison; these stand in the great street going to
Ifae great church; and frofiting the town«house is a great guard-house^
where the soldiers keep guard night and day ; and before the town-house
the merchants meet in the nature of an exchange. There are in the
town six churches, via. the Great Church, the Capuchins, theRegulater,
^ Poire Cleres, the Beneme, and the Descrecks; and four cloistersi
tiie Black Nuns Cloister, the White Nuns, the Penitentia, and the
£nglnh Nuns Cloister, which is the richest in the town. They are all
very noble fine buildings, and fine gardens to many of them. To relate
the particulars of every church and cloister would contain more than
can be in this volume ; however, I shall be very particulM in describing
what is worthy of observation in the great church, and also a hint in the
others, of what is mOst remarkable.

The east port lies going to the camp ; it has three gates with a port»
cullis, or great gate, pointed at the end with iron spikes, to drop down
with iron chains, and four draw- bridges, and two gates with palisedoest
There are several sluices, by which they can drown the country for
several miles round, which, with the addition of their prodigious out-
woiies, which shoot out at least two miles from the town, render it im-
pregnable by land as well as k^ sea. It b incredible to relate the strength
of the outworks, which with the addition of canals, rivulets, and other
Work renders it the wonder of all that see it. Upon the walb of the
town are several windmills, and fine rows of trees; and the walls are
wide enough for four or five coaches to go a^breast; it shoots out with
several half-moons, and other wori». The walls of the tow» are pro*
digioiis high built with brick, all surrounded with four prodigious wide
ditches at small distances one from the other.

The situation of the camp without the town of Dunkirk, which lies
near the walls, incamped in a small plain, about four r^ments, con-
sisting of four hundred and twenty six tents, and fifty tents for axms(^d
in the town and cittadel are four regiments mote)*, tloA ma^\sft.A'^l

l76 A DESCRIPTION qP THE

lies near the camp, consisting often prodigious large stacks of hay, en-
compassed with palisadoes, and near by are Ave fine walks, all with
rows of trees, about half a mile in length; one of the walks pitched with
stone, the other with gravel ; boarded on each side above breast high, the
trees stand, and there are several benches placed here and there. Oh
the left hand of the walks is a piece of ground for burials, and most of
the graves have a high wooden cross placed at the end.

In the great church are fourteen places of devotion, all round it, with
the image of our Saviour upon the cross in full proportion, in three
several places, and a great many images of saints in full proportion,
against the walls with their names underneath. A t each place of devotion
is an altar, which is very finely adorned with fine linncn, bordered with
curious lace. There is the image of our blessed Saviour upon the crpss
always standing upon the altar, about a foot and a half high ; and there
is the Virgin Mary with Jesus in her arras. The altar is likewise adorned
with flowers, and a groat deal of very fine painting on the walls. There
are several low forms for the people to kneel at their devotions, who
are continually coming in from morning till night, the most zealous in
their way of any people in the world. There are continually burning at
the altar wax-candles, besides a great many wax-candles in otherplaces.
Their morning prayers, called Mattins, they perform with or without
the priest; they kneel before the image of our Saviour, bow themselves
several times to the altar, cross themselves with the sign of the cross, tell
over their beads, and several other marks of devotion. Their vespers or
evening prayers are performed much in the same manner. In the middle
of the church is the main place of their devotion, which is parted off;
and there is an ascent of three steps with two folding-doors in the
front, and on each side the same. At the upper end is the altar, which
is very finely adorned with fine linnen, and bordered with curious lace
with purple velvet. There is the image of our Saviour upon the cross
always standing upon the altar, about two feet high ; and there is the
Virgin Mary with Jesus in her arms. The altar is likewise adorned with
flowers; and there are three books, which lie on the altar, opened ready
for the priest, of which I shall make mention hereafter. There are near
the altar, on the ground, two prodigious high brass candlesticks above
a story high, with wax candles, which are never lighted but on great
festival days. It would be endless to relate the vast number of wasc
candles that are continually burning in several places of the church.
When mass is said, the priest, that officiates at the altar, is arrayed,
sometimes, in a whitesurplice *, with a rich mantle f over his shoulders;
sometimes with a mantle of black velvet, with silver orris on the back,
in the form of a cross; sometimes in another dress, not much unlike the
last mentioned. At the first approach to the altar he ascends two or
three steps, and bows himself with great reverence three times before the
altar, where is the image of our Saviour upon the cross, and then crosses
himself with the sign of the cross; then he proceeds in reading in the
book X to himself, but at some small intervals he turns himself round to

* Properly called the Alb«. f al. Yesttaent. t Mass-book.

TOWN AND CITTADEL OF DUNKIRK. 177

the people^ with bis hands p^rostrate, and says some words * ; then he
takes a large silver cup f* >which stands upon the altar, and a little boy,
that stands by, gives him out of a phial i a small quantity of wineU,
Vfhich he pours into the cup, and he drinks it off § with great devotion;
then he takes the cup and wipes it very clean with a linnen cloth, and
sets it on the altar; then he proceeds to his devotions. After a small
pause he turns himself to the people, and says some words; then he
takes the host in his hands**, and a little bell tinkles, and immediately
they all fall upon their knees with great devotion (their belief is, that
the real body and blood of Christ, as it was bom of the Virgin Mary, is
in the host, so exposed in the hands of the priest after the words of con-
secration). After a short pause he puts it upon the altar, and proceeds in
his devotions, which is not long after, and most of the time the organs
are playing, and at going out and coming in all cross themselves with
holy water (so called) which stands in several places in the church.
There are very fine organs, which stand about the middle of the church,
and there are several escutcheons hung upon the walls, and several small
hones, being relicks of saints; at going into the church over the doors
are three images finely painted. On one side of the church next the
street, going into the herb-market, is the image of the Virgin Mary with
Jesus in her arms ; there is a lanthorn and a candle, which is lighted
eviery evening, and burns all night.

The English nuns cloister is a very noble building, with a fine garden;
at going in over the door, is the image of a nun ; the place of worship is
hut small; at the upper end is the altar, with the image of our Saviour
upon the cross ; the altar is finely adorned in the same manner as in the
great church. Where the priest officiates h parted off by low palisadoes;
here are no images, except the Virgin Mary with Jesus in her arms.
The place is laid with marble, and here are no scats, except a bench
next the wall, for all the time of their worship, generally speaking, they
are upon their knees : There is parted off above stairs, by very fine ifon
work, a large place for the English nuns, who, during part of the time
of their devotions, sing extremely fine, and the organs at the same time
playing make it a very agreeable harmony. There is no seeing them but
through these iron works, where they may plainly be seen, and likewise
they arc sometimes some of them below stairs in a place by themselves.
At first coming into the cloister where is a door, which is with wrought
iron part of the way, there they may be seen very plain, and spoke with.
If any person desires to speak to any nun, here they may, but no other
ways than through these iron grates, and must be in the company of the
lady abbess, or some other nun. If they are any relation or any
acquaintance they may be spoke with, otherwise not; at their first
entrance into the cloister, they arc there for a year ft; if, in that time,

* Tiz. Dominus Vobiscum, or. The Lord be -with joa* f al. The Cbalict.

t al. Cruet.
11 And Miother cruet with water. { After he has communicated !n the kind of bread, and

not before.
** AndTaiseth both it and the Chalice at separate times above his head, which is called

the £levation.
•H During which time thry aie called Novkee.

VOL. XTm N

J7S A DESCRIPTION OF THE

they do not like a religious life, they may come out; otherwise * they atC
there during life, and never go abroad.

There are in the town six markets; the green or herb market/ the
wood and corn market, the butter market, the chicken market, the
fish market, and flesh market, all spacious commodious places, especially
the herb market, which lies near the great chnrch, between the main
guard and the poor cleres : It is a very spacious large place, about as Ing
as Coven t Garden, with houses all round, which are noble building
especially the main guard, which has seven gates in front, and by it is
placed a gibbet with a ladder ready placed for malefactors; likewise 8
wooden horse for the soldiers punishment. There are several magasines
of powder, near the walls of the town, and fine rows of trees on the
walks; and near the walls are the barracks for the soldiers, and ofliceis,
which are built with brick two and three stories high, and are noble
buildings, and there are other barracks for the soldiers in other places*
There is the English hospital and French hospital, which are ndlili
buildings. There is a very large house for the service of the chujtth 'vC
England, and there is a school master, and several scholars. There wH
several conduits of fresh water with pumps ; fronting the EngHsh clbistflft
18 a very handsome square place all railed in with fine rows of trees*
The town wall is^ prodigious high built, all with brick, and several toweit
placed next the harbour; and there are four gates next the harbour;
at first coming from the peere is Newport gate, the Key* gate,
the Crown-gate, and the Cittadel-gate; they have each two great
gates with a portcullis, or great gate, pointed at the end with
iron spikes to drop down with iron chains, to keep out the enemy, with
a draw bridge to each gate, which is pulled up every nighty There is
Port Royal, which lies southerly; it has two gates with a portcullis or
great gate pointed at the end with iron spikes, to drop down with iron
chains, and three draw bridges, and two gates with palisadoes, and near
by is a magazine of powder, which lies near the water-mill of Port Royal^
and just without the town lies Bercviile, a small village with a church,
and one gate with a draw-bridge ; there is a way pitched with stone, which
goes to Bcrgr

The ceremony of burying their dead : First comes a person which
carries a prodigious high silver cross, then three men with fine streamers,
and twelve priests in white, bareheaded, and three priests in rich habits f,
in black velvet, bordered with silver orris over most part of it ; one of
them with the cross and silver orris on his back ; then two capuchins
with the habit of their order (which I shall describe hereafter) then comes
the corpse covered with black velvet, with the image of our Saviour laid
upon the colBn, covered with black crape ; then at the head is a large
piece of silver not unlike a crown, and one at the feet not quite so large^
and six bearers to hold up the pall; then come the relations: so they
proceed into the church,, the priests singing all the way, with a great
many wax candles burning; the .corpse is placed in the middle of the
church, withcightvcry large wax, candles burning about it; the relations

* They tiion take upon theni the habit of a nuu in that order, and take the vows of pqvertjr

cliastity, obedience and perpetual inclosure.
^ One in a pri9»t'» Testment, and the other two \a DaAtnaxkM, re^r«s«ntiog a de«C0A4tiul

SHbdeacon atUading on tiM QSidiXm% ^umx*

TOWN AND CITTADEL OF DUNKIRK. 179

are seated on each side, then three priests officiating at the altar; after
som^ prayers said, one of the priests goes round the corpse, with a silfer ,
censer of holy water, and sprinkles round the corpse, all the time saying
some prayers ; then he takes another censer, which has perfumes burning
in it, and goes round the corpse, saying some prayers and singing ; then
he takes a large brush and sprinkles the people with holy water ; then all
the men go up to the altar, each one with a wax candle lighted in his
hand, which he receives of a man that stands by for that purpose, and
gives it to another man that is there, before he comes to the priest:
Then the priest holding in his hand a sttiall gilded dish, and in the, other
a piece of linnen; then each person goes up to the priest and kisses the
bason; then the priest wipes it with the cloth, and then the women in
like manner; then they proceed with the corpse to the grave, which is
in the church ; after saying some small prayers, the corpse is imme-
diately put into the grave, and the firet shovel full of earth is put into
the grave by the priest, his hand being assisted by the grave digger (the
coffin is plain square at the head, and a wooden cross made fast upon
the coffin) then the priest takes the censor, and sprinkles holy water into
the grave, and says some prayers, and holds the silver cross Wfth
our Saviour on it, over the grave which is covered with a black
crape hatband; then he takes a brush and sprinkles holy water
likewise, and with the same upon the people, who are very eager to
receive it on their faces, and so the ceremony ends. If any virgin dies,
and is desirous to be carried to the grave by nuns, it is granted, but only
the order of black nuns have the privilege of going abroad, and the
ceremony is much the same as above mentioned; as one that 1 saw, who
was carried by eight black nuns, who were all dressed in black, with
black hoods. over their faces.

When any person is dead, immediately there are laid before the door
in the street small sheaves of straw in the form of a cross, which lie there
night and day, till the person is buried.

The ceremony of exposing the host or wafer, to give the sacrament to
the sick : First comes a person with a wax candle in a lanthorn; then
several priests in white, bareheaded, and several wax candles burning,
carried by several persons; then the priest that officiates under a canopy
supported by four men; he carries the host exposed in his hands, which
is held up. After this manner they proceed through several streets, to
the house of the sick, and, at their coming back, they proceed, in the
same manner, singing all the way; and as they go, a little bell tinkles,
and all fall upon their knees with great devotion; this bell is to give
them notice that the host is coming; immediately all fall upon their
knees, men, women, and children, as the host goes by ; but the pro-
testants have this privilege, that, if they meet the host in the street,
they only put off their hats as the host goes by; all people, that are in
their houses, and shops, or in the streets, must kneel as it passes by ;
the ceremony is performed with great reverence and devotion, and it is
incredible to believe the vast concourse of people that throng; and the
people at their doors, and at their windows, with caudis^ \\^\.^^ V>^ Nx
be iu the evening) makta it a yery agreeable (Tos^tcX%

180 A DESCRIPTION OF DUNKIRK, &c.

When any person is dead, the corpse is laid in the coffin, with several
wax candles lighted, which bum night and day, and the image of opt
Saviour upon the cross by it, and night and day there are several persons
with the corpse; there are friars of the order of St. Francis. The
l)abit of a capuchin is a coarse brown cloth, hanging down to their
heels, with a short cloke of the same, and a coul or capouch joining
to the cloke; they wear no shirts, nor any linnen, no breeches, no stock*
logs, nor shoes, having sandals or great wooden clogs on their feet,
made fast to their feet with straps of leather, their feet and legs always
bare; about their middle they are girded with a flaxen cord wfth knots,
and there hang their beads^ with the image of our Saviour upon the
cross. They lie in no linnen nor beds, but upon the ground with a
matt; they never handle any money, and there are amongst them that
take no manner of care for the things of this life, but all their time is
taken up in devotions, and a religious life; alledging what is mentioned
in the scripture, by our Saviour, when, speaking to the Apostles, he
gays, *Take no thought for to-morrow, what ye shall eat, or what ye
shall drink,* viz. They have each day two or three that go about ttie
toiWn with a basket a begging for victuals for them.

The Jesuits founded by Ignatius LoyoU, of Biscay, their habit is
black, with their uppermost garments down to their heels ; they wear
hats, shoes, and stockings : They are, as is well known, very learned
and judicious men, insinuating themselves into the courts and secrets of
4II the Roman Catholick princes of Europe.

The nuns habit is black with white hoods and pinners, and a black
vail hangs over their faces; their dress is very becpming, and very neat,
and very fine. Women the most zealous in their devotions, that possibly
any people can be; all the time of their worship (except when they are
singing) they are always reading in a book, telling over their beads and
other marks of devotion, kneeling all the time; and when they art
singing they sand close to the iron grates that their eccho may be the
better heard in the church, the most melodious musick in the world,
with the organs at the same time playing, which renders it very agree-
able.

There is at going into two of the cloisters a wooden cross in the streets,
which always remains there, and is about twenty four feet high from
the ground; at certain holy days the image of our Saviour in full pro-
portion is put upon the cross, where are two iron bars to fasten the
image,, and the people, as they pass along, pay their devotion.

The civil government of the town is in the hands of the French King,
as is also the bason and the |)ark (of which I have made mention) but
- the cittadel, Rice-bank, forts, harbour, peere, and in a word all the
fortifications with all the outworks (which are two English miles in length
from the town) are intirely in the possession of the Queen of Great
Britajh.

The place at present is very sickly, and many of the inhabitants die,
as do likewise great numbers of the common soldiers, and the officers;
they are taken with a shivering like an ague.

Provisions are generally very dear^ except fish, which is very rea-
^nable, particularly herringjs, wVudi aie <ax\x«sBR cbs».i^) by the

THE BANISH AMBASSADRESS'S SPEECH, &c. 161

floming in daily of French fishing boats, from Graveling, Calais, and
Dieppe; since the coming of the English provisions are much dearer,
and, since the taking of Fort Knock by the Dutch, faggots for firing are
much advanced and scarce.

The inhabitants are most Flemings ; there are several very eminent
French merchants with some Irish inhabitants; they are generally
iX)urteous and civil to strangers, and are very industrious people, and
all are of the Roman catholick religion; no other is permitted there,
except a church to the English. About two leagues from Dunkirk, lies
old Mardyke, a small village, and likewise new Mardyke ; Graveling
lies about four leagues, and from thence four leagues to Calais in France,
which compleats the journal.

THE

BR-..ISH AMBASSADRESSES SPEECH

TO THE FRENCH KING.

MS.

The following was a MS. in the EarKs library, and in a few Unas
exposes the intrigues of the court and the sad condition the church
and nation was in, at the latter end of Queen Annli reign, it may be,
better, and more clearly, than has been ever done before.

HAIL tricking monarch ! more successful far
In acts of peace, than glorious deeds of war.
As A— -'s great ambassadress I come,
With liews,' that will rejoice both you and Rome.

Ne'er did the F h a^ts so gaily smile.

These hundred years, as now in B ^'s isle;

For there thie spirit of blind delusion reigns,
And spreads its fury o'er the stupid swains.
The Ir— V the C— s, and the priests conspire
To raise your power, and their own ruin higher.

Nay, even the Q n, with qualms of conscience prest,

Seems to advance your cause above the rest.
Her generous temper can't forget so soon
The royal favours you have always done^ -
Both to her&therand his injured son;
And therefore is contriving, every day,
tier mighty debt of gratitude to p^j«

}

183 THE BR— ISH AMBASSADRESSTS SPEECH, &e.

For you she has ceased the thunder of the war.

Laid up her fleets, and left her channel bare;

For you the fighting Marlborou^'s disgrac'd,

And in his room a peaceful general * plac'd;

For you she broke her word, her friends betrayed,

With joy looked on, and saw them f victims made.

That pious princess, when I left her court,

The place where none but friends to you resort,

Bid me go greet you in the kindest words.

That the most sacred tye of love affords :

And tell you that she mourns, with sacred pains,

The mighty loss you've borne these ten campaigns.

And therefore now resolves to give you more

By this last treaty than you had before,

And to its former height raise your declining power.

She knows she has no right the crown to wear.

And fain would leave it to the lawful heir.

In order to effect this grand design.

And baflBc all the H n line,

A set of ministers/ she lately chose;

To honour and their country equal foes :

Wretches, whose indigence has made 'em bold,

And will betray their native land for gold.

Ox' I I'd's the chief of this abandoned clan,

Him you must court; for he's the only man.

Give him but gold enough, your work is done.

He'll bribe the S — te, and then all's your own.

D th and B— — — •— ke are friends to you,

Tho' 'tis not in their power much harm to do.
* But Ox d reigns prime minister of state,

Kuling the nation at a mighty rate ;
And, like a conjurer with his magick wand.

Does both the P— — — — t and Q n command;

Keep but that wily trickster still your friend,
He'll crown your wishes with a prosperous end.
Now is your time to push for B— — — n's crown.
And fix K — g J— —8 the Third upon the throne.
A, powerful &et prepare, you need no more,
But only land him on his native shore;
They'll soon depose the present reigning thing,
And in her stead proclaim your favourite Kin^j.
Thus spoke the gay ambassadress ; when stndt
Up rose the tyrant from his chair of state;
With love transported, and a joyous air,
Wjthin his trembling arms he clasp'd the fair ;
That night, as fame reports, and some have heard,
A pompous bed was instantly prepai^d,

* Dake of Ormoad. t Denaia.

1

EUROPE A SLAVE, &c. iss

In which the monarch and heroine lay.
And spent their hours in politicks and play«
^TheDukco'erjoy'd, that his Italian dame
Could in so old a heroe raise a flame,
'^ith an ambitious pleasure, as 'tis said.
Led her himself unto the royal bed.

EUROPE A SLAVE,

WHEN THE EMPIRE IS IN CHAINS:

Skewing the deplorable state of Germany^ from the Jwoasum of the Frend^
and the fatal consequence of it to us and ail Europe,

This is part of a pamphlet that was published in the year l713,^Jii 8vO.
soon after the conclusion of the peace with France, intended to expose
the danger the English nation ran by making a peace so hazardous to
ourselves and advantageous (o an enemy, whom we had reduced to
the last extremity ; and pointing out the only means to maintain the
balance of power in Europe; very necessary to be perused at this
time.

I cannot with any certainty give you the name of the author, who, in
my opinion, has written more like a prophet than a bare politiciaii.
But I heartily recommend his strong reasoning, and the necessity of
supporting the house of Austria, against the power of France, which
he supports from facts, confirmed by long experience, both before and
Bince his time. In a word, our author foretold that the Elector of
Bavaria, under the protection of France, would succeed Charles the
Sixth, in the Imperial throne.

WHAT is it an Englishman can say, that will not now-a-days give
ofifence ? If we write against the French, we write against our
new allies; if for our late confederates, we are enemies to peace, we
delight in war, and, when the Examiner has the power, must be knocked
on the head, as he threatens us in several of his late papers. What shall
we do? Shall we see the French masters of Germany? Shall we be
alarmed with a new war in the bowels of the empire and not have a
word CO say in favour of a prince, whom, ten years ago, we declared
King of Spain and the Indies ; whom we took from the arms of a fond
father, and sent in^the midst of winter storms to fight for a. monarchy
that was in effect the gift of England and Holland ? It is not now for
-Spain that this unfortunate prince fights, it is fot G«ncc»v>})lQii Vioa

K 4

^* V

184 EUROPE A SLAVE, &c.

patrimony, for liberty and not for empire. It is not amazing to meet
with Britons and protestants so stupid as to rejoice at the Emperor's dis-
tress, whose ruin must inevitably be followed by the loss of the liberties .
of Europe ? When France has suppressed the house of Austria, what
will become of all other powers ? Can the Dutch maintain their barrier,
or England defend herself singly against France and Spain united ?
Whose turn will be next ? The best we can hope for ourselves is to b0
last destroyed, and, if the French have no enemy on the continent, who
uill dare to be an enemy to a King who is master of Germany, France,
and Spain. What should we not fear from such a neighbour? I will
^ot say the pretender. A King of our own would be too good fortune
for us, let him be ever so bad a one; we should soon be a province of
Francci and have the honour to be governed by a lieutenant genera], a
lieutenant civil, and a gracious dismterested intendant. Our parlia-
ment would be fsLT from being so honourable an assembly as that of
Paris; our church, our constitution would have no more a name; we
must be of what religion the French please, and instead of a treaty of
commerce have no trade at all; which would quickly reduce us to the
condition of the first Britons, and make us so wretched that even ijlaveiy
will be the least part of our misery.

It is in vain now to ask how the French came again so near the
Danube, how the Elector of Bavaria once more approaches the plains
of Blenheim; and where is the general that drove him from thence out
of the empire ? It is to .no purpose to enquire into the causes of the
progress of the French arms in Germany; the Marshal de Villars is there
and at the head of a hundred thousand Frenchmen, and what is it not
that he may do there, if the rest of Europe is passive? Where is that
empire whose power was represented so formidable ? Where are the
kingdoms that were to ravish the balance from the house of Bourbon ?
Have wc not seen that, in two or thn^ months, France has driven all
before her? Is she not ready to restore the Bavarian to the condition
he was in, ten years ago, when the Emperor scarce thought himself
safe in his palace, and the Imperial scepter was the hope and promise of
the conqueror? Will France be content with Strasburgh, when she can
be mistress of Vienna? Will Bavaria be satisfied with a new electorate,
when he can as easily have the empire, and can he support himself
without the French King, to whom he must always be a creature and
subordinate? Let us imagine then, that ^ the Emperor Charles is forced
to submit; that the Elector of Bavaria is his successor, intirely depend-
ing on his protector the most Christian King?^ Will Germany be then
able to send armies to the relief of the the Dutch? Will the Dutch be
able to give assistance to Britain, and where then will be our defence?
will not all our hopes lie in that King's goodness and moderation?
Whatever opinion I have of this Bona fidt^ or his keeping his word with
us, better than with any body else, I shall not now declare myself. 1
have lived long enough to have seen a reflection on his most Christian
Majesty's conduct called Sedition,. which, one could not have believed,
would ever have been, when the Duke of Marlborough was where the
' Marshal de Villars js now. I must confess however, that, notwithstand-
Mg^ the Examiner brags of our new aWlanee with the most powerful

EUROPE A SLAVE, &c. It5

monarch in the world, I dread that power of his as much as when we
night freely speak the truth of him, and every one called him the
Common Enemy. I know the respect due to crowned heads, at least I
am not lo be taught by a faction, who in one libel created five or six of
thosesacred heads as a company of beggars and scoundrels, though King
William and her present Majesty had been above twenty years in the
most strict and necessary alliance with them, for their mutual defence^
against the puissant monarch, our present friend.

I wish «the n^pcct due to him was prescribed to us, that we might
know what homage we owe to a King *, that has all his life time been
endeavouring to destroy us. For my part, 1 cannot help wishing him
as ill now as ever I did, knowing that Europe cannot be safe, while
France is in prosperity : To which, though we are at peace with her,
I cannot think it our duty any more than our interest to contribute*
How far those powers will contribute to it that suffer the house of
Austria to be ruined, 1 shall not determine, but leave it to the reader,
who will not want light in so plain a matter as that is. What France
would do, were she mistress of Germany, any one may imagine by what
the did in the year l6S% and the following year, when she expected
the empire would be over-run by the Turks and Hungarians. A book
was published at Paris by authority, and dedicated to the King him-
self; intituled, *The just Pretences of the King of France lo theempiic/
In which treatise, this was laid down for a ground, ^ That the dominions
of sovereign princes have been always tne dominions and conquests of
their estates, and that the dominions and conquests of crowns can be
neither alienated nor prescribed.' From whence, the author draws but
these two conclusion :

First, " That the greatest part of Germany is the patrimony and
ancient inheritance of the French princes.

Secondly, >' That Charlemain did possess Germany as Kingof France^
and not as Emperor."

If the French court was pleased with this assertion, when they had
only possessed themselves of a few places on the frontiers, what will
they aay when their armies are triumphing in the heart of Germany, and
nothing can stop their march to the gates of its capital? The Earl of
Danby, when he was lord treasurer, at the same time that he lay under
,the suspicion of taking French money, Mjas so well apprised of the am*
bitious designs of France, especially upon the empire, that he set an
author at work^ to lay them open; which was done with equal truth
and boldness, in a book called, Christianissimus ChristiandttSj reprinted
in 170I9 and again in the State tracts, wherein, among other things, is
said: *' If this is believed in France, what may not her scribes persuade
their master ? May they not as well prove and persuade him, that he
wears the titles of all other princes in the pummel of his sword? If one
may judge of what is to come by what is past, all Europe will have
cause enough to stand upon their guard, and take the alarm to prevent

• Of Fhmce.

1S6 EUROPE A SLAVE, &r.

the machinations of the French ministry, whose sole business is to hlowt
lip the glory of their master to a mighty bubble, &c." Another author,
who wrote some time after, has this expression: ''Germauy is a fiu
morsel which the French Kmg has long been preparing to devour;' aad
was he ever in a fairer way ! Where are the Prussians and other troops,
that used to strengthen the Imperial armies? Are they not disarmed by
the peace of Utrecht? Where are his Imperial Majesty's allies? Are not
the Electors Palatine, of Mentz' and Treves, surrounded by the arms of
France f Are not the circles of Swabia and Franconia exposed to their
ravages? What can hinder the Elector of Bavaria's returning to Munich ;
aud, supposing his most Christian Majesty would be content with his
Restoration only, is it for the interest of Europe to have power always
ready and able to assist the French within a hundred miles of Vienna ?
Where nothing else is to be feared from the successes of France in the
empire, it would be enough to raise in us the most terrible apprehensions,
I shall not impose ray own sentiments on the reader, on so important a
subject, but communicate those of a person of great worth and distine^
tion, in a treatise published on that elector's declaring for France:
'^ The advantage, says he, accruing to the French King, by having
the Elector of Bevaria in his interest, is so great, that it is not at first
sight to be easily seen or conceived. But this is plain, that he is one of
the greatest princes .of the empire ; that he is capable of leading an
army, and of raising a considerable force of his own ; that the situation
of his dominions is such, as enables him to invade the paternal inherit-
ance of the house of Austria on the one side, and to give disturbance to
the cirdesof Franconia, Swabia, and the Upper Rhine, on the other;
that he is capable of depriving the Emperor of one suffrage in the diet,
and of giving the King of France another. And that by the palatinate
of Bavaria, on the north, and by the duchy and electorate of Bavaria,
on the south, it is in his power to block up the diet of the empire at
Ratisbon, or oblige them to remove at his pleasure; he gave us very
lately a proof of what he is capable to do in this matter, by entertaining
the deputy of a circle of Burgundy at a house of his just opposite to
Katisbon, when tliat deputy was ordered to quit the diet and the domi-
nions of the empire; and by his numerous army, and great sums of
French gold, which he received, not under the disgraceful name of a
bribe, but under the specious pretence of being governor of the Spanish
Netherlands, he seems capable of opening the French King's passage to
the Danube, that he may meet his most dear and natural ally, the
Grand Seignior, before the walls of Vienna.'' This treatise was written
before the last war broke out, and how the Elector of Bavaria made good
what the author says of him, in the course of it, is too well known te
need repetition. And this then is the prince, who, we are told, has
taken post to put himself at the head of the French army, now almost
in the bowels of Germany, and mpre numerous, and more in heart, than
that which, at the expence of so much blood, the victorious Duke of
Marlborough drove from the Danube to the Rhine^ after it had made
the Imperial diadem shake on the head of the Emperor Leopold. Do
Hot we all remember how great was our concern for die fate of Germany,
wliea the Duke of Marlborough was marching to its deliverance? The

EUROPE A SLAVE, &c. 187

French army was then in Bavaria^ and what can hinder its being there
iig^n? Where have the German Princes two hundred batallions and
two hundred and fifty squadrons to oppose them ? Flavc they not done as
much as they ever will do already, and to what purpose have been their
boasted efforts but to shew their impotency? If we should again hear of
an elector of Bavaria, and a Marshal of Franco, at the head of an hun-
dred thousand men, on the banks of the Danube, and that at a time
when the maritime powers have tied up the hands and sent hofne their
soldiers, to whom must the distressed Emperor fly for refuge? Can the
King of Poland help him, when he is alarmed with the approach of an
wmy of Infidels? Can the King of Prussia assist him after a treaty so
solemnly and so lately signed, German faith being of quite another kind >
than was the Punick of old ? And what difference there is between
Fides-Punica and Fides Gallica, lc;t the history of the last century deter-
mine. Will the Elector of Hanover and the house of Luxemburgh be
able to send him sufficient forces, when the Swedes arc so near at hand,
and so willing to fall upon them at the first opportunity? Of what
advantage will the alliance of the Elector Palatine be to his Imperial
Majesty, when he himself and what forces be has in his territories are
shut up in garisons, too weak to defend themselves, whenever they shall
be attacked? Will it not be easy for the French to involve the electorate
of Cologne and country of Liege in new troubles, by means of that
elector, their fast friend ? And what can hinder the Bavarians on the
other side returning to the obedience of their abdicated sovereign, for
whom, it is well known, they have preserved an inviolable affection?
Is this terrible scene a distant one ? Are all these fears visionary ? What
have the Germans to hope in but God and the winter ? And when their
strength is ruined; the Elector of Bavaria returned with a French army,
to revenge the disgrace of an almost ten years' banishment; what ad-
vantage will it be to Charles the Sixth, to have the name of Emperor,
and how long will they permit him to wear it ?

About the year 1705, the French emissaries in Holland dispersed a
project of peace, in one article of which they insert, that, * If France
had obtained the victory over the allies at Hochstet, that would have
served for no other end but to engage her in an abyss of designs aiKi
enterpilses one after another, &c.*' What would that abyss of designs
and enterprises have been? Is is not plain? Could it have been any
thing else but setting up the Bavarian or a prince of her own, as Emperor,
the depriving of the Qerman princes and others of their rights and liber-
ties, and establishing an arbitrary power over all Europe' under the new
restored title of the Western Empire ? Will France be in a worse condi-
tion to undertake such an abyss of designs, when she has only the
Emperor Charles to cope with, than when she had a most powerful
alliance formed against her, of the most puissant monarchies and states
in Christendom ? For my part, this melancholy prospect fills me with
both pity and terror: Pity for the unfortunate state of a late ally, and
terror for our own perilous one afterwards. Whether we can, or whe-
ther we ought to stir a step in his favour, is no business of mine ; lonly
ease my own mind of communicating my apprehensions, aud ^%!\V^
glad to find them imaginary and chimerical. \\ovi<£^eT, v^etneov \^

183 EUPOPE A SLAVE, ftc.

have {orgot what was the general opinion ten or twelve yean ago, thai,
next to the Dutch, the Emperor's and our interests were most inaepa-
rable, and that, as a constant maxim of English politicks, was depended
upon by all our neighbours.

These things are not new, we have heard them over and over, they
areas certain and fixed as truth ; and yet, how dexterous have some men
been, to make us as indifferent to every thing abroad, as if we were not
at all concerned in what happened there? That wise and warlike King,
Henry the Eighth, had quite other notions, and held it as An unalter-
able maxim of government to hold the balance even between the houses
of Austria and Valois. i have seen an answer to the before-mentioned
project of peace, written by a German, wherein is a paragraph, which
shews what foreigners think of our interest and policy in this particular;
It is as follows: *'* As to the particular interest of the crown of England,
all Europe knows well enough, that it consists in the restoring of a
balance, which is the only thing that can make her happy abroad*
King Henry the Eighth made this balance his maxim, and m:iintainod
it, as has been already said, against France, at a time when she was not
fiear so formidable as she is now become since the treaties of Munster,
and the Pyrenees, and that too in favour of Charles the Fifth, the only
Emperor of the house of Austria, who could give umbrage to his neigh-
bours. Now, if the power of France was capable of gjiving umbrage to
England, at a time when she was confined within her natural bounds,
how much more ought she to give them umbrage at this time, cohsider-
ing the great increase of her power since, and yet still more, if she he
left in possession of half the Spanish monarchy ? To this, if we add the
infinite advantages she has over all her neighbouring powers, as has been
observed already, it is certain that there is cause enough, not only to
alarm the English nation, but the remotest people of Europe. Matters
being thus, it is very probable, that the crown of England will never
agree to any other treaty, except the Restitution of the Balance, as
above-mentioned, be the preliminary conditions, ^c.'^ It is sometimes
very dangerous for authors to pretend to tell what princes and states will
do, their interest changing with events. But here this writer is not out
in his foresight, for, by the late treaty, th^ kingdoms of France and
Spain are so efiectually divided, that the house of Bourbon is not to be
the better for the acquisition of such part of the Spanish monarchy, as
has been yielded to a branch of it. But, not to enter into that delMtte,
France, as we find by woeful experience, is of herself more than a match
for the Emperor and empire, which now lies so much at his mercy; and
where shall we find the balance so necessary for their liberty of Europe,
when it ceases to be in the house of Austria? If there must be a power to
counter-balance that of France, it can be no wha^e eUe, but in that
Imperial hoase, for three reasons:

The first is, That to counter-balance the power of France an hereditary
and monarchical power is necessary, that it may be always in a condition
to act, because, as all the world have seen, it is easy for France to
embroil republicks, elective dominions, or any other where the roy^
vtbority is more limi ted.

EUROPE A SLAVE, «fc. 189

The second is. That the same power ought to extend to all the placet
where France can attack her, and to have an essential interest every
where to expose the growth of her power.

The third is, That this faculty to act, and the power, which directs
it, require a temperate government, mixed with uprightness and
honesty to ascertain by that means the peace and confidence of its
neighbours.

Now those conditions are not to be found altogether any where else
bat in the house of Austria, and with this advantage more, that she can
never give any umbrage to her neighbours, both because of the known
constitution of her government, and because, being exposed to many
attacks, her dominions being so dispersed, she is not able to maintain
herself, but by the assistance of others, and especially that of the
maritime powers. Without this balance well established, it is a meer
illusion that the united provinces, as France has more than once insi-
nuated, can always be the most firm bulwark of the liberty and inde-
pendency of the sovereigns of Christendom ; even tho' we suppose them
in ^constant alliance with England; but who can promise that such an
■lliUDCe and good understanding will always last? For, as the above-
mentioned author expresses himself, * if France engaged them in war
together *, and to weaken one another, when they should have main-
tained the balance between her and the house of Austria ; how many
wajB may she find to divide them, if once the peace were concluded?
Nay, suppose a good union should be preserved, is it likely that the
balance should be maintained by them? We know well enough, that
according to the constitution of their government, they can neither
conthue standing armies, nor flatter themselves always to prevail with
their people tojundertake a war f, when France thinks fit to renew one.*
Which 18 very right, and our neighbours know as much of us, as we do
of ourselves. If, as it has been proved, the balance of po\fer can only
be maintained by preserving an equality, between the houses of Austria
and Bourbon, Where, for God's sake, is that equality now ? Throwing
the Spanbh monarchy out of the scales, and allowing that King Philip
is no more to be looked upon as a Frenchman, but asaCastilian, which
I will always allow, was it for no other reason but that the late general
peace makes him so t|!.

That it is a general one, I do not dispute, there being a difference '
between general and universal, as was made appear, in a speech m the
last parliament. But it is certain, that the Emperor is at war, that the
empire is invaded by the most powerful army, it ever saw; that one of
her chief bulwarks has been ravished trom her ; that her lines of defence
are demolished ; and that she is threatened to be a prey to a cruel and
insolent invader. This is certain, and that instead of being the better,
for the grand alliance, she is exposed to the revenge of the once common
enemy, for all the losses, routs, and disgraces he met with from the

* Jn Uie reign of King Charles the Second,
f Which has been the case for many years past ; while France \\«% b««\i %Vrm\n%, ^VCek. ^^NiA

poirer and policy, to destioy the house of XuvtiVai.
f But tbeirpnsmat imioa «f aijist fingUad ami th« hooae of Au«lriak ^iv^ti >2b!t «»uNs«bi v

IpO EUROPE A SLAVE, &c.

united allies. What, says the author of the fable, of the lion's ihar^:
" If the French scatter their treasures in all the court? of Europe; if
they amuse one part, and draw the other into their interest; if they
imbroil people on all sides, only for the sake of imbroiling; if they
maintain great armies, which exhaust their country: In a word, if they
move heaven and hell, to make as many enemies to the Emperor as th^y
can, and to seduce his allies, no man ought to wonder: For this is a
master-game; and, if they succeed, they will be reimbursed with interest,
and become absolute arbitrators of Europe. The greatest business of
France is to triumph over her rival, which cannot fail, if she be per-
mitted to tear up the foundations of her power, by dismembering the
dominions of the Spanish monarchy; for, so soon as the house of Aus-
tria shall cease to bo the balance of her power, no other bank will be
' able to put a stop to her rapidity and violence." These are the. senti-
ments of all Europe, that only the empire *, supported by her con-
federates, can prevent the common slavery; for when her liberty is lost,
what nation will dare boast of independency ? What sovereign dare assert
the rights of his crown? There will never be wanting pretences to
quarrel, when success has animated those dispirited armies, that instead
of skulking behind lines and trenches, are now defying the conqueror.
What shall I say of pretences, are there not thousands living in HolfijMi^
that saw her cities in flames, and her citizens massacred, for the ill
satisfaction of France, as may be seen in her manifesto of 1 672 ? Has
it not been given for a Beason of war, that such or such territories lay
convenient; and were not the Swedes themselves once told, that she did
not think fit to stand to a treaty, she had made with them? As for us,
while the pretender to the crown of our rightful sovereign lives, neveir
will she want pretences, whatever want we may be in of alliances.
When I reflect on her Majesty's wonderful moderation in giving peac^
to an enemy her arms had reduced to the necessity of imploring her-
mercy, notwithstanding the presumptous attempt of sending her com-
petitor f to insult her dominions; when I consider that nothing but that
moderation, so worthy all her Majesty's other royal virtues, could, I
will not say, have given Spain to a prince of the Bourbon race, but
have preserved France herself; how can one, without a sort of indigna-
tion, hear her demanding, of Genoa, how she dares buy Final, and o-
Holland, how she dares keep Traerback ? All which, however, is little
in comparison to the devastation her arms have committted in a country,
where, a few years since, the British name was in such esteem and ,
glory. It is not for us, who, by two happy treaties of peace and com-
merce, have disarmed ourselves, and thrown off the burthen of an "
expensive, though a victorious war, to take arms again, when any of
our neighbour;s may desire us. Peace is too valuable a blessing to be
abandoned, on the first alarm that is given us. But whether it is for us,
by all other offices, to endeavour to save that country, which we once
saved by the sword, is a subject for the consideration of others ; and
that our offices, when they are employed in earnest, will be effectual,
one may be assured, by the great deference his roost Christian Majesty

fprnLtht^ U»0 Empttw, wIiq iras then Chaiies tVM S&xtki, tad head of the home of Austria.

f Tho Pretender.

EUROPE A SLAVE, &c igi

owes to our sovereign's councils, or by the power she still has, to oblige
him to it. When the armies of France have possessed themselves of
Friburgby and got footing on the other side of the Rhine; when thej
no longer subsist at her own expence, but are maintained by their
pillages and contributions in Germany, what can we expect will be the
issue of another campaign ? What the defence of a divided, plundered,
and an impoverished empire? It will be as easy for the French to give
her a new master* as to ihjeaten it; and who then will be able to set
bounds to their ambition, or avoid subjection to an universal monarchy?
We are often put in mind of the danger Europe was in, of having one
master in the reign of Charles the Fifth, who was King of Spain^ and
Emperor of Germany. But, considering how powerful the prmces of
Germany then were, what separate interests they had, and how dis-
jointed were that prince's dominions; what was that danger to the hazard
Europe must be in, when the vast empire of Spain and the Indies, the
mighty kingdom of France, are in one house, and Germany depending
on it like a province, as it must do. Whenever the house of Austria loses
that power, which alone can preserve the independency of all other
powers in Christendom ?

I am far from sounding a charge, or weakening the strong ties of the
late peace; I know not either what will, or what should be done. I
only see what is done, and make those reflexions that are naturally born
of the subject. It is for other heads, than mine, to deliberate effectually
of these matters, so as to prevent the mischievous consequences by
proper methods. However, this I may. say without vanity, and this
ev6ry man may without presumption pretend to : That I know, if the
Swabians, Franconians, and Austrians are depressed, the Saxons, Prus-
sians, and Hanoverians will quickly have the same fate ; Germany will
have hut one master; that master be intircly French, and what will
follow then, one may venture to foresee without much penetration.
One may perceive how exactly the faction, that ever was in the French
interest in England, correspond in their atfec lions with their good friends
of France. In the Post-boy of the twenty-ninth of September, are we
entertained with this hopeful prospect of affairs from all quarters.

From Madrid we are told, " That the Duke de Popoli had ordered a
detachment to Torellas, to moitify the inhabitants for harbouring the
Miquelets."

From Warsaw, ** That the Poles had received the disagreeable news,
that forty thousand Turks, and a good number of Tartars, were arrived
at Chocksin, with one hundred and forty pieces of cannon; the Tartars,
having sounded the Dienster, have found three places fordable in it,
so that it was feared they would yet lay siege to Caminiec this
larvest."

From RotweH, " That the French advance a-pace towards Hornberg
and St. George, to which last place their army is extended; some say
that the Elector of Bavaria is with them.'' ^

From Strasbujrgb, '' That the Marshal de Villars had forced the
enemies lines near Friburgh; and killed and taken above one thousand

» A» tb«/ baYO 4oM io the tlectioa of the Duke of Bavaria to Use eko^e ^3 foi«« «i vcm^.

193 EUROPE A SLAVE, &c.

Germans; that the Marshal deBezons had passed the Rhine with imentf»
five thousand men near Fort Lewis, and was marching towards Oifefih
burgh, to join the troops that are passed near that place; that Fribuig|h
was invested, and abundance of ammunition carrying to the army firom
our magazines.''

From Schaf hausen, ** That the Germans have been much alarmed for
some days past by the French passing the Rhine, and advancing towards
Friburgh, in order to besiege that place; that a great many men from
those |Murts 6ed thither with their effects, and that it was the general
opinion that the French had a design also against Villengen.^

From Frankfort, ^ That, in all probability, the French design to
bfsiege Fiiburgh, to attack the Germans middle line and Villengen i^t
the same time, and afterwards to make an irruption into Swabia, in
order to take " Winter quarters there." This news-monger adds, '* We
have not yet the particulars of the loss of the Germans, and, perhaps,
never shall."

Is not this one of the most happy postures of affairs, that the enemies
of our constitution have been blessed with since the campaign of the
Dauphin, when the Palatinate was turned into a heap of ruins, and a
sea of blood ? On one hand, the Turks are invading Poland, on another
the French wintering in Swabia, while the Spaniards are chastising the
rebels of Catalonia. What joy docs it give this wretch, and his abettors?
You see I have not put my invention to the rack, the fact is before you;
and you will easily know what judgment to make of those men, who,
out of complacency to a new friend, so merrily give up an old one to
destruction.

I am apt to think that it is for an old grudge against the Germans,
that these men rejoice so at their present disasters. It is well known the
Grerman princes were in the secret of the Prince of Orange's expedition
to relieve us ; that the Emperor Leopold not only refused to assist King
James, when he was in France, but told him plainly, that he deserved
.no assistance from him, or any other prince in Christendom, in i(
letter • he wrote him of the ninth of April, 1689, which that King's
friends, and the friends to France, could never forgive either in him, or
his posterity. His Imperial Majesty upbraids King James with his
hearkening to French councils, with suffering the infractions of the treaty
of Nimeguen of which he was guarantee, and many oiher such offences',
which are too hard for the ears of those, who look upon King James and
King Lewis, as the only given of God. I shall give the reader a passage
or two of that letter, that we may sec what an enemy the Gehnans have
all along had to do with. His Imperial Majesty having represented to
King James, how his ambassador Count Caunitz had often shewn him
what would be the ill effects of his affection to France, and the like^
proceeds thus: * We also caused it to be laid before you, that our
religion has not suffered more by any one, than by the French them-
selves, because they not only think it lawful for them to join theiir
treacherous arms with the sworn enemies of the holy cross, to the intire
ruin of us, and the whole Christian world ; to destroy the designs wc^

* See It copy of this letter on page 18 of this collection.

EURQJPE A SLAVE, Ac. 1^

fiad formed for the glory of God, and to hinder the progress it pleased
his almighty arras to bless us with, but also to add, in the empire itself
perjury lo perjury, and perfidy to perfidy; to exhaust, by unheard 'Of
exactions, the cities that surrendered to them by composition against
articles agreed to, and signed by the Daupfiin ; after M'Hich, they have
ruined, rased, and burnt the palaces ot princes, that had all along been
spared in the most bloody .wars^ plundered churches, carried into
idavery, after the fashion ot barbarians, those that voluntarily yielded
to them; and acted as out of wantonness, ^ven in Catholick countries,
other dreadful examples of cruelty and inhumanity, which surpass even
the tyranny of the Turks-' Such are the Em^peror's expressions as
d^EUthful as I could tranblate them ; such the enemies that, as the Post-
boy promises his friends, are to have their winter quarters in the heartof
Germany; such and perhaps worse may be the ternirs they will spread,*
and the destruction they will make, with the hopes of which the faction,:
he "Batters, are so delighted. And to what purpose, may the readersr
aay, is your putting us in mind of all this misery? Can we prevent it?'
IVe are as well informed of the necessity of saving the empire from th&
domination of France. Tell us which voiy, is it to be done, but by the
Emperor's accepting .of the terms the French will condescend to grant
him; that is, the ieaving Strasburgh in their custody, and Germany
exposed to the continual insultsof her irreconcileablc enemy. I do not
believe there is a man in England, that, ask him cooly. What he thinks
would become of us, were the Germans subdued by the French ? could
answer the question, without trembling. But then the wdl-wishers to
our constitution, and to peace, put that time afar off, and fiatter them-
selves some lucky or unlucky hit, on this side, or that, may interfere
and save the empire, Alas! Does her safety depend oh her luck? Has
she been warring above twenty years, and won so many victories, to
have. her liberty depend op her fortune? Or indeed is it in fortune's
power to do that for her alone, which was with so nuich difiiculty and
danger done for her by her confederates?

The clemency of our sovereign gave peace to France; and there is no
doubt but her generosity can again give a deliverance to^ Germany.
France is not already in so flourishing a condition, that she dares be
ungrateful to a prince, who has so sensibly obliged her; and her Majes-
ty's interposition cannot but be e0ectual, when her royal wisdom thinks
fit. In the mean while, it is with the utmost abhorrence that one see
Britons espousing the quarrel of the French, and abandoning a barrier
to them, which is in some measure their own : For ther<< is not one of
the allies, whose interest it is not to maintain the present settlements in
Great Britain, and consequently, the stronger any one of them is, the
stronger are we; and, the weaker, the more does it add to our weak-
ness.

Since the foregoing pages were written, we hear that the Marshals de
Villars and de Bezons are passed the Rhine with one hundred and sixty
thousand men, and have at once laid siege to Friburgh and Villengen,
which they doubt notto be masters of, in a few days; that they raise
contributions for thirty miles about, and, coming after a plentiful
harvest into Germany, have such abundance of ^ iON\i\ox&, \tw \5«xw

YOUXh o

194 EUROPE A SLAVE, &c.

camp, thtit, if ihtxv at mies were in the nUdst fruitful pro? ifice of Franee^
they could not fore better; that those two conquests will open th^m a
way to Uim, a town consisting of timber buildings, which two or thm
bombs will reduce either to ashes or obedience; that Prince Eugene is
forced to give way to this superior power, and is not strong enough to
hinder the French from advancing to Bavaria; and that the court of
France are so far from thinking of peace, that they have resolved to
raise fifty thousand men more this winter, so that, by the next campaign^
they may have, with the forces that are to take up their quarters in
Germany, with the army that may join them from Catalonia wMi
Rousillon, and with the reinforcement of their new levies^ two hundred
thousand men on the frontiers of Bavaria to take possesion of Vienna,
the capital of the empire, to keep it themselves, or to give it to whom
they please. Nor are these views visionary, if nothing is done on this
side in favour of the Emperor, I would aik the most sanguine friend to
the house of Austria, What can stop the French in their career? What
town take them a month's time to conquer ? And what power deliver
the Germans from a French yoke ?

After which, the pretender will have no need to turn protestant, hH
may keep his religion; and his chaplain Lesley may change hia too}
we may not stand upon niceties. If Dunkirk should happen not to be
intirely demolished, who shall demand its demolition ? If King Philip
halB a mind to Port-Mahon and Gibralter, who shall detain them? If
Portugal has a word to say for hettelf^ will she not be told of the
usurpation of the house of Braganza ? If Holland should pretend to
meddle with other folks matters^ she will be remembered of the Prince
of Orange's rebellion; and that the seven provinces tliemselves are part
of the succession of Burgundy. Wc know what is the moderation of
France, when she is at liberty to act as she pleases; and when we have
no friend to help us abroad ; and what f^i^nd can we have wlien the
empire is in chains? What will it avail us to have treaties of peace and
commerce ? To have acquired so much glory, in the late war; to have
many good laws to secure our religion and liberties? What will it
avail the Dutch to have so Extended a barrier, to have gatisons id so
many strong towns ?

It is in the memory of many of them, that, in the campaign of lG67f
the French Ring over-ran Flanders, and, in two or three months, took as
many, and as strong towns, bH have boen yielded to them by iheir Ian
treaty; yet the French were so far from being masters of Germany, that
they were tiot in possession of Alsace. Stra&burgh waa between them
and the empire, and the Germans could, at any time, come to the
relief of Flanders, then under the dominion of the house of Austria. If
it be objected that we should not fright ourselves with these feere^ that
they are remote, and that the French do not intend to conquer Germany,
but only to oblige this Empotor to eome into the peace : All that I
must say is, that it does not seem to be prudent and politick, to rely
wholly on the good disposition of a tatiot), whom we have been beating
for ten years together; which Certainly modt put them out of humoUr
with us, and we may depend upon it» we shall pay for it, whenever
they can mak^ ui; and th^ vrill tievM be able to make Us as long ai
thej^ is any power in Europe besides ua^, oi \«\l\c\\. vV^s:^ ^taxid in fear*

< 195 )

A SATYR

Oa tbe Earl of Oxf(Hi]« Lord Boliogbr — ^k, Mr. Moor, and Mr. Prior*

Ms.

}

OH1 tlie wretched peace-mdlcefff.
Bob, Harry, Artkiur, Matt.*
Who've lost our trade^
Our friends hetray'd,
And all to serve a chamber-maid.f

Oh I the wretched damnM sham peace.
That must our rents and stock decrease.

Must starve our poor, ^

And open the door, >

To let in a Popish Son of a Wh— }

Marlborough the tireat,
Our foes did defeat ;
May they ^tiU by him be ban^d ;

May the Skip X he stript,

And the Dtawer || whipt,
But Bob and Harry han^d.

VERSES

SPOKETO THE

LADY HENRIETTA-CAVENDISH HOLLES HARLEY,

Id the Library of St. Johti'i 6elkg^9 Cambridge, November the 9th,

Atm. 1719. By Mr. Paioe.

SINCE Akva visited our Muses seat, ^ ^

(Around her tomb let weeping angels wiit)
Hail THOU, the brightest of thy sex, and best,
Most gracioUs liaghbouri an4 most welcome guest.

• Oxford, Bdb^liragt, Moor, War. flftimi. tljow^ mint.

196 V£RSES SPOKE TO LADY HARl^EY, 4ct

Not HaIilet's self to Cam and Isis dear,
In virtues and in^arts great Oxford's heir,.
Not he such present honours shall receive.
As to his Consort we aspire to give.

Writings of men our thought to-day neglects,
To pay due homage to the softer sex :
Plato and Tully we forbear to read,
And their great followers whom this house has bred,
To study lessons from thy morals given,
And shining charactei-s, impress'4 by Heaveq.
Science in books no longer we pprsue,
Minerva's self in HiVRRiET's face we view ;
For, when with beauty we can virtue join.
We paint ^he semblance of a form divine.

Their pious incense Jet our neighbours bring,
To the kind mero'ry of some bounteous King ;
With grateful hand, due altars let them raise
To some good knight's, or holy prelate's praise ;
We tune qur voices to a nobler theme.
Your eyes we bless, your praises we proclaim,
St. John's was founded in a woman's name :
Enjoin'd by statute, to the fair we bow ;
In spight of time, we keep our ancient vow ;
What Mi^rgaret Tudor was, is H^rr^et Harley no^«

AN EPITAPH

ON BONA FIDE,

THE FRENCH KING LEWIS XIV. MS,

HERE lies an old man, of seventy-seven,
Who dy'd as he liv'd, yet hoped for Heaven :
In faith and .good worJcs (those two saving things)
He out-did all potentates, princes, and kings;
There's Utrecht, and Ileswick, and Spanish Partition,
Old Renunciation;^ and ue\y Demolition.
And, for h^.good works, no man did the like^
They began at Landau, and did end at Mardyke.
Then, as ta his sins, the Jesuits make good.
That he got remission by shedding much blood.
Some thought him immortal, some honest and just, *)
Yet he rotted and dy'd in the month ofAugust, >

4^ did bis good sister, now i^ouUcnf d V> du^t« J

THE SUFFERINGS OF A DUTCH SAILOR, &c. 197

To Jacks and Nonjurors such deaths are sad stories.
For old Bona Fide was head of the Tories;
And, as he lay dying on royal state bed,
Remembring best friends, 'tis whisper'd he said,
O Robin^of Radnor, take care of thy head.

0 James Duke of Ormond, my Irish dear joy,

1 bequeath thee to Villars, when he wants a decoy •
O high mettled Harry, go cool thy lewd fire.

By Maintenon's leave, with the nuns of St. Cyr.
O bold Charles of Sweden, expect a defeat,
O Turk in Morea, expect a retreat.
O Philip of Spain, more tractable prove,
O Duke of Lorrain, the Pretender remove.
O Clement of Rome, thy church bull recall.
And, if Worcester says true, prepare for thy fall.
For George of Great Britain will manage ye all.

}

}

AN AUTHENTICK RELATION

OF THE MANY

\
I

HARDSHIPS AND SUFFEKINGS OF A DUTCH SAILOR,

Who was put on Shore on the uninhabited Isle of Ascension, by order
of the Commodore of a Squadron of Dutch Ships. With a remarka-
ble Account of his Converse with Apparitions and evil Spirits, dur-
ing his residence on the Island. And a particular Diafy of his
Transactions from the fifth of May, to the fourteenth of October, on
whicfc day he perished in a miserable condition. Taken frorti the
Original Journal found in his Tent by some Sailors, who landed
from on board the Compton, Captain Morson, Commander, in Janu-
ary, 1725-6.

Octayo, containing twenty-ei^ht t^a^e^.

TO THE REAPER*

As the following Journal carries all possible marks of truth and sincerity
in it; so we have thought fit to publish it exactly as it was wrote,
by the miserable wretch, who is the subject of it, witholit adding
any borrowed descriptions of places, coasts, &c. which is too fre-
quently done in pieces of this niiturc', in order to increase their bulk.

The detestable crime, for which the Dutch Commodore thought fit to
abandon and leave this Sailor on a desert island, is pretty plainly
pointed out, in the Journal. The miseries and hardships he lingered
under, for more than five months, were so unusually terrible, that
the bare reading his account of them must make the haxdest tk^%?t\.
raelt with compassion. Tormented with exce%s\N^ v\vvt%X% \v\ \<^viX^;iv

o 5

m "rta suirFERiMGS or a mrroH «Aifx>it, «#.

almost every thing necessary to defend faira from the inclemency of
the weather ; left to (he set ere upbraidings and reflexions of a guilty
conscience; barrassed by the blasphemoas conversations of evil
spirits, haunted by apparitions, even tumbled up and down in hb
tent by demons ; and, at the same time, not one person upon the
island from whom to seek consolation or advice: these are such
calamities, as no mortal could ever long support himself under*
But at the same time the fetal catastrophe of this man recommends
to us the preserving that wall of brass (as the poet calls it) which
will be a comfort to us undcf. all misfortunes, viz. a conscience frei^
from guilt.

— — «— Hie mums aheneus esto,

Nil conscive sibi, nulla pallesc^re culpa.

Saturday f. May 5*

BY order of the commodore'and captains of the.Dutch fleet| I wat
set on shore on the island of Ascension, which gave me a great
deal of dissatisfaction, hut I hope Almighty God will be my protection.
They put on shore with me a cask of water, two buckets, and an old
frying-paUy'^&c. I made my tent on the beach near a rock, wherein
I put some of my clothes* /

May the 6th, I went upon the hills to see if I could discover any
thing on the other ^de of the island that was more commodious for ifyj
living, and to see if there were any thing green ; but to my great sorrow
found nothing at ail worth mentioning. I sincerely wished that soma
accident would befall me, to finish these my miserable days. In the
evening I walked to my tent again, but could not very well find the
way. I walked very melancholy along the strand, praying to God
Almighty to put a period to my days, or help me out of this desolate
island. I went I;>ack ag^in to my tent, and secured it the best I could
with stones and a tarpaulin from, the weather. About four, or five
o'clock, I killed three birds called boobies; I skinned and salted them,
and put them into the sun to dry, being the first thing 1 killed upon
the island. The same night I caught two more, which 1 served as
be&re.

The 7th, in the morning, I went to my water-cask, it being half a
league from my tent. I first put a peg in, but lost much water by
that; so got him upon his head, and took the head out with a great
deal of trouble. I made a white flag, which I put upon my piece,
having nothing else, and set it upon a hill near the sea. I had no
powder nor shot, which rendered ipy gun useless. That night I put
more stones about my tent.

The 8th, in the morning, I took down my flag again, and set it
upon a a hill, on die other side of the island. In the way I found a
turtle, and killed him with the butt-end of my musquet ; and so went
back again to my tent, and sat me down very weary.

/ trust m God Almighty, that he will deliver me some time or other
bjr some ship that may touch here* This mgVit. 1 tooNed my tent on

THE SUFFERINGS OF A DUTCH SAILOR, &c 199

the other side of the rock, being afraid that it would fall on mj head»
and by that means endanger my life : I would by no means be acces*
sary to my own death, still hoping that God will preserve me to see
better days. On the whole island I cannot find a better place than
where 1 now aiQ, and that I must be contented in my condition. ' I
thank God I am now in good health. In the evening I killed some
more boobies, which I served as the former, and in the morning did
the same.

The 9th, in the morning, I went to look for the turtle which I killed
yesterday. I carried my hatchet, and cut him up on the back, for
he was so big that I could not turn him. I. cut off some of the fiesh
from the fore-fin, and brought it to my tent, and put it in salt, and
dried it in the sun. I began again to make a bulwark of stones round
my tent, and secured it from the weather with my tarpaulin.

The 10th, in the morning, I took four or five onions, a few pcas^l
and calavances, and went to the south-side of the island, to see if I
could find a proper place to set them. I looked carefully on the
strand, to see if 1 could discover the tracts of any beasts, or water,
or any thing else that might be serviceable; but found nothing but a
little purslain, on the other side of the island, which I eat for refresh*
ment, being very dry, and could find no water, and but a little of it
in my cask; walking back, eat what I had before reserved. When I
was half-way back, found some more greens, but knew not whether
they were good to eat.

The 11th, in the morning, went into the country again, and found •
some roots; the skin somewhat resembling potatoes, but could not
think they were ^od to eat. I made a diligent search for a greater
discovery, but found nothing el^e. I sat me down very disconsolate,
almost dead with thirst, and afterwards went to my tent. On the other
side of the island there is a sandy bay, by the biggest hill. This
evening fatoiled a little rice, being the first time : I was somewhat out
of order.

The 12th, in the morning, boiled a little more rice, of which I eat
some. After I had prayed, I went again to the country to see if I
could discover any ships, but to my great sorrow saw none; so went
back again to my tent, and then walked along the beach, and found
nothing but some shells of fish. I kept constantly walking about the
island, that being all my hopes; then went to my tent, and read till I
was weary, and afterwards mended ray clothes. This afternoon put
the onions, pease, and calavances in the ground, just by my tent, to
see if they would produce any more; for, as it was, I could not afford
water to boil them.

The 13th, in the morning, went to see if I could find any sea-ibwls
eggs, but found none. At my walking back, I found a small turtle
just by my tent: 1 took some of its eggs, and fiesh, and boiled with
my rice ior my dinner, and buried the rt^t in the sand, that it might
not infect me; its eggs I buried in the sand likewise. Afterwards I
found some nests of fowls eggs, of which I boiled in the evening, and
it was very good diet. I rodted some of the' turtle's fat to make oilt
and in the night burnt of it, having nothing for a \avi\^ \>\xX ^ ^»j\)^^:^«

o 4

200 THE SUFFERINGS OF A DUTCH SAILOR, SttS

The 14th, in the morning, after I had prayed, I took my usuaf
walk,' but found nothing new ; so I returned again to my tent, and
sat down, and mended my banyan-coat, and writ my journal.

The 15th, before I took my walk, I eat some boiled rice, and afteiw
wards , proceeded : But got nothing but my usual game^ viz. boobies^
I read till I was weary, and then betook myself to my repose.

The l6th, I looked out, as the day past; caught no boobies.

The l7th, I was very much dejected that 1 h^d found no sustenance ;•
and a booby, that 1 had kept alive seven or eight days, now died.

The 18th, after my usual custom of praying, I caught two boobies^

The ic^th, nothing worthy of note. The 20th, caught one booby^
The 21st, nothing at all.

The 92d, after breakfast, went to the other side of the island, to
sec if I could discover any tbing ; but went back as I came. At fouc
in the afternoon took my line, and fished on the rock for three or four
hours, but to no purpose. I then took a melancholy walk to my flagy
but much to my concern could descry nothing. At my return to my
tent, much to my surprise, I found it all of a smoke. After a serious-
consideration, I thought that I had left my tindcF-box a 5re on my
qiiilt ; but the smoke smothered me so much,, that I could not enter
before I had brought a bucket of water, and quenched it. I return*
God Almighty my hearty thanks that all my things were not burnt*
I have lost nothing by it but a banyan, shirt, a corner of my quilt,
and my bible sindged. I intrcat God Almighty to give me the patience
of holy Job, to bear with my sufferings.

The 23d, all this day was remaking what was burnt yesterday.

The 24tb, I walked to my fkg^ and returned again, with catching^
but one booby ; aftenvards mended my clothes^ and broiled a booby
on the embers.

The 25th, after my breakfast, went to my usual employment, and
catched several sea- fowls sitting on their eggs. Then returned home
with my spoil, and dried them. After my dinner went upon a search
for more fowls, of which I caught many, and did not forget to look
out for ships ; but returned without any discovery. Boiled some of
ray eggs, and was disappointed by finding young ones in many of them.^

The 26th, I looked out as before, but no fowls. The 27th, nothing
worthy of note.

The 28th, I went to tlie west-side of the island, along the strand,
and mounted the precipice of a high hill, which was so steep, that I
have reason to thank my God that I did not break my neck down.

The 29th, nothing remarkable. The 30th» as before. The 31st,
was forced to feed on the provision which I had before salted.

From the 1st of June, to the 4th, it would t)e needless to write how
often my eyes are cast on the sea^ to look for shipping, and every
little^ atom in the sky I took for a sail; then look till my eyes dazzle,
and immediately the object disappears. When I was put on shore, the
Captain told mc it was the time of year for shipping to pass this way;
which makes me look out the more diligently.

The 5th, 6th, and 7th, I never neglected taking my usual walks^ but
to no purpose.

THE SUFFERINGS OP A DUTCH SAILOR, &e. 201

The 8th, my water was so much reduced, that I had hut two quarts
left, and that so thick as obliged me to strain it through a handker-
chief. I then too late began to dig, and, after I had dug seven feet
deep, found no moisture ; the place where I began was in the middle of
the island. 1 then came back again to my tent, and began a new well
just by my tent, but to no purpose, having digged a fathom deep. It
is impossible to express my concern, first in not seeing any ships to
convey me off the island, and then in finding no sustenance on it.

The 9th, found nothing; passed away the day in meditations on n
future state.

The 10th, with the very last of my water boiled some rice; having
but Very little hopes of any thing but perishing, I commended my soul
to Almighty God, intreating him that he will have mercy on it ; but,
not caring to give over all hopes while 1 could yet walk, I went to the
other side of the island to see for some water. Having heard talk, that
there was a well of water on it, I walked up and down the hills, thinking
not to leave any place secret from me. After four hours tedious walkings
began to grow veiy thirsty, and the heat of the sun, withal, made my
life a greater burden than I was able to bear; but was resolved to pro*
ceed as long as 1 could stand. Walking among the rocks, God of his
great bounty led me to a place where some water run out of a hollow
place in the rock; it is impossible to express my great joy and satisfac-*
tion in finding of it, and thought I should have drank till I burkt. I
sat me down for some time by it, then drank again, and walked home
to my tent, having no vessel to carry any along with me. ^

The 11th, in the morning, after I had returned God Almi^ty mj
hearty thanks, I took my tea kettle with some rice in it, and some ^
wood along with me to the place where the water was, and there boiled
and eat it.

The 1 2th, I boiled some rice to break my fast, and afterwards with
much trouble carried two buckets of water to my tent. I often think I
am possessed with things, that I really want ; but, when I come to
search, find it only a shadow. My shoes being worn out, the rocks
cut my feet to pieces; and 1 am often afraid of tumbling, and by that
means endanger the breaking my buckets, which i cannot be without.
The 13th, I went to look out for wood, but found none but a little
weeds somewhat like birch; brought it to my tent, and boiled some
rice with it for my dinner. Afterwards went and looked out for ship-
ping, but to no purpose; it makes me very melancholy to think that T
have no hopes of getting off of this unhappy island.

The 14th, took my tea kettle with some rice, and went into the
country where the water was. Afterwards returned again to my tent,
and mended my clothes, and passed away the rest of the day in reading.
The 15lh, all the day employed in getting of sea-fowls eggs and birch.
The l6th, to no purpose looked out for ships; and in the night was
surprised by a noise round my tent, of cursing, and swearing,. and the
most blasphemous conversations that I ever heard. My concern was so
great, that 1 thought I should have died with the fright. I did nothing
but offer up my prayers to the Almighty to protect me in this itvi^<iTO.Wfe
circumstance; but my fright rendered me in a n^^t^ \>aA cQt^\>^'&^'^

2M Tm SyFrERINCS txe a dutch nAWOAf ti^

praying) { trenibling to thai ^kgree, that I oouldi not compoae my
though^ \ aiid any bo4y would have believed that the devil had meved
his quarter, and wa« ooming to keep hell on Asccmion. I was certaii
that there was HP human creature on the island, but myself, having not
s^B the foot ^eps of any man but my own ; and so much libidinous talk
wf|s impossible Xq be expressed by any body but devils. And to my
gl^ter iMrpri^e was certain, that I was very well acquainted with one of
the voices, it bearing an afiinity to an intimate acquaintance of mine}
a9id ( really th<>ugbt that I was sometimes touched by an invisible spirit
I made my application to the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost for forgiv«i» :
ness of my sins, and that they would protect me from these evil, spirits*
It was three o'clock in the morning before they ceased tormenting me,
and ih^Dt b<^in« very weary, I fell to sleep. In the morning I awoke
about seven o'clock, and returned God Almighty my hearty and sincera-
tlianks for his last night's protection of me, but still heard some shrieks
near qay tent, but could see nothing. I took my prayer-book, and read
the prayers proper for a man in my condition, and at the same time heard
a-voice, prying^ Awake. I cannot afford paper enough to set down
ev^ particular of this unhappy day.

The l7th, I fetched home two buckets of water, and dreaded nighfs
cpming on, and interceded with God Almighty, that I might not be
troiMbled again with those evil spirits ; and I hope God Almighty heard
IQV prayers^ for I was not perplexed with them this night. Before I
cam^ upon this miserable island, I was of the Protestant religion, and '
used to laugh at the Romans, when they talked to me of apparitions;
but to ivy great sorrow now find smarting reasons to the contrary, and
shall henceforth embrace their opinions. This day an apparition
appeared to me. in the similitude of a man, whom I perfectly knew ; he
' conversed with me like a human creature, and touched me so sensibly of
the sins of my past life Cof which I have a sincere and hearty repent-
ance) and was such a terrible shock to me, that 1 wished it would kill me.
The 18th, after my devotions went to look out, and carried ray
hatchet with me. On the strand, the other side of the island, I found
a tree, which I believe Providence had cast a-shore for me. I cut it in
tWQ pieces, the whole being too big for me to carry. I put one half on my
shpulders, an4» when I was half way home, set it down and rested
myself 00, it. During which time, the apparition appeared to me again;
his name I am afraid to utter, fearing the event. I-Ie haunts me so
often, that 1 begin to grow accustomed to him. After 1 bad rested
myself, I carried it home, and then went back and fetched the other

half.

Tb« 19th, in the morning went to my colours, to see if I could dis*
Qover aiiy ships. last night nor this day I have not seen any thing, and-
I. trust in God 1 shall be no more troubled with them.

Tba 30th, this night, contrary to my expectation, was so prodi-^
giously perplexed with spirits*, and tumbled up and down.j^ my tent to
that degree, that in the morning my flesh was like a mummy; and the
pei^pn, that I was formerly acquainted with, spoke to me several times
this night; but I cannot think he would do me any harm, for when, he
wa$ m Mf world, we were aagreat as turo own brothers. He was a soldier

THE StIIVKanlQS OF A PUTCH SAltDR, ftc Ml

^t Batavia. It it impetubk R>r a raaii to survive lo many misforloiieib
I not being able to keep a light ; but the saucer that contains it is jumbk4
about and broke; and» if Qod in hb infinite goodness does not help ma^
I must inevitably perish. I hope this my punishment in this wofld maj
suffice for my most heinous crime of making use of my fellow-<}reatuia
to 'satisfy my desire, whom the Almighty Creator had ordained another
sex for. I only desire to live to make an atonement fqr my sins, whick
I bdieva ray comrade is damned for. I spent all the day in meditationti
and prayers, and eat nothing. My strength decays, and my life is
baoome a great burden to me.

The 21st, in the morning, I lifted up my hands to heaven, and
dfeied up my prayers, and went to my flag; and in the way looked for
provisions to asswage my raging hunger, but found pone, so wa^ foroad
ia bis satisfied with salted fowls.

The 22d, my water being expended, took my bucket and went for
more: but the way was so troublesome, and the rocks so sharp to my
bard feet, that it took me best part of the day to bring it home. And
in die afternoon I went to the proper place for fowls eggs, of which I
found some ; they were speckled like some of our Holland's birds eggp.

The 23d, looked out for ships, and passed away the rest of the day
in prayers.

The 24th, 25th, 26th, and 27th, I never neglected looking out for
ships, and victuals; then read and prayed, and humbled myself before
God, and desired that he would have mercy on me, and deliver me off
of this miserable island; and afterwards came and took my bedding,
and some other necessaries, and went to the middle of the island, where
1 fixed a new habitation in a concave place of a rock, it being much
nearer the water than the other place. The other day, got two days
water out of this same place, but now there is not a drop here. I
fetched a few eggs, and boiled them in my tea-kettle; then went to the
south side of the island, where there is a large hill of sand, and a hill
of rocks where I found some mora purslain, and some eggs, which I
gathered up, and put in my sack. I fried both together, and eat them
with a good appetite. Upon the strand I found a brush, and returned,
foarihg 1 should be benighted, and so not be able to find my new abode
in the rocks. Before I got there, I was almost famished with thirst, and
my skin blistered with the violent heat of the sun.

The 29th, I went upon the hills, and to no purpose looked out for
ships ; and afterwards, walking on the strand, I discovered a piece of
wood sticking in the strand, which I at first took for a tree, but when
I came to it, I found it was a cross. 1 embraced it in my arms, and
prayed to God Almighty to deliver me. I believe there was a man
buried there from some ship. I returned with much trouble to my
cave in the rock, and, coming down a hill, my fees were so sore with
the rocks, that 1 thought I should have broke my neck. When I got
home, I n^posed myself a little, and walked out again, and found apiece
of broken glass bottle. Afterwards found a deep pit in the sand, which
I descended into, thinking there might be water in it. I raked the sand
about a foot deeper than it was before, and found some brackish water^
so that my trouble was all in vain. Afterwards, aa I viaa tiiB\:^vci% u^^

fM THE aDinSRINGS OF A DUTCH SAILOR, tas:

and down, I foand some scattered wood, which I mide np in a bundle^
^nd, bringing it home to my cave, heard a noise as if thefe had beea
copper-smiths at |work. Afterwards I went again to the strand, wham
I got some greens, and eggs, which I eat with bread, and dnuik tlia
water I had left in my cave.

The 50th, here has been so mnch dry weather, to my sorrow, Aat
both at the cave, and the other pUce, where there used to be water
enough, there is now not one drop, and I am as much in want of ity
as I have been since my coming to this miserable island.

July the 1st, the water was dried up in every place where I uaod
before to get it, so that I was near dead with thirst.

The 2d, I ofl^red up my prayers to God to deliver roe, and that he
would preserve me, as he bad aforetime done Moses, and the childrea
of Israel, by causing water to flow out of a rock. But, that none of
my own endeavours might be wanting, 1 went to make a diligent search,
and in the way saw a matter of fifty goats upon a hill, and afterwards
about twenty or thirty more. I pursued them with the utmost of mj
ability, but th^ were for too swift for me, and I looked carefully where
they were for water, believing that there might be some there; and I
found a deep pit, being five or six fathom to the bottom, which I
descended, but it was quite dry. I suppose in the rains there is water
here, by the goats coming to it now*

The 3d, I prayed earnestly, and afterwards went to look for water.
It is a great wonder to me how the goats do to live in the dry seasons,
seeing that water is so scarce now. I should have been famished bef<He
this time, had it not been for a reserve of about a gallon of water which
I had before put up, thinking not to expend it till the last necessity^
but now was forced to drink of it to asswage my extreme thirst. I after-
wards went to the strand, but discovered nothing of service to me.
Then walked to the country a dififerent way from any I had been yet;
and upon a hill saw, I am sure, at least, three or four hundred goats
great and small, which I run after, but they were too nimble for me.
It is surprising to me, seeing that there are so many goats upon the
island, that I should discover none before; but I believe they sculk in
the rocks, and, when the water is dried up, they come abroad for more*
I found two gallons of water in a place of a rock.

The 4th, I moved my things from the cave, and went to another part
of the island to settle my abode, being sure that there was no water on
this side of the island. J prayed to God, and then searched for water,
but to no purpose.

The 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th, I delayed no time to look for water,-
unless when I prayed.

The 9th, as I walked upon the strand, I heard again a very dismal
noise of cursing and swearing in my own language. During the time of
this noise,*! never in all ray life saw so many fowls together, they looking
like a cloud, and intercepting between roe and the sky, deprived me of
some of its light.

The 10th, I went upon a very steep hill to look for shipping, but
saw none. Upon the hill, 1 found a piece of wood which I brought

TH£ SUFFE&mOS OF A DUTCH SAILOR, &c^' 26r

^wn along with me to prop up my new habitation; and coming jowa'
again, found another piece, which I brought down hkewise.

The 1 1th, I carried all the wood from my tent into the couotryi and
likewise some of my clothes.

The 12th, nothing remarkable. The 13th, Mth, and 15th, looked
for water, but found none. The l6th, found some fowls eggs, which
I .brought home and eat; used my water very sparingly. The 17th,
]M>thing. The 18th, as before. The 19th, nothing remarkable. The
20th, nothing worthy of note. The 21st, having no hopes of any thing
but perishing, 1 committed my soul to God, praying that he will have
mercy on it. Have now very little hopes of shipping. I boiled some
nee and eggs.

The 22d, 23d, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, and Slst,
my heart is so full that my pen cannot utter it. 1 now and then find
a little water which the goats have left me. I always scoop it up, to
the last drop, and use it very sparingly.

August the 1st, 2d, and 3d, 1 walked out with my bucket in my hand,,
andibund a very little water, which I brought home.

7he4th, 1 found some water in a hollow place of a rock, and rolled
my cask there, and scooped it all out as clean as I could ; this rejoiced
me very much. 1 then walked along the strand, and found a piece of
a broken oar. Afterwards found three or four short thick pieces of
wood like billets, and a little farther saw somewhat irke a house, and,
liaving before heard that the Portuguese formerly inhabited this island,
made me go to it, to see what it was; but found it only a white hollow
rock, and in the concavity there were some nails, and broken glass
bottles. This was of very little use to me, so took up my bundle of wood
and marched home.

The 5th, nothing remarkable. ,

The 6th, went to my tent on the beach, and saw three or four of the
pease and calivances which I before set in the ground were come up ;
which was at first a great satisfaction to me, but, when 1 looked nearer,
found that the vermin had eat all the rest, which soon palled my former
joy. 1 return God Almighty my hearty thanks that he has thus, long
preserved me.

The 7th, these three months there has not been above half an hour\
rain upon the island, and I cannot find a drop of water more upon the
irhole island than what is now in my cask; and if God Almighty of his
great goodness does not send rain to replenish my small stock, 1 must
inevitably perish.

The 8th, 9th, and 10th, searched carefully, but found no water.
Have employed myself in praying, and interceding with God to have
mercy on my soul.

The 1 1 th, went to my tent on the strand, and again heard such a
terrible noise, as though there had been a hundred copper-fsmiths at
work. I was resolved to go upon the hill to see if I could discover any
thing; and saw a cloud of birds, which I believe made the noise that
just now surprised me. It was a great satisfaction to me, only to think
I was so deceived.

The 12th, 13ih, 14th, 15tb, l6th, and 17th, went a\)9>3L\.eN^r3 ^^\X ^\.

fU$ THK SUFFERINGS OF A DUTCH SAUiOK, *»

Ac island lo look for water; bot to mj great concern found none; nad
I gauged my cask that I had^ and found there was not above six galldnr.
lemainingf which made me boil nothing, and drink very sparingly.

The 18th and 19th, could find no water, and was out late on my.
seaith, so that the sun set when I was on the contrary side of the idHbd
horn my cave, and could not find my way* home; so was forced to tie^,
between two rocks, and there was such a quantity of rats t)lere, HhH t
thought they would have eat me. I wished twenty times that I wai ob
the aand on the beach.

The SOth, not a drop of water to be found. I prayed to God thatb^
would send fain, and I took my spade, and dug a well two fothms deep^
but to no purpose. 1 then looked* up to the heavens all around me^ ttn
see if I could see if the sky overcast, that might give me some hop<a erf
rain; but all, to my sorrow, was very clear.

The 21st, went rumbling about the island with my scoop vtrith me^ t^
look for water, but could not find the least drop, and my water alitooil
gone at home; and was so prodigious dry, that 1 was forced to make
water in my scoop, and drink it, thinking it was better than salt w^ler^
Mngso extreme thirsty, that my lips were glewed together.

22d, after my prayers, went again to look for water, and on tha
btrand I found a turtle, which I killed, and drank near a gallon of Kia
blood. I took some of its egg^ and fat, and fried them. Its blood, alid
my own water, did not contribute much to abating of my thirst; for
all I had drank near a gallon of the turtle's blood, was forced a^h td
drink my own water.

The 23d, no hopes of finding any water, and I took lome of IIm
blood of the turtle,' which I killed yesterday* after it had settled all
night, and my own water together, and boiled with some tea in it^ It
was somewhat better than raw blood. At four in the afternoon, all the
fretUa. water that I had left in the world I put in my tea-kettle, to bring
it down tc my tent; shall be forced to live there now, to be near the
turtles, having nothing else to subsist on. But was taken so violently
with the flux, drinking the turtle's blood, that I could not walk thrc^
steps. 1 cannot say but I was glad of it, hoping that it will put an end
to my misery and days at once. With a great deal of trouble I gpt to
my tent by dark. ,

The 24th, I was still much troubled with the flux, but was forced t»
bottle some tea, of the former ingredients.*

The 25th, I was so dry and sick together, that I drank my verv last
water, being but a pint. Afterwards I went to look for fowls eggs, !#
see if they would quench my extreme thirst.

The 26th and 27th, I thought of little else but death, and prayed
earnestly for an admittance into heaven. The fowls eggs had no e£fee^
so was forced again to boil tea of my urine, and settled blood, tifere
being plenty of turtles on the island.

The 28th, at three in the morning, went out to catch a turtle, and
foundone, which I killed with my hatchet, and filled a bucket with hb
blood ; he had likewise a great deal of water in his bladder, which I
drank all out, and was much better than his blood ; but it soon rose ill
^'^atgmach, aqd I cast it up again. I cut off some of its fleshy tod

THE SUFFERINGS OF .A DUTCH 8AIIX)B, Ac «r

earned it to my tent. Afterward^ being Tery dry, I boiled soiti6 te»t>
but, my stomach being weak, it reqtiired somewhat more nourishiBgd
and this was very bitter, and I soon brought it up again. I boiled som^
more, and let it stand.

The ^9th, I could not sleep all mght, being so dry, and my htkd
grows dizzy, that I thought I should have* run mad. I went again and*
searched in all the pits, but found them dry; the deepestof them I dugi
seven feet deeper, but at last found no moisture*

The 30th, I prayed very earnestly most part of the day, and then
laid down in my tent, and wished that it would rain, or that I should
die before I rose. In the afternoon got out of my tent, but was so weak
that I could not walk. I was forced to take some of the eggs of the
tdrtle, that I killed two days past, not finding one now, and eat of
them. The flesh stunk, but the eggs did not: my head was swelled,
and so dizzy, that I knew not what I did. But 1 was in such agony
with thirst, that it is impossible for any body to express it. I could not
see any turtles, so caught five boobies, and drank the blood of them.

August 1st, I was walking, or, more properly speaking, crawling on
the sand, for I could not walk three steps together. 1 saw a living
turtle. I was not able to carry my bucket, but cut off his head with
my razor, and lay all along and sucked bis blood as it run out ; and
afterwards got my hand into him, and got out the. bladder, which I
carried home with me, and put the water out into my kettle. After-
wards I took my hatchet, and went to cut him up, to get its eggs ; and
in cutting the shell broke the helve of it. This was still an addition to.
my misfortunes, but I got out some of its eggs, and carried them home,
and fried them, and afterwards drank some boiled piss mixed wjth tea ;
itfbich, though it was so very nauseous, revived me much. I made a'
virtue of necessity, and in my deplorable condition thought it good.

September 1st, I killed another turtle, but never Was any poor crea*
tare so mangled, having broke my hatchet, and raking among his
intrails, broke the gall ; which made the blood so bitter, that after I
had boiled it, I could hardly drink it, but was forced to get it down. I
thought of nothing but the other world, and soon brought up again what
I had before drank ; and was so extreme dry, that I drank a quart of
salt water, but could not contain it. I was so very ill after it, that I
ekpected immediate death, and prepared myself in the best manner I
could for it; and I hope ths Lord will have mercy on my souK After
it was dark, I saw. a turtle crawling towards my tent, which 1 killed,
atid drank about two quarts of his blood; all the rest that 1 could catch
I reserved, and then endeavoured to go to sleep.

The 3dj all the day was employed in fixing a helve 16 my hatchet.
I was somewhat better than yesterday, and lived upon the turtle that I
killed last night.

The 4th, drank the last of the blood, which was well settled, and a
little sour. The 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th, I lived upon turtles blo6d and
eggS; but my strength decays so, that it will be impossible I should live
Idhg. I resign myself wholly to t^rovidence, being hardly able to kill a
turtle. The 9th, 10th, and 11th, I am so much decayed, that I am a
perfect skeleton, and cannot write the pardculatE, m^ b»SMi ^Vii^^ak

»% ADVICE TO A YOUNG CLERGTMAVi,ice.

tfo. The l^tfa, Idth, 14th, 15th, l6tb, and 17th, lived as before. I am
la a declining condition. The ISth, Ipth, 20th, 2ist, fSd, S3d, 24diy
^Stk^ 26th, 27th, 28tb, 29th, dOtfa. October the 1st, 2d, dd^ 4tiip
5th, and 6th, all as before.

The 7th, my wood is all gone, so that I am forced to eat raw flesh
and salted fowls. 1 cannot live long, and I hope the Lord will hava
TQercy on my soul. The 8th, drank my own urine, and eat raw Seihr

The gtbf 10th, 11th, 12th^ ISth, and Hth, all as before*

ADVICE TO A YOUNG CLERGYMAN,

How to conduct himself in the common offices of life, in a letter from ^.

late Right Reverend Prelate,

Octavo, oontaining twenty-five pages.

THE PREFACE,

This letter of advice to a young clergyman was written by a very eminent
prelate, some yea^ ago, and has reraaincd in private hands ever
since.

Though the rules laid down therein were prescribed for private use,
probably without any intent to be made publick; yet they seem to be
so singularly serviceable as to challenge universal attention and
regard, since there are scarce any to whom they may not be advan^
tageous. '

Though the great name and reputation of the author would be a suffiv .
cient recommendation, if it were judged proper to communicate it;-
yet I am persuaded it will make its way without it, as all young
clergymen will find, the -observance of these maxims, which were •
drawn from experience, will, highly conduce to the promotion of
their spiritual interests. With this view only it is made publick,'
nor -will it be the publisher's fault, if it does not answer the epd
proposed*

Dear Sir,

I RECEIVED your very obliging and respectful letter; by which you
inform me, that you are lately entered into holy orders. 1 am
very glad of it; and I pray God to bless you in alL things, both iq
temporal and eternal happiness. t

The respect which I bear to your father's memory, and for whom l)

ADVICE TO A YOUNG CLERGYMAN, &c flQ9

haA, while living, the most in6re friendship* accompanied with my
best wishes for the welfare of all who stand in any degree of relation
towards him, have determined me to give yoa, what, if rightly accepted
and observed, will be, I am fully satisfied, the best present I can
possibly make you ; 1 mean, a little good advice for the due regulation
of your future conduct in life. Not that I think you stand remarkably in
need of it, or that lam over-fond of exercising that authority which my
office may peculiarly claim, or that privilege which old age doth often
usurpof documenting our juniors, but only that I may, in the most

proper manner I can think of, testify my affection to a son of Dr. N ,

and, in some sort, repay my obligations to my dear departed friend;
and, in so doing, I shall not touch upon any of the fundamentals of our
&ith, or of morality; for in all these, I am well persuaded, your
fiither's example, your religious education, and your own learning, and
good abilities, will be sufficient at all times to direct you. But my
cautions shall at present only r^ard some smaller incidents; which,
tho' of the greatest importance, seem to be so trivial, that many young
men never think of them, till they find themselves entangled in those
very circumstances, and^ for want of a timely reflexion, are greatly
embarrassed and perplexed how to proceed ; and, for want of proper
direction, often act wrong. As to which points, if I can give you a previous
admonition, 1 shall, I believe, do you, what I intended, a real service*

And, First, Let me beg you to be very timid and circumspect, never
to contract too strict an intimacy with any of those persons who are of
the same vocation wbereunto we also are called. For although we
ought most intimately, and most sincerely, to affect and regard each
the other, and to be closely united, not only on a religious principle,^
as we are all of us servants of one master, but also on a prudential
account; because, if we were friends one to another, with something
more than a professed sincerity (of which kind only there is no lack),
we might, in that case, the better be enabled to make a stand against
the common enemies of us and our religion. Yet, so unhappy is the
state of things among us at present, and, I much fear me, it will con-
tinue so, that we are become our own greatest enemies; and not only
the laity separates and divides itself from among us, but we also, thus
weakened, grow weaker, by sub-divisions and unchristian dispu tings,
among ourselves ; reducing every affection into self-love, and turning
the breath of charity into the blast of envy.

Another reason which may justly be offered in support of this
reservedncss of behaviour is, that it will be a means to forward your
preferment; though it is generally conceived to be a means of frustrat-
ing it; the error of which opinion will manifestly appear, if you will
but consider, that a friendship with a young clergyman will oft-
times, if not always, betray you: — He has the same views, the same
expectations' and pursuits with yourself; a rivalship cancels every
obligation. But he is your friend, you will say? As he is such, then he
best knows your interest, can soonest trace the spring it fiows from, and
easiest direct it into his own channel. Thus your friend, only by being
too much so, becomes your competitor; and, if he succeed^^ ?»o iax >w\»\
hebe from making yoa amends, or reiuembetmg iVvic V!Qkfia»& qI \)^^

VOL. x£ p

filO ADVICE TO A YOUNG CLERGYMAN, fti*.

success, the worldling must of neciessity avoid you, that the sight* af'
you may not upbraid him. It is better far to fear this to be true, thaa*^
to find it so. ' ... *

For these reasons, therefore (and more reasons might be given)
although I would desire you should be courteous and s^ffable to all,: t
would not have you plunge yourself too deeply into engagements, with?
any; for a friendship with the brotherhood will cause you many .disap^
pointments in expecting their assistance, and many difficulties in afibrd*'
ing them yours. To be prudent therefore, and to avoid both these inooii"
venicncics, keept hem under a proper reserve, and at a due distance^ fbr
your own sake. • «-

But it is not thus that you are to proceed with regard to the laity*
Maintain but innocency in your life, and decency in your conduct, you:
cannot be too open, too unreserved, too chearfuj, amongst them*:
There is a most grievous fault, which almost all persons, who have had
a university education, fall more or less into, which is, pedantry. The
young man who has plunged into Greek, aiid, perhaps, paddled in
Hebrew,- cannot bear common names for common things. SubliiM
expressions, which travel hard towards nonsense, are sure always to
delight him; and, when he discovers, that those whom his vanity calU'
the lower classes of mankind (such as mechanicks, and persons bred to-
trade, who have, perhaps, much more general knowledge, and are at
least ten times more useful, than himself) do not understand him, and,
of consequence, do not admire him (for the world is become in theser
latter ages so refractorily wise, they will not pay an implicit admiration
to any thing), he begins to despise them for what is really no fault at all,*
or most certainly no fault of theirs, shuns their company, which he
ought to seek, and loses their interest, which he ought to preserve.

•But, is not the dislike mutual? Is not the vain contempt returned?.
And let us examine fairly, which has the most justification on its side..
If a pedant, with an air of pride and superiority (for pride eternally;
mixes itself with pedantry) comes into company with tradesmen, who-
are talking nothing better than good sense, and in no better style or
language than plain English, when it comes to his turn to speak, or
perhaps before, for it is great odds his learning will not be checked by.
good breeding, he pours forth a torrent of rough sounds, which none but
himself (nor perhaps bimsi'lt) understands, such as my weak head
would not be able to bear, which aches but to think of him; and all
this violence is committed only to make them gape wide with admiration
of his learning. But, let the subject be changed, let trade, navigation,
commerce, agriculture, mechanism, or manufacture, become the topick,
this man of letters is struck dumb, can give no opinion when he is con-
sulted, no satisfactory answer to any question proposed, knows not the
situation, climate, produce, or practice of any foreign countries, nor
can judge, with any tolerable exactness, of the true interests of his own.*
So learned he is, he knows not how he came by his own gown and*
cassock, other than that he paid for it, and wears it; so wise he is, that
he is totally at a loss in all the ordinary occurrences of life, and finds*
that his Greek and Hebrew would have been of much greater use three
thousand years a^o, but that he cannot now l^ll tvow best to make his
w^ff^/yj the world he is to travel through, \eV vV\^ *\% xW\sva.w^V^

ADVICE T0 A YOUNG CLERGYMAN, Ac. 2U

$a right to have all the discourse to himself, and, with a lazy pride^

mns unlearned industry. Yet, which of these appears to the

advantage, you shall determine; for I have done with him.
rhaps you will think me a little too severe in ray censure^ and say,
kmin^ then of no use ? Leamfng is undoubtedly and abundantly
1, but it should be prOperiy and cautiously applied, not merely to
applause from the ignorant, but rather to convey useful instruction,

the misfortune is, that when we launch out into life, andxome
the univei-sity with the reputation of being well read, we are too
> entiTtain a mistaken notion, that oUr studies are quite finished ^
?aS9 on the contrary, we have yet our greatest exercise to go through,
udy of mankind, which speculation cannot ever arrive at, and
1 is attainable only by associating with, and mixing among them.
this Itaketo beso tar from being blameable, that it is, in my opinion,
ndispensable duty; for I have always thought, that our good
act, and sober and pious behaviour in lifp, is of more real service
Ijgion, than all wordy exhortations to virtue whatever, and that
rent complacency is highly preferable to a monastick austerity!
owell, when we allure men to the practice of their duty, by making
pear in the most desirable light; but far otherwise do we act, when
eunish the practice of religion by masking it with terror. It is not
)U8iness to retire from the world, but to live well in it, and labour
cample, not by precept only, to reform it. And it is always,
9Ut exception, our own fault, if we are not agreeably received by
Aity; our company and conversation courted and desired, and ot^r
»iit and characters respected and regarded. And, believe me, by
vating asincere friendship with them, you shall be overpaid for all
earning they may steal from you, besides temporal advantages.
hope what I have said, on these subjects, will be sufficient to con-
i you, how necessary it is to act in the manner, in which I have
n the freedom to advise you, with respect to the clergy and laity; I
r, for my own part, I have long been convinced of it.
lie next point in which I think I ought to caution you more pa^:-*
ariy is, with respect to the general choice of your subjects in your
lurses from the pulpit; and, in all your sermons, let me request
, at all times, strictly to avoid all manner of political reflexions.
not torture scriptural history, as the fashion is, for modern appli-
>n. Draw no observations upon government, not even in defence
re administration; and, for the following reasons: It is not part of
r duty to do it, and therefore it is your duty not to do it ; for you
to keep to the practice of your duty, Secondly, All discourses of
I a nature tend to irritate and inflame, whereas our whole study is to.
nployed in uniting each to the other in Christian charity. Thirdly,

wrong with reg^ard to your own private interest ; for, whichsoever
yoii choose, you would do well to remember there is another side,
t will call you servile or seditious. And a fourth reason may be
:ed, which is, That ilthough you should employ your eloquence on
; side which is, in the usual phrase, called the safest (I mean, the
• prevailing party) yet you know not of a certa\i\ly ., 1^%X ^wsi ic\^
into good pre/er/nent thereby (which 1 tak^ to be ^e ox^^ moxSjs^ oV

p 2 -

»1« ADVICE TO A YOUNG CLERGYXfAN, tee.

£

all who engage in state-controversy, and must be your motivep shojii
jon aUo engage in it;) and, should you fail therein while their powev
lolds, and the tables turn, which, from the perpetual fluctuation of
human affairs, it is highly probable will happen before you arrive at mj
time of life, you will then remain for ever obnoxious to the party which
may chance to become uppermost, and that too, perhaps, without aaj
real dislike, either of their principles or practices. Thus it is a great
haeard, whether you can rave yourself into good preferment under oat
administration; and, if you do obtain it for a while^ you will bt
inevitably shipwrecked in the first storm ; such a terrible self-^pUttef.ii
full-blown zeal.

Another things which is peculiarly requisite for your conduct b<fm
the pulpit, is the framing and adapting your discourses in such inaoaer
as may b^t suit with your audience. Measure^ as much as may be,
the line of their understandings. Do not any more go out of their
depth, than beyond your own. Preach not on mysteries to metaphysi*
eians, nor preach metaphysicks to farmers. Nothing has done mon
real dbservice to religion, than an incautious choice of our subjectt
from the pulpit, and an inaccurate manner of treating them; insomuch
that it remains a question. Whether persecution has ever done hat^ so
muph injury to it, as all the various wrong methods made us^ of ]ta
dofend it.

But, above all things, let me deter yoii from too curious ao examhi*
atiou of those sacred mysteries which are the objects of our faith, but
are not within the narrow limits of our understanding. I have trembled
to hear a young preacher, with too much warmth in his head, as well
as in his heart, state all the objections which infidelity has ever been
able, with all its wicked industry, to make against our religion, only to
shew his own ingenuity in answering them. But, how grievous is hit
offence, if any of his auditors, who had never heard, till that hoar,
any one of these objections made, and probably, never might have had
their peace disturbed by hearing them made, should not think his ansii^eiB
full and satisfactory ! Beware, therefore, I beseech you, in quiet mindly
never to raise doubts, nor start difficulties, merely for the merit, of
solving them. Religion can support itself; be you careful not to
injure it.

Nor need you be at any great loss to find out proper heads of dis-
course to enlarge upon, while there are the extensive and important
volumes of morality lying at all times open before you. These are tha.
best subjects you can possibly make choice of upon many accoantk
They ^re proper at all times, are well received in all places, are readily
understood by all persons, and easily composed by you; so that, by
constantly pursuing this method, you will receive more approbation
with less pains. The excessive applauses which the most famoua
preachers of the last century have, from time to time, been rewarded
with, have often, if not always^ flowed more from a rhetorical display
of flioral virtue, than from their labours to establish the evidencesL of
our belief. The most admired and most celebrated preacher, now
Jj'ylng, owed bis rise intirely to a happy and persuasive manner of
iiiforcbg our practical duty; for, alxVioxxi^Yki&i&iM^y^ vm'^^^^x.^S^cist

ADVICE TO A rOUKG CLEIIGYSIAN, ft^ 213

Ike bighest degree of dignity in tbe church, yet has he scarcely ever been
remembered to have chosen a subject which was not wholly employed
on oar moral obligations to each other. These he has always insisted on
as the most certain rule of discharging our duty to God. Want of
charity, has, indeed, imputed to him a doubt or, disbelief of the great
mysteries of our faith ; but I will not even harbour in my breast so
cash a suspicion, which his whole life is a confutation of; for he is %
ffood man, which he could hardly be, unless he were also, what I am
Fully persuaded he is, a good christian. Your will forgive me there-
fore, that I do recommend bis practice to your imitation; for I should
not deserve to be forgiven, if I were to offer you my own*

i shall close this article in a very few words. If you should be so
lucky to rise in the church (do not wonder that I call it luck ; for merit
alone will not raise you, though you have as much as* any young man I
know; but strong interest, fair opportunity, and good recommendation^
will justle all virtues, graces, and accomplishment? whatever; should
you theirefore, I repeat it, by any kind hit, become eminent) do not,
I beseech you, be, or afiect to be, rigidly severe against any sectaries or
let of men, merely on account of difference in opinion. If all who fear
God, and work righteousness, are accepted of him, do not anathematisa
or reject Ihose, whom it is our duty to hope, that God hath not rejected*
Moreover, although we ought to be stedfast in our faith, yet 1 cannot
but think it a truly religious and highly commendable fear, when we
forbear to censure others, only for differing in opinion from us, from aa
awful apprehension of its being possible they are in the right, and that
we ourselves may be mistaken. For, consider a little, we have revelation,
so have they; we have reason, so have they. Many things we differ in,
j^et very few of them are of the essentials to salvation; and those which
are so, must wait their determination from infinite wisdom. Therefore^
in the first place, with regard to yourself, be sober, be careful, be
vigilant, be not blown ajbout with every wind of doctrine, but labour
incessantly to confirm and strengthen those who do welt. And, in the
next place, with regard to oth^, be meek, be patient, be merciful;
Yemember, that your adversary is your brother, and be not bitter
against him, but at all times avoid that zeal which is not according to
knowledge*

I am not now much ashamed to own, especially as it may be for your
advantage, that, in the two next points in which I am about to caution
you, I have often wished for advice at your time of life, and therefore
nope, mine may now be of service to you^ They are these; What
respect you ought prudently to pay to others, and how much respect
jrou may justly claim to yourself. .

The respect you are to pay to others, may, in the general, be governed
by the degree of respect paid to them by the rest of mankind; for the
world doth generally judge right in this particular; and, when I am
informed, that merit is without a due- reverence paid to it, I must know
that merit well, before I can be at all induced to believe it; for, in -such
a circumstance, I do generally suspect, that mankind have found a
sufficient reason to delay paying that debt of respect, which., v(vt.^<y\l
ittchareason^ ^kejtem tomato be always xeaid^ 1s()A\x^\A\iKj% K»^

r »

iU' ADVICE TO A YOUNG ettebtMAl^, ikt?

therefore, as on the one side you wili be right in not being the last tb'
regard those who have the concurrent good opinion of mankind, although;
ptissibly, you do not know all the footsteps by which they made their '
way ; so, on the other side, do not entertain, of a smlden, too high an
opinion of the appearance of infant merit, while it remains undet
obscurity, lest, when it comes forth into the face of day, there shouldl-
prove black spots in it, which cannot bear the light, and which, while
you stand too near, may throw a shade on your judgment at least, if it'
does not in some sort darken your integrity. In fine, there is a happy-
niedium. Praise no man much, especially if he jSraises you, l(*st it-
should seem like a plot to play one another off toi the world ; nor censure
atay man greatly, lest you be thought to enVy him.

Another method of forming a judgment, what degree of rc^spect yott-
are to pay to others, is to consider, what degree of good they can do to
you. For though they may happen to be under general dise^teem, yet,-
if they can and will do you a particular benefit, they have an undoubted'
right to your particular regard, nor can you easily, in uch a case,
!(hew them too much ; for all mankind are but too desirous of receiving
hornage from each other, though the major part of them are too inddlent'
to exert those good qualities, which are necessary to obtain it. If you
pay them no more respect than they deserve, all men will think yott-
pay them too little; but, if you pay them fifty times more than tb^
merit, no man will think you pay hii^too inuch. Err, therefore, fat
their satisfaction, and your own sake, on the right side. Give my Lord
his title; or, if he likes to have it so, even call him his grace; and bis
lordship's grace shall, in return, say, you have much learning and
good sense, and deserve promotion. Pay him but homage, he shall
admire you, without knowing why, yet ought you to know, that he
admires you for that homage he receives from you.
' You will object, perhaps, that this is an undue method of applying
to the passions of men. Yei, if you are to dettl with men, you must
deal with them not as being what they should be, but as they are,
creatures hurried away with their passions and vanities, and labour to
make them serve to your own interest. All men have their frailties,
but an ardent desire of respe/;t is the great frailty of all men. There is a
vein of pride winds itself through all nature. The meanest pant for that
homage, which the great ones receive, and are anxious to find out
•something a degree below themselves, from whom they also may have a
right to exact the like. I would be glad to tell you, that nothing of
this kind prevails among the clergy, did not every hour's experience
-prove it otherwise; for I fear me, should you a^k the laity concerning
all of us in general, or the inferior clergy concerning the dignified
brethren in particular, their answers would not excuse us. Would they
not say, that we require them to bow to a priest, and kneel to a bishop r
nay, perhaps, assert, that we were so watchful for respect from them,
as to make it a religious obligation, which they were bound to perform ?

But are there no persons who think it a meanness to stoop thus far,

and pay mankind more respect than they deserve? Are there none who,

with an open roughness, and highly to be applauded sincerity, bring men

^^owjj toittieJow lerel of their real xxmuH Ye^ «o^ «vbck then ami

ADVICE TO A yOUNG CLERGYMAN, &c.; . 2XS

'oHt they are those whopa success in life, or independency of fortune, hav9
set at liberty, to act as they please, or they are those who rail at seeing
others do, what they have, themselves done before in vain. But if you
would know better than themselves whether these railcrs at over-doing
respect are truly in earnest, or only actuated by pique and resentment;
ply them closely with that very respect they pretend to detest, admire
tbieir superior understandings, revere their uprightness, commend their
Stoick virtue, promise to imitate their example ; and 1 will venture to
assert, you shall be well received by them for doing that to them, which
they will not permit you to do to others. For the thing is, .in applying
ypur respect to himself, every man thinks you apply it right.

But I must say no more on this subject, lest, when I luivc the favour
of a visit from you, you should turn the weapons I have lent you, against
myself.

; As to the respect which you may justly claim to yourself, it is the
hardest thing of all to give advice in. For hardly any one of us thinks
he has enough, which is the reason why he has so little. But as you
now have a right lo require, that 1 propose some rule for you to go by,
let it be this, to demand only so much respect as you really deserve.
Now this, you will say, leaves you as it found you, since you cannot
^ily form a judgment of your own deserts.' if that be the case, then
let the world form a judgment for you, and it is highly probable it will
be a favourable one. Think you deserve no more, or rather less, than
you do really receive; for this will be a certain method to raise you that
Yery respect you want to have shewn to you, and will at the same time
preserve humility in ygurself. The truth of the fact is really just thus;
It is our contending so apparently for so much respect, which very often,
iif not always, deprives us intirely of it. Men have ceased from wor-.
shiping images. Tho' they revere the priesthood, they abhor priestcraft.
They will not, they ought not to regard us merely for our habits, but to .
inquire what manner of spirit we are of. Nothiiig can make a proud
xuan iqore odious, unless it be, that he is a proud priest; and believe,
ipe^ from experience 1 speak it, if we would have any uncommon
deference and regard shewn us from the laity, we must always take it by
courtesy, and not as matter of right; for thay are at all times ready to.
g^ve us a proper respect, if we do not insist on it as a debt, which they
are obliged to pay us. .

It is but too often the case, that, instead of the homage we so ardently
desire, we are forced to bear raillery, nay even some degree of ridicule
Itself, especially from our superiors in fortune, on whom we have
a dependence or expectation, and to whom it would be the highest
Imprudence to discover any resentment. Now to be able to sustain this
trial with decency and good humour, and to make it secni easy to us,
when it is, perhaps, far otherwise, though it is very difficult, is a very
valuable and profitable accomplishment; and the grea.t secret seems to
be this, by laughing with them, or rather beginning the laugh for them
gainst yourself, which will in a great measure relieve you from being
laughed at by them. Whatever is superior to ridicule, will not hurt
you. Whatever cannot stand it, deserves it Then why not lau^h? U
a young clergyman be too voracious anepicMte, \ioN«% \«i^ vhVv^^^^v

p 4

216 ADVICE TO A T0UN6 CUSRGVMAK^ &tA

bebavM very slovenly, or talks most pedanticallyy may we not join 1v
banter of tbe man, without any affront to the order ? Or is it absolutely -
necessary to suppose every spiritual person to have jio earthly fidliiigi -
There seems to be, more espedally with every young man* an^ongus, 'to
strong an attachment to the interests of thechurch (to give it no worse a con*
struction) that he labours to make us believe, that it receives a wound, when
himself is attacked in his own private capacity, on occurrences which no '
way affect it. His person, his dress, his actions, his errors, are all to
be sacred, because he is a divine. Why, what a far(5e is this? Can we
be supposed meek, patient, long-sufiering, and ready to bear all kinds
of persecution, when we cannot even sustain a little raillery with anj
tolerable serenity of temper f

Endow yourself therefore, I request you, with so much patience, at
to hear the frailties incident to your humanity, without the low subter^
f&ge of sheltering yourself in your divinity ; nor ever imagine, that youf
profession of religion, is, or ought to be a protection for your faults*

' I do remember a nobleman, who, before a very numerous (usembly^
told a worthy divine, who was solliciting him for a living then vacant,
find in his lordship's diposal, ** No, no, Doctor, talk no more of it; bul
pr^ythee, man, learn to dance/^ The Doctor, not at all abashed,
smilingly replied, ** He should be incorrigible not to improve, with hli
lordship for an instructor, who had long taught him to dance attendance.
Have I so. Doctor? says the Earl. Then even take the living, and my
daughter Sophy shall teach you to turn your toes ouf The coropany
laughed, but the doctor hsid most reason. I wish you the sarnie selfr
subduing spirit, and that a like reward may attend it.

Another thing, 'which I must exhort you to, is this, in whatsoever
state of life you are, therewith to be content* Avarice and oppression
are the two most shocking crimes, which degenerated nature can be
guilty of; yet are they often, and I fear with two much reason, imputed
to the clergy. Nor c^ it at all excuse or extenuate our offence, that it
bath been so from time before us, aod may be so after us. Every man h
undoubtedly under a moral obligation to provide for himself apd his
family, by all prudent and honest means; for, if we sow unto them
spiritual things, it is meet that we partake of their temporal things.
But this does not extend so far as to injure, oppress, be rigid, tortious, tod
violent. And I am most usually inclined to believe, £at he among us
who litigates for tytbes, or duties, must be himself chiefly in fi^ult ; for
I have proved it myself, that the man who will not pay you sixpence^
ivhich he is convinced you have a right to exact, will give you ten times
the sum, if you will accept it in the maimer he thinks fit to give it
you, imd will spend forty times as much to keep you from it, if you
refuse. Now, suppose Christian forbearance laid intirely out of the
case, which way, think you, ought human policy to take ? Whenever,
therefore, you are in this disagreeable circumstance, examine yourself
with great strictness, and be always the first to propose the mediation of
friends, arbitration, or any other compromise, remembering, that to
the spiritual man belongeth peace, and that he ought no more to make
use of the law than of a sword, neither of which are justifiable e;$cept
00lfr for self defence.

ADVICE TO A YOUFO CLERGYMAN, &t, Sif

The only thing which remains for me to mention to you, and which
necessarily follows christian forbearance, is christian charity. I had
rather be employed in one act of benevolence, than expound the whole
apocalypse. There is nothing so much mistaken as charity. Some
confine it to an ostentatious alms^ving, where the act pays itself.
Some place it in giving all men a good character, which makes their
good word of no value to any man, and which seems to roe to flow
rather from an abject servility of spirit, than from any religious motive.
Yet, sure, to part with the superfluities of life, which we know not how
otherwise to employ, or to blow off our J^raises on others, when they cost
nothing, and are nothing worth, cannot deserve to wear the 'name of
charity. That virtue rises to a higher pitch ; it streams with every
bleeding wound, and sighs with every aking heart: is delighted to be
employed, and places all its good in procuring happiness to others; bad
rather remove distress, than build palaces; and says to the unhappy,
mine is your misery, for ye are my childrf^. This is, or this ought to
be, the distinguishing characteriitick of the servants of Christ, without
which knowledge and learning are a reproach, and all pretences to
piety, and solemn austerity, impious and pharisaical. «

I have now gone through the whole, in which I thought it might be
necessary to give you advice. And although it may seem, that I have
not directed you in any important articles, yet I should wish you to keep
my letter by you, to refer to occasionally; and I dare venture to say,
that in the course of your life you will find the usefulness of it in every
particular.

It is not in weightier matters that we are often the most embarrassed;
there we are always on our guard, or can have present directions for our
conduct, from pious and learned authors. But little inconveniences,
by being as little attended to, oftentimes become the most difiicul| ;
for he, who despiseth small things, shall perish by little and little.

If this will not amount to a full excuse, let my sincere friendship for
yon supply the rest; for you may be assured, I would not have written
to freely and unreservedly to any person, for whom I had not the most
affectionate regard.

I shall be, assure yourself, exceeding glad to see you at all times
at * ' I, where you will be certain of finding me, having taken up a
resolution, though not a common one^ of spending the remainder of
my days m my own diocese.

ifiW. 1730,

( «» >

THE

TRAVELS OF THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN,

TROM VENICE TO HAMBVRGH,
Being the grand Tour of Germany, in the year 1734.

MS, Never before published.

The Gentleman, who drew up the following piece, is a penon of
curiosity; and, when he first went abroad, as well as during Ui.
residence in foreign parts, was ja member of the Royal Society^ and

. of the University of Oxford. The observations it contains, many of
which are intii;ely new, are relate-d with the utmost fidelity. It may|i
therefore, be considered, as a supplement to the ingenious Dr. BrowBi'jii
Travels in (jermany; and will likewise serve to supply Tarioofr
omissions, and illustrate several obscure passages, of other modenif
relations, with which gentlemen of erudition, who have visited iha
countries herein mentionedi have entertained the public.

SECT. I.

• !

A jQwmtjf from Vemce to Gorizia^ or Goritiaf the capital of a cowiUy ^

the same namCf in the Duichy ofCarmola.

THE War breaking out between France and her allies and the house
of Austria, towards the close of the year 1733, tire took for granted;
that the maritime powers could not avoid concerning themselves in that
quarrel ; and, therefore, laid aside all thoughts of returning to England
fltrough France, as we had proposed, when at Rome, This induced us
to make the grand tour of Germany ; and, in order thereto, to meet at
Venice, the begmning of Februaty, 1734. Here, according to agrees
ment, we arrived; and having seen all the principal curiosities, and tfM
conclusion of the carnival, we went by water, with our baggage, and
two post-chaises, to Mestre, February the twenty -seventb>O.S.17S3;
or March the tenth, N. S. 1734. Mestre is a small town or village,
about five miles almost west of Venice, and the place where the Barcas,
bound from that capital to the Venetian territories in Italy, and particu-
larly those with gentlemen for Germany, frequently land their passengers
and effects. The padrone of the Barca, whom we paid according to
agreement, upon our landing, was a man of some politeness and address,
though very desirous of imposing upon us ; but this is not to be wondered
%fc, since it exactly corresponds with the general disposition of the
Italians^

THE TRAVELS OF t5HREE ElflGLlSH GENTLEMEN, &c. f\§

■ The Tetturirio", wto supplied Us with six horses from Venice to
Gorizia, for twelve zecchins, or sequins, each consisting of twenty-two
Venetian lire, orlivres, furnished us with two very good postiglioni.
These conducted us first to Treviso, Trivigi, of Trevigio, for it goes by
all these names, a post and half from Mestre, through the villages of
Mqjaha, La Croce, and La Frascar. Mojana has a handsome church,
with a pretty high tower; and, as our postiglioni informed us, is famous
for the fineness and whiteness of its bread. It is about four Italian
miles from Mestre. La Croce and La Frascar are not considerable
enough to deserve any particular notice. The country between Venice*
and Treviso is a plain, and, even at this time of the year, covered
with a beautiful verdure. We entered Treviso, February the twenty-
seventh, about sixteen hours,* according to the Italian computation of
dme.

Treviso, orTrivigi, as it is called by Leandro Alberti, is a city of
Considerable note, as being of great antiquity, and the principal place,
vnless we will have f Venice itself to stand in this territory, of the
M area Trevisana. However, scarce any traces of its former grandeulr
are now to be seen. It is seated upon the river Sil^S Silo, or Silio, the
Silis of Pliny (Lib. iii. ca\). 18) which runs through the town; and,
according to that author, has its source in the neighbouring mountains,
called, by him, Montes Tarvisani. The first writers of authority that
mention this city an.^ Procopius (Lib ii. Bell. Goth.) and Paulus Dia*
conus (Lib. iv. cap. 3.) though the Montes Tarvisani of Pliny (Lib. iii,
cap. 18.) seem to intimate, that these mountains received their deno*
inination from Taryisium, the ancient Roman name of Trcvisa, and,
s consequently, to imply, that this place existed in Pliny's time. Nay,
that it was a Roman municipium, in early ages, evidently appean
from stones dug up near it, with Roman inscriptions upon them, s\t.
MVN. TAR. and DECVRION. Upon the declension of the Western
Empire, it became subject to the Ostrogoths, whose fifth King, Totilaj;
was bom here. Afterwards Alboinus,- King of the Lombards, having
made himself master of Aquileia, and other cities in that neighboor*
kood, resolved to pillage and lay in ashes Tfevigi, because its citrserai
iMid not been early enough in their submission to him. But Felix, the
Bishop, found means to prevent the execution of so barbarous a designs
iThe Lombard Marquisses, or Governors, whose business it was to keep
every thing quiet on the fi'ontiers, for a considerable time, made this
the place of their residence; and from them it passed to the Emperon
end Kings of Italy, in common with the other Italian towns. After**
wards, one Ezzelinus, a cruel tyrant, possessed himself of it ; though
the Emperors, as should seem, soon recovered it. The Emperor Henry
Vl. made one Ricciardo da Camino, a person of great wealth and
popularity here. Vicar of Trevigi, reserving to himself the sovereignty
of the Marca Trevisana. In succeeding ages, theCarraresi were Lordi
of the town and district ; after them the Scaligcri, or Signori deHa

* ■

* The Italians enmpute their timt from suii'Set t6 sm-set, and,' therefort, thmr %t^tkxax
number of hours is tirenty-four. i Buno, in his Notes u;>oii C\uN«t\xxi% \uxxwL>M.>i«Bu.

„to Geography, is clearly of this opioipiu u our readers ..vU\ ^n4. b;y couMLVtU^ Vvvtu ^)dMc«.«
See Bun»*« Votmiupon Clurmn%, Uh, III. cap. xxxiv. pag. Vi7»%^« AsaX* va41i»usi.lWl«' ~*

no THfi TRAVELS Of

Scala; and, last of all, the Venetians, by virtue of a treaty conduded
between them, the Scaligeri, and Giovanni Galeazzo Viscbnti, fint
Vuke of Milan, in 1388. The Emperor Maximilian besieged it in*
effectually in 1509. The district of Treviso abounds with all the
necessaries of life; and, particularly, with com, wine^ animals, &;c
The wine it produces is excellent, and the bread extremely white and
£ne. Inhere are, likewise, here, many delightful fountains, whose pan
limpid water appears as agreeable to the eye, as it is grateful to the taste*
The noble families of Treviso are so numerous, that we must beg leave
to refer our readers to the Italian * writers, for a catalogue of them,
which the narrow limits, we have prescribed ourselves, will not permit
us to insert here. The principal churches are thosQ of San NicolOi
Honesto, Giesu, the Domo, San Martin, San Paulo, and Santa Mai^
garita. Among the great personages born here, may be ranked Popf
« Benedict XI. and Ponticus Virunius, who died in 1520.

Having staid some hours here, where, in truth, few curious objects
present themselves to a traveller's view, we continued our route. Aboi)k
five in the afternoon, we passed the river Piave, directing our naar^
tDW[ards Conegliano; or Conigliano, a post and half from Treviso, Dr«
Brown thinks the Piave to be th^ Anassum ef the ancients; but Father
Hardouin looks upon the modem Stella as the antient Anassum. Be
that as it will, the Piave has a fine bridge over it at Belluno, to whose
district both Conegliano and Sacil appertain. This district is an ex«
tremely fertile country, diversified witli little hills, vallies, mountains,
and woods. It also abounds with game of all kinds, as well as veins of
gold, silver, iron, and vitriol. Conegliano, though a large village, haa
nothing, at present, more remarkable, than being situated on the post*
road* We lay this night at Colimbrigo, in an house belonging to an
English merchant, setded at Venice; which obliged us to deviate e
little from the^direct road to Goriisia. From thence, the next morningi
we proceeded to Conegliano, where we met with nothing remarkable.
This place stands on the river Mottegiino, whose source is on a hill^
near the town of Ceneda. The people of Treviso, though subject to
the Venetians, seemed extremely incensed ag^nst the French, and. thei?
allies, for seising, upon the Miianeze, and so unjustly attacking the
House of 'Austria.

The next place, in the road to Gorizia, where fresh horses are to be
taken, is Sacil, a post and half distant from Conegliano, This village^
which stands on the livenza, at present makes no figure, but was for*
merly a bishop's see, and under tiie patriarch of Aquileia. Pordenon,
a post from Sactl, is, at present, likewise very obscure. Between Por«
denon and Codroipo we passed the Tajamento, or, as the natives call il^
Tagliamento, a river of some note, on account of the swiftness and
rapidity of its stream. The Tagliamento we take to be theTibELventum
Majus of Pliny, and the T(Xa^i^«c of Ptolemy, From Pordenon to
Codroipo is one post, Codroipo is a large village, and has a pleasant
situation. Many of the women, in these parts, have a very masculine
air, quite void of that softness so natural to their sex. We found the

*Sb0 OmXhMtn dells Citti d* lUiUtt oS SqpaM Yiunmmo BuUUi, priQtod at Mhu^

THREE ENGLISH GBKtLEMEN, Sec. f ft

Itatian bere^ for the most part, Tery corrupt, and sometimes scare*
intelligible.

From Cpdroipo we went to Palma, Palmada, or Palma Nova, a fortres*
belonging to the most serene Republic of Venice, and two posts distant
from Codroipo. This fortress, which is seated in * ^riuli, was built
1^ thQ Venetians, in 1593 and 1594. It was intended to repress the
courses of the Turks, who sometimes, before the erection of it, com*
mitted, on the coast of the Adriatic, dreadful depredations, and, in
the reign of Mohammed the Great, A. D. 1477) made an incursion as
far as Treviso. The Doge Pascale Ciconia, who then presided over the
Venetian State, likewise imagined, that it might serve as a barrier to
the Venetian territories, on that side, against any attempts of the House
of Austria. The plans of this fortezsa, given us by Signior Francisco
Bertelli, in l629f and Dr. Brown, in I669, do, in the main, agree;
neither is the present face of it much dififerent from these plans, it is,
perhaps, one of the largest regular fortifications in Europe. The town,
exclusive of the fortification, forms a' circle, whose diameter is six hun-
dred paces. There are near seven hundred pieces of cannon in the
place. For a particular description of it, the curious may have recounta
to the above-mentioned Sfgnior Bertelli and Dr. Brown.

To oblige our curious readen, we shall here give th^'the original
' names of the bastions of Palma, viz.

San Fortunato. 1 San Stefano.

Santo Hermagora. i Santa Maria.

Santa Croce. I San Cleroente.

San Lorenzo. | Santa Eufemia* .

Santa Giustina. {

We staid some time at Palm?, to refresh ourselves, and to learn the
strength, and other particulars, of the place. In answer to some of our
queries, we were told, that the fortezza was garisoned only by ten com-
panies of Venetian fbot, three of Sclavonians, and a small body of
borse; and that General Moceni«> commanded there. The cattle of
tioM country, as well as those of Carniola and Carinthia, are, in many
parts, extrremely small. The habits of the women, and particularly
their hats or caps, betwixt Palma and Gorizia, differ considerably
from those used in any other part of Italy.

Between Palma and Gorizia, which are distant two posts, taking a
tort of detour^ we passed through Strasoldo, Villes, and Gradisca.
Strasoldo is a little village with a tower, not far from the river Lisonzo,
or Lisonczo, and probably gave a title to the Counts of Strasoldo, oae
of which family, if we mistake not, was an Imperial General, employed
by the Emperor Leopold against the Hungarian malecontents, in the
year I68O, Villes is likewise a small village, seated almost in the mid-
way, betweei^ Strasoldo and Gradisca. But Gradisca f is a pretty con*

* The Latin name of Friult is Forum JulU ; which some take to be derived from that of its
Mineipal city, so called from Julias CsBsar, who led a body of his troops throuf^ this coentrr
gainst the Helvetians. Be that as it will, die city of Friuli, or Forum Jalli, now the Cividad
di Friuli, a place strong by its situation, was destroyed by Cancauus, ^iiic of Bavaria, accord-
ing to Paulus Diaconus; or, as others will have it, Cagana the PannonFan. Plin^ caVH th%
a)le of Friuli Forojulienses Transpadani, to distinguish them fr^^ Vh« 'CQ\o\«X>KQaM:k 0»v^
, ^ated in XTmhria, and talis ns Chat their territory pr«diic«d exc«A\«nX 'wviwa.
fOr^sea isnpposed, bj Ci««triiMi« to bt tb« Miat piw* irUh t)M A4i^%«MGBraaai'UvAM^

^ ^, THE TRAYEW or \

iiderable town, situated not far from the conflux of Uve Wibacb, (^
Vipaco, and Lisonczo. It is the first fortezza in the Dutchy of Cami61%
about eight miles (rom Palma, and four or five from Qorizia. Sonit
authors have erroneously placed both Gradisca and Gorizia in Friuli.
The fortifications of the former place seem to be in a ruinous condition;
but the Imperialists are now repairing them. The garison, according
to the natives, does not exceed two hundred men. Here we croned
the Lisonczoy a pretty celebrated river. About twenty-three hours, o^
ju) hour before son-set, Feb. 28, O. S. we arrived at Gorizia, betwixt
which town and Venice, the number of posts stands thus :

From Venice to Mestre, five miles.

From Mestre to Treviso^ a post and half.

From Treviso to Conegliano, a post and half.

From Conegliatio to Sacil, a post and half.

From Sacil to Pordenon, one post.

From Pordenon to Codroipo, one post.

From Codroipo to Palma, two posts.

From Palma to Gorizia, two posts.
As, therefore, these posts are reckoned, one with another, to be smm*
thing above six miles each, the distance between Venice and GoriU^
may be fixed roundly at seventy-two or seventy-four miles. According
to the Italians, Gpritia is, at least, seventy-six or eighty Italian mileSv
from Venice. . .. ;

Gorizia, or Goritia, called by the Germans Gorz, or Gortz, is %
large town, capital of a county of the same name, and subject to thor
Emperor. It stands on the river Lisonczo, partly on an eminence,
and partly on a plain, about fourteen German miles N. W. of Laubach,
the metropolis of Camiola. The streets are long and narrow, and the
houses, for the most part, mean. It consists of two parts, -the upper
and lower town. The castle, with the upper town, is situati*d upon la
hill, which commands the lower town. We found the fortezza in a
bad condition, and defended only by a garison of three hundred men«
Count Rabata, the commandant, has a fine house, which seems to be a
part of, or at least adjoining to, the castle, built in an oval form. The
Wendish, or Sclavonian tongue, reaches no farther west than this place*
The languages spoken here are the Italian, the German, the Sclavonian^
and an odd corruption of Latin, inclining to the French. The burghen
use this last, and therefore arc, with great difficulty, understood by
the Venetians, and other Italians. The Italian spoken here is the
Friulian dialect. All the proceedings uf the courts of judicature, 6nd
the edicts of the Emperor, are published in the German tongue.*
Some learned men take Goritia to be the antient Noreia ; but as this
notion depends upon a supposition, that the antient Noreia first changed
i-ts name into Noritia, and aftervrards Goritia, which is very precarious,*
not to say improbable, it seems to deserve no great credit. Besides^
there is no need lo have recourse to such a notion, in order to discover
the etymon of the word Gorizia, or to investigate the origin of this city^

* The Venetians besieged and took Goritia in |506, but the Bmperor Maximilian I. recovertft
Uia 150^. In I6l6, a tody of Venetiaii treops attempted to surprise % bat were Obliged to
r&tremt without ex9C9tiagtb$ir disign.

THREE ENGUSH GENTLKifEN, &c. .SS»

Fdr, the wohl Gori^ia is undoubtedly of Slavic, or Sclavonic, extraction.
In the Slavic language, which is spoken here, Gora signifies a hill, and
Gk>riza, a little hill, or eminence, such as that occupied by the castle
of Gorizia, where Count Rabata lives, and the upper, or antient town.
And indeed the antient town seems to have been the only part of the
place, built by the antient Slavi ; the other being modern, void of all
fortifications, and seated in a plain, commanded by the aforesaid hill*.
As to the present face of Goritia, it has a famous parochial churchy
over which a mitred Archdeacon presides ; a convent of Minorites;
another of Capucins ; a nunnery, belonging to the virgins of Santa
Uisula ; another to those of Santa Clara; a college of Jesuits, founded
by the Emperor Ferdinand II. with a noble gymnasium, where youth
is not only instructed in the literal humaniores, but likewise in tha
principles of moral theology, and the Aristotelian philosophy, appertain-
ing to it. To which likewise may be added a convent of Carmelites,
on a neighbouiing hill. The Jesuits college seems to be the best
building in Goritia. We could not forbear observing, that, though
the houses here are, for the most part, mean, and the streets narrow, a
considerable number of coaches, and persons of distinction, were mov*
ing about the town. The principal, if not only piazza, in Goritia, is
the Piazza di Traunt, where the Jesuits college stands. We put up at
the Aquila Negra, or Black Eagle, which is reckoned by foreigners,;
and particularly IBnglish gentlemen, the best inn here. The landlord
was a very chearful, pleasant man, mortally hated the French, and
spoke Italian, with such elegance and propriety, together with so fine
a pronunciation, that he might justly be said to have La Lingua Tos-
cana in Bocca Romana. One of us told him, that the French would
soon demolish the Emperor; to which he replied, with great warmth,
' Aspetta un poco, Signiore mio, adesso adesso saranno ben bastonati i
Francesi da nostro Carlo, i. e. Have a little patience, my good Sir,
the French will soon be well drubbed by our Charles.' The lodging
here was not extraordinary ; but in return, our bill in the morning was
pretty moderate. We shall . hereafter have an opportunity of saying:
something of the Dutchy of Camiola. •

SECT. IL . ^

A Journey from Goritia to Laubach^ or Lubiana^ the Metropolis of\

Camiola,

HAVING seen every thing remarkable in Goritia, we made the.
necessary dispositions for leaving that place ; and, amongst other things,
agreed with the post-master, for three horses to each of our post-chaises,
and two more for two English servants that attended us. We had be-^*
sides these a Swiss ; but he rode with one of us, for the most part, in a.
post-chaise. It is worthy observation, that a gentleman, who travels in
his own chaise, is obliged to take the same number of post-hocses
through the empire, that he sets out with from Oot\\X^. %o >^\^ V^

194 THE TRAVELS OP

the post-master there insists upon his having four horses, he will bs
saddled with that number, every post, throughout the empire; if thiw
only, then three will afterwards suffice. Though there are instances ef
four hones being imposed upon a traveller, who had before bat thiei^
* when the roads render it necessary. But, in such a case, when tliqr
become better, the fourth horse is taken off. From Goritia to Vienm»
we paid fifteen grosse, that is, forty-five creutzers^ or karantani^ a
horse per post, and eight grosse per post to each of our postiglioni. In
order to meet with the better entertainment this lent season, we gave a
Venetian physician a zecchin, to certify, under his hand, that we wen
ail in a sickly condition, and could not live without flesh; though oQr
countenances rendered this very improbable. However, as it happened,
we had no need of such a certificate; the inns all along the road,
without producing it, not scrupling to supply us with whatever pro-
visions we desired. The wine in Goritia, which is white, is of quite a
different taste from any we met with in Italy ; but bears some remem*
blance to that of the Rhine and the Mozelle. The meat is good, and
the cookery sufficiently elegant^ though different both from the French
and the Italian.

All points relating to our journey being settled, and the horses ready,
We took our leave of Goritia, March 2, O. S. early in the morning;
' and set out for lAubach, or, as the Italians call it, J^iana. About
nine o'clock we reached Czerniza, a small town, or village, which
terminates the first post. Though this post must be allowed a long one,
the country, through which we passed, being a plain, appeared agree*
able enough ; but the road in some parts was very rough. It deserves to
be here remarked, that the gentleman who wrote this account, though
he tried several times, could not pronounce the word Czerniza as our
postiglioni, who were natives of Carniola, did. This was owing to the
power of Cz, which an Englishman's organs of speech will not permit
him exactly to utter. It seems to be a sound of a middle nature betwixt
those Of S H and C H, in the English words shoe and cherry. The
Sclavonians, Hungarians, Bohemians, and Moravians begin several of
their prdper names with Cz, as Czerna, Czaslaw, Czacki, Czemin,
Czechorod, &c. in some of which they pronounce it not very differently
from the people of Carniola. The complex, or compound, consonant
Cz properly belongs to the Hungarians, who have a character equivalent
to it in their old Hunnic, or Hunno-Scythian, alphabet. This we learn
from the famous* Matthias Beli us, in his curious treatise, intituled, De
vetere Uteratura Hunno-Scythica Exercitatio; to whom, for farther
satisfaction on this head, we refer our ingenious and inquisitive readers.

From Czerniza we went to Pipaco, a considerable village, where fresh
post-horses are taken in. The Italians call this village Pipaco, and
Vipaco, the Camioleze Vipava, and the Germans Wipach. It was
formerly a large and populous city, subject to its own prince, or^ at
least, possessed by a family who derived their surname from it. After-
wards it came into the possession of Count Osterwicz, whose family was
one of the noblest in Carinthia. In 1487, the Emperor Frederic IV.

*V7drJr«tt«]l«Ldev«t.Lit«Uwiao*S«ytl^o, fiK«tdt,v,S4. Sd.Xtirtia, ITit.

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. azs-

t

/

Ipftde a present of it to Leonard Count Herberstein; and with that
fiuniiy it remained for some time. The Turks pillaged Wipach, and all
the adjacent country, in 147S ; and the Venetians took it by surprize,
in 1508. It stands upon a river of the same name, which first issues
firom a neighbouring craggy mountain. This river is the celebrated
Fr^dus of the antients, taken notice of by Peutinger's table, the
Itinerary of Antoninus, and Ciaudian. It has been rendered famous by
a great victory obtained, in a most wonderful, and even miraculous,
manner, over the tyrant Eugenius, by the Emperor Theodosius, A.C.
39*^ This victory has been minutely described by Ruffinus, Orosius,
Sdcrates, Sozomen, Jornandes, and Ciaudian; the last of which
authors, in his description of it, breaks out into the following most
beautiful exclamation :

O nimium dilecte Deo, cui fundit ab antris
i£olus armatas hyemes, cui militat aether,
£t conjurati veniunt in classica venti!
Alpince rubuere nives, & Frigidus amnis
Mutatis fumavit aquis, turbaque cadentum
Staret, ni rapid us juvisset flumina sanguis.

It is seated at the southern foot of the Carnian Alps, or, as the natives
term them, the Czalin Mountains. ■. Count Lanthieri has a fine palace
here. All the adjacent country is famous for the pleasant and generous
wine it produces. Between Czerniza and Pipaco, which are distant
l|bout two German miles, we passed through a village, and crossed a
little river. The village stood on the river. The name of the former,
qur postiglione informed us, was Aiduschna, or Adushna, and of the
Ifktter Fouble. Besides Adushna and the Fouble, nothing meriting our
attention occurred this post.

The next post-town, or village, we came to was called Resderda,
i|rhich made no very great 6gure« The road was rough and mountain-
ous, and the post pretty long.

• : Fjrom Resderda to Pianino is one post, two German miles long. The
Germans and Carniolezc call Pianino Plania. It stands upon the river
Alben, about a German mile from Logatiz, or Logitsch. As this last
plaice is a post from Vernich, Pianino must be a post and half, or at
Qsast a very long post, from that village, as will appear to every person
who consults the map of Carniola. Here we staid an hour, to refresh
ourselves and our servants, having all of us bet^n pretty much fatigued
by the badness of the road, the two last post«* We met in this place,
though a village of no gi*eat note, a glass of very good wine, which not
a little raised our drooping spirits. The wheels of the post-chaises had
considerably suffered, so that we were obliged to have them greased here,
which cost us ten grosse, or half a florin. We took a post chaise for our
two English servants at Resderda, and another here; which having done,
we immediately proceeded on our journey.

Nothing remarkable occurred betwixt Pianino and Vernich, the next
place that furnished us with post horses and a chaise for our servawt^.

The Carnioleze and German name of VernlcVv \s Yxa.v\\cx% TtiSi \ci>«tv

rOL, KJ. o

22( THE TRAVELS OF

stands upon tHe river Franics, atid not far from its source. Vermch,
the Italian name of Franicz, confirms what we have before observed in
relation to the power of the complex Carniolian consonant cz. Venuch
18 a small' town, or village, eminent for nothing, as far as we could;
learn, but being situate on the post road. We staid about half an hour
here; and then, after having had our wheels greased again, set out bi,
Laubach, or Lubiana. We paid our servants postiglione, the two prfri'
ceding posts, 20 creutzers, or karantani, per post.

The road is excessively bad from Vemich to Lubiana. Therefcra
some passengets chuse to go by water from the former to the latter of
these places; which they may easily do, by means of the rivers Fiimica
and Laubach. The post between Vemich and Lubiana consists at
least of three German miles. We entered Laubach about an hour'befon
sun %et; and found the landlord of the Black Horse,'' where we put up,
very obliging and agreeable. From what has been observed, our readers
will easily collect the number of posts between Goritia and Laubach to
be as follow:

From Goritia to Czemiza, one post, three German miles.
From Czemiza to Pipaco, orWipach, one post.
From Wipach to Resderda, one post.
From Resderda to Pianino, or Plania, one post.
FromPlania to Franicz, or Vemich, one long post.
From Vernich, or Franicz, to Laubach, three German miles.
Laubach, the metropolis of Carniola, in Latin Labacum^ is called bjf
, the natives Lubiana, by the Germans Lay bach and Laubach, and bjr
the Italians Lubiana. It stands upon a river of the same name, in N.
lat 46 deg. 10 min. and long. 38 deg. 40 min. about 2/ German miles
south of Gratz, the capital of Stiria. It is surrounded by a wall, has
six gates, and is divided into two parts by the river Laubach, that room
through it. That river moves* so slowly here, that its motion is scarce
discernable, till it comes to a descent a little farther, down which it
rushes with great rapidity into the Save. It seems to be the Nauportus
of Pliny and.Strabo. According to the German writers, who hava
probability on their side, Laubach occupies the same spot of^ground that
the antient ^mona, Hasmonia, or Hemona, did ; though it cannot be
said to have put on the form of a city till the year 14 1 6. The inhabit^
ants then erected a slight sort of wall round it, which was afterwards
strengthened and improved by the Emperor Frederic IV. in 1475, to
secure it against the insults and excursions of the Turks. This being
afterwards demolished, the city remained without a wall from the year
1520, to the year 1553, when the citizens built a new one much
stronger than the former, adding to it seveial bulwarks, and ditches
' excavated within, still extant; which made it look like a regular for*
tification. The greatest part of the expence of this necessary work was
defra^'ed by Ferdinand L King of the Romans. There is appertaining,
to the city a ducal castle, or* palace, of great extent, seated on the top
of a hill, covered with a wood that is always green. This Fortezza is a
place of considerable strength, being fortified by a single solid wall
towards the east, and with a triple one in some other parts, which, at
present, eems yery antique. That theaxicv^t ^mona either stood

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 12/

where the modern Laubach at present does, or at a very small distance
from the spot taken up by it, may be collected from several stpnes, with

' Latin inscriptions upon them, dug up at Laubach. If we admit the
former notion, Laubach may vye with most cities of Europe,, in point
of antiquity ; since, a,ccording to Zosimus and Sozomen, £mona was
built by- the Argonauts, in their return from their Asiatic expedition.
In this case/ Laubach will be, at least, four hundred years older than
Rome.

As for the churches here, if we include those in the suburbs, they aroi
thirteen in number. 1. The cathedral church of St. Nicholas, said to
have been built long before the year 1386, by som~e sailors and fisher*
men ; which is probable enough, since being burnt down that year, it
was afterwards rebuilt and adorned with many altars. 2. The church
of the Blessed Virgin Mary, annexed to the house of the knights of the
Teutonic order, built in the form of across, and supposed to stand upon
the ruins of the walk of the antient i£mona. 3. The church of the

' Minorites, called the church of the glorious assumption of the Blessed
Virgin. The foundations of this were first laid in the year 1403, upoa
the ruins of another built in 1073. 4. The church of the Jesuits,
founded in the year 1596, a large account of which has been given by
the Baron Valvasor. Before the front of it is a beautiful and spacious
area, on one side of which stands the Jesuits College, and on the other
side their Gymnasium, where all kinds of polite literature are cultivated,
as likewise moral theology. The scholars here are divided into seven
schools. This Gymnasium has a very large Auditorium, which is graced
with a noble Theatre. We were told, that the schools are always ex*
tremely full of scholars; and that the Jesuits took care of their education*
Opposite to the Jesuits church there is a brazen colossus of the immaculate
virgin standing on a marble base, the four comers of which are adorned
by the statues of J^eph, St. Leopold, St Ignatius, and St. Francis
Xavier. 5. The church of St. James, which is large, but not of a very
high antiquity. 6. The little church of St. Elizabeth ,adjoining to the
hospital, which must be very antient, since it was destroyed by fire in
1386. 7- The church of St/Frideline, which the common people call
the church of St. Lawrence, because on that saint's day they annually
celebrate its dedication with great solemnity. 8. The church of St*
Florian, built by the charitable contributions of pious persons since the
year l660, when a great part of the city was laid in ashes. 9* The
church of St. George, within, and appertaining to, the castle or citadel*
10. The church and convent of the Austin Friars in the suburbs, con-
secrated in the year l669» 11. The church of St. Joseph, together with
the convent of discalceated friars, built by the Prince of Eggenberg in
1657. The church and convent of the Capuchins, founded and endowed
by Ferdinand II, when Archduke of Austria. At the foundation of
this churcK and monastery, Anno 1607, Thomas Chron, Bishop of
Laubach, laid the first stone. The building was fini^ed the summer
following, and consecnited with great solemnity, 20,000 men, under
500 banners, from all parts of Camiola, Stiria, and Carinthia^ a.\.\£v\^\\v%
that ceremony. 13. The church of St. Peter,. otve oi tld^^^^^sx *>^^
t)aspldce^ Mod very krge. There is extant a list tS a\\ l^^^%aX»vk «A

^2

SS8 THE TRAVELS OP

this churchy from the year 1385, to the present time. It will be proper
likewise to observe here, that there is in Laubach a religious house,
or nunnery, belonging to the virgins of Santa Clara^ founded by cme
Michael Hiller, in lif48.

• Laubach has likewise other elegant edifices, that deserve the attention
^of every curious traveller; the principal of which are the following:

' !• The Domus frovmcialisy Comitiwnj or province-house, where the
states of the province meet, and have ihnr Comitia, The states consist
of four orders : Tl^e first or ecclesiastical, composed of the bishops of
Laubach, Freisingen, Brixen, Pedena, and Trieste, besides some headii
of religious houses, and canons of the cathedral church; the secood
made up of princes, counts, and barons; the third formed of kni^tSi
or^ as some of the German writers stile them, provincials; and the

« fourth consisting of the judges of ducal cities. ;2. The Town-hall, built
in 1484, in 'the room of another erected in the old market-place, about
the year 1297* 3. Three noble armories; the two first, belonging to
the Emperor and the province, stand upon the hill where the casUe is
seated, separate from all other buildings; but the third, appertaining to
the citizens, has its situation in the town. 4. The houses of several of
the CamioUan nobility residing here, which are built in a very elegant
taste. Here is likewise a printing-press, from whence many curious' ami
learned pieces have been sent out into the world. Laubach was made a
bishopric by the Emperor Frederic IV. in 1461, who first invested with
the episcopal dignity there Sigismund de Lam berg, constituting, at did
same time, for his a&sistance and the support of his dignity, a provost, a
dean, and ten canons. The following year Pope Pius 11. declared thii
see, made up of several districts formerly belonging to those of Saltsbuig
and Aquileia, free from all patriarchal and archiepiscopal jurisdiction.
From the foundation of this see to the beginning of the present century,'
Laubach has had thirteen bishops princes of the holy Roman empire.

Laubach has produced many learned men, and among the rest
Joannes LudovicusSchonleben, S. T. D. Apostolic Prothonotary, who
published an ingenious piece, intitled Camiola Antiqua et Nfyoa^ bein^
an essay towards a natural, civil, and ecclesiastical history of Camiola,
in 1681; and Joannes Weichardus Valvasor, who printed another
curious piece intitled Gloria Camiolcs ExpUcata^ being a great improve-
ment of the former, in 1689. Both' these pieces were printed at
Laubach, find do honour to the place. Many ancient Latin inscrip-
tions are found at Laubach, as above observed, and in the neighbour-
hood of that city. Some of these have been described by Lazius ; but a
much greater numbei* of Schonleben, who frequently censures Lazius,'
and rectifies his mistakes. The principal tongue spoken here is the^
Carnioiian, which is a dialect of the Sclavonic ; though the German
and Italian are very well understood. It is no wonder the Carnioiian
complex consonant cz should be of Hungarian extraction, since the
Avarcs and Huns, the progenitors of the Hungarians, were formerly
in possession of this country. The wine here is generous and good, and
exactly answers the character Valvasor gives of the wine of Camiola.
Our landlord here was a chearful agreeable person, and a man* of

very good sense and understanding. He X:Q\kedL VxsX\w\ hiV^ ^gsa.t

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 229

fluency, and Latin tolerably well. In these languages the gentleman
who penned this account conversed with him, and asked him many
questions relating to the Dutchy of Camiola. To all of which he gave
very satisfactory answers, containing, amongst many others, the follow-
ing particulars:

Camiola, called by the natives Krainska des Kela, at different
times went under different names. This was occasioned by the
various nations that inhabited it, who had various appellations.
The principal of these were the Aborigines, Japydes,^ Taurisci,
Pannones, Norici, Romani, Vandali, Gothi, Hunni, Avares, Longo-
bardi, Slavi, Franci, &c. The air in general is good, as appears
from the great number of old people to be met with in every part of this
province ; most of whom, that are near an hundred years of age, are
hearty, robust, and strong. However, in the several parts of it, the-
air varies extremely, insomuch that in some of them peaches and grapes
are ripe, when cherries are scarce so in others. These last are sometimes
gathered about Michaelmas-day. Neither is th<3 distance betwixt the
places where peaches, grapes, and cherries arrive at maturity, about
the same time, frequently greater than three German miles, tho' this
tract is generally covered with woods. As a farther argument of the
salubrity of the air in general here, it may also be observed,' that many
of the antient people abovementioned seem not to be above fifty or sixty
years old ; and that there are more births than burials every year in
Carniola. The peasants are noted for their vast strength, though they
live in a very sparing abstemious manner. The soil in many parts is so
fertile, that it produces two crops a year ; and the wine, though fine-
fiavoured and generous, as limpid as water itself. .The poorest people
in Carniola drink a liquor made of juniper-berries, of which here are
incredible quantities, of a scarlet colour, such as those that grow in
Istria. Some of these berries are however black, like those in most
other countries. The weather here is often very tempestuous; and the
Carnioleze have, almost every day in summer, thunder and lightning,
which, with the violent storms of hail not seldom attending them, destroy
annually a fifth part of the corn and fruits of the earth. This havock
the vulgar attribute to the malevolence of witches and wizards, without
enquiring into the natural cause. All persons of taste and learning in
Camiola have in high esteem the piece of Baron Valvasor, in titled
Gloria Ducatus CarniolcBy which, they say, is wrote with the utmost
truth, accuracy, and exactness. According to him, in the year I689,
Carniola contained twenty-one cities, thirty-nine towns, above four-
thousand villages, and two-hundred fifty-four castles; not including
those places, called in the Carniolian language Tabor, being the ruins
of fortifications, raised in the mountains, for the security of the country
against foreign invaders. The same ingenious gentleman informs us,
that this dutchy is divided into five parts, Carniola Superior, Carniola
Inferior, Carniola Media, Carniola Interior, and Pprtio Istrensis, or
that part of Istria annexed to it. Each of ihcie he likewise tells us is
governed by a proper officer. Here are also several baths, called by
the^ people of the country Toplitz ; as likewise a ^iX. oi \^^^^o\v^ circi >^<^
movDt^ns, comisting of heaps of wood piled ox\ o\i^. %xkN^\^^\> v^ ^^^

9S

t90 THE TRAVELS OP

notice of the approach of any enemvy and particularly of the TurU^
who formerly made irruptions into this province. The fires lighted hen
were precedeid, or attended, by the explosion of several mortars placed
upon the aforesaid heaps of wood» in order the more effectually and'
expeditiously to alarm the country, and draw together the people^
either to defend themselves, or make their escape from the enemy.
These places are stiled by the Camioleze Kreutt, or Creutzfeuer. ^ Tms
re^on is very mountainous, and therefore more capable of affording
such eariy intelligence to the natives of an enem/s approach. The

^ established religion here is the Roman Catholic, though- the UsgoU^
or Usgoks, observe the rites and ceremonies of the Greek church* The
men among the Usgoks esteem it honourable to defer the consummation
of marriage four or five years; which they frequently do. Some of
them attain to an extreme old age, of which Valvasor mentions one, who

. died a little before the year l689, aged 124 years. But he was much
younger than a Turk, who died in the castle of Perussich about l684,
and coropleatcd his 190th~year. . l^sgok in the Sclavonian language
signifies a fugitive, or^descrter, this people having fied from Turkey into
Camiola near two/nundred years ago. Carniola is watered, by several
rivers, and some of note, of which the principal is the Save. These
abound with fisl/ of various kinds, /particularly pikes, or jacks, bxiA
river crabs. Of the former several weigh twenty, thirty, and even forty
pounds; and of the latter many are fifteen or sixteen inches long. Thc^
also produce a fish called Pfrillen, so extremely small, that twenty or
thirty oi them may be swallowed at once ; and trouts of a purple colour^
often twenty-five pounds weight. As for the woods in this province^
they are large and numerous, and harbour a great variety of animals;
, of which at present we shall mention only two or three species. Thera
are some vipers here as thick as a lusty man's arm, though not above
fliree spans long. Scorpions are found under the large stones in these
woods, and particularly those on the Carnian Alps, in such vast
numbers, that incredible quantities of them are exported from hence
into foreign countries. The bramble-bushes also are frequently in a
natmer covered with a small lucid worm, about an inch and half loa^
and as thick as a goose-quill, emitting light in the night time from its
whole body, and not from one particular part only, as glow-worms dow
There is, besides, an animal that lives in woods, particularly those con*
tisting chiefly of beech trees, peculiar to this country, called by the
Germans Pilich, or Bilch, and by the Camioleze Pouh. It is a little
bigger than a dormouse, of an ash colour, and not unlike a squirrel*
It lives under ground all the winter season, and has no other nourish*
ment, whilst in that situation, than what it receives by licking a certain
stone. But, in summer, some thousands of these animals issue fre*
quently out of one hole. The vulgar think that they are drove ont
from thence in these numbers by the devil to feed, who for this purpose
snakes use either of the sound of a whip or a whistle; and that chiefly cm
sabbath days, and other holidays, in the evening. It is likewise said,
that this infernal shepherd, at their first appearance, makes an incision
In one of their ears, in order to mark them. Be that as it will, it is

^eertalagucb an mcision is yisible ia eterjtinft fsK &»i^txmXQ3^ %Sftt

Y

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. i^i

it has been sometime out of its hole; whereas all the young ones taken
in the hole, though full grown and advult, have nothing of that kind
discernible upon them. Most of the Carnioleze use them for food, the
fat with which they aiiound, when rightly seasoned with salt, rendering
them very elegant and delicious; but several will not touch them, on
account of the vulgar notion above mentioned. They likewise make
use of their skins or furs to line the garments which they wear in cold
weather. They cover these with a preparation made of chalk or lime,
in such a manner, that they appear full of black spots, and extremely
beautiful. And of these furs they sell vast numbers to the Dalmatians^
Turks, Croats, and neighbouring Germans. The bears, stags, and
m\d boars, in the woods of Carniola, are said to be larger than those
met with in ^,ny other part of Europe; and the eades, many of which
birds are found here, according to some, are of such an enormous size^
that they will carry in their talons through th^ air a full grown sheep.
There are likewise here numerous flocks of pigeons that lie concealed,
all the winter, in the caverns of the mountains, but at the first appear-
ance of the spring fly from thence by myriads, and dbperse themselves
all over the country. Many of the stones called by naturalists glosso^
petrw are produced in four districts of Carniola, as well as the island of
Malta, of different sizes, the smallest weighing about the eighth part of
an ounce, and the largest ten ounces. Considerable quantities also of
petrified cocklesi oysters, &c. occur in several places. Valvasor relates,
that there are in this region thirteen sorts of marble, of dififerent colours^
some of which are finely variegated ; but several of the natives increase
this number. Many of the glossopetrs abovementioned perfectly re-
semble a viper's tongue, and ^ome of them, especially the largest, are
esteemed as great curiosities. The iron mines here it will be sufficient
just to mention ; amongst those of quicksilver, or mercury, the most
famous is that at Idria, described by Dr. Pope, Dr. Brown, and Baron
Valvasor, which was first discovered in the year 1497- For a descrip*
tion of the famous Lake of Circkniz, or Circknitz, the Pal us
Lugea of Strabo, we shall beg leave to refer * our curious readers
to M. Schonleben, and Baron Valvasor; and in the mean time
observe,j;hat the subterraneous fountains and rivers iii the neighbourhood
of the place, together with the stormy and tempestuous weather above-
mentioned, will enable us to account sufficiently for the wonderful
phsenomena of that lake. Sometimes it has been known to appt;ar and
disappear several times in a year; and at other times, though rarely, to
' remain one, i,two, three, four, or even five years together, as in the
year l6i5, &c. The towfl, from which it derives its name, stands
about six German miles from Laubach, and was plundered four tiroes
by the Turks, between the years 1522 and 1560.

We must not* omit observing here, that our landlord seemed to pay
some regard to what Baron Valvasor has related of the Vampyres, said
to infest some parts of this country. These Vampyres are supposed to be
the bodies of deceased persons, animated by evil spirits, which come out
of the graves, in the night time, suck the blood of many of the living,

* Scjt likewise Philos. Trensact* Kiim« 191. where a full and ample aceoumt of tbl\ vaxv^vvAi,

Lake it givea,

Q 4

«S« [THE TRAVELS OP

and thereby destroy them. Such a notion will, probably, be looked
upon as fabulous and exploded, by many people in England; however^
It is not only countenanced by Baron Valvasor, and many Camioleie
noblemen, gentlemen, Hcc. as we were informed, but likewise actually
embraced by some writers of ^ood authority. M. Jo. Henr. Zopfiu^
. director of the Gymnafium of * Essen, a person of great erudition, hat
published a dissertation upon them, which is extremely learned and
curious, from whence we shall beg leave to transcribe the following
paragraph: '^ The Vampyres, which come put of the graves in the.
** night-time, rush upon people sleeping in their beds, suck out all their
** blood, and destroy them. They attack men, women, and children,
** sparing neither age nor sex. The people attacked by them complain
^ of suffocation, and a great interception of spirits; after which, they
^' soon expire. Some of them, being asked, at the point of death, what
^ is the matter with them, say they suffer in the manner just related
'* from people lately dead, or rather the spectres of those people ; upoli
^' which, their bodies, from, the description given of them, by the sick
^ person, being dug'out of the graves, appear in all parts, as the not^
^ trils, cheeks, breast, mouth, &c. turgid and full of blood. Their
*' countenances are fresh and ruddy; and their nails, as well as haiFi
** very much grown. And, though they have been much longer dead
" than many other bodies, which are perfectly putrified, not die least
** mark of corruption is visible upon them. Those who are destroyed
*''by them, after their death, become Vam pyres; so that, to prevent
** so spreading ah evil, it is found requisite to drive a stake through
" the dead body, from whence, on this occasion, the blood flows as if
'^ the person was alive. Sometimes the body is dug out of the grave,
** and burnt to ashes; upon which, all disturbances cease. The Hun-
" garians call these spectres Pamgri, and the Servians Vampyres ; but
** the etymon, or reason of these names, is not known.*' Vid. Dissert.
de Vampyris Seryiensibus quam Suprem. Numin. Auspic. Praesid. M.
Joan> Henr. Zopfio Gymnas. Assind* Direct, public^ defend. &c.
Christ. Frid. Van Dalen Emmericens. &c. p. (>, 7. Duisburgt
ad Rhenum, Typis Johannis Sas, Academise Typographi, Anno
MDCCXXXIII.

These spectres are reported to have infested several districts of
Servia, and the bannat of Temeswaer, in the year 1725, and for seven
or eight years afterwards, particularly those of Mevadia, or Meadia,
and Parakin, near the Morava. In 1732, we had a relation of some
of their feats in the neighbourhood of Cassovia ; and the publick prints
took notice of the tragedies they acted in the bannat of Temeswaer, in
the year 173S. Father Gabriel Rzaczynski, in his natural history oC
the kingdom of Poland, and the great duchy of Lithuania, published
at Sendomir, in 1721, affirms, that in Russia, Poland, and the great

* Essen is an Imperial city in the dutchy of Bergue, that enjoys many privileges granted it
bjf the Emperor Charl«i V. in 15S3. Here is a noble and rich nunnery, founded by St. Ai^d*
Bbhop of Hildersheim, about the year 877: to which at present belongs the greatest part of
the towD, together with several large manonrs in the neighbourhood. The revenues were at
first settled for the maintenance of fifty-two nuns and twenty canons; but these numbers ha.v9
since been retrenphed. ^me time since, scarce any girls were admitted into the nunnery^ bot
elf0 daugbten of barons, and other superior nobility. These ladies are at liberty to marry, whco
tAejrpJeMse, Hen is alao » liae Gjmnuinm for Uie ^ijbcnl «duc%\Mu o\ ^qu'Odi.

THREE English oemtlemen, &c. m

dutchy bf Lithuania, dead bodies, actuated by infernal spirits. Some-
times enter people's houses in the night, fall upon men, woroen, and
children, and attempt to suffocate them ; and that of such diabolical facts
his countrymen have several very authentic relations. The Poles call
a man's body thus informed Upier, and that of a wo^ian Upierzyca,
i. e. a winged or feathered creature; which name seems to be deduced
from the surprising lightness ^nd activity of those incarnate demons.
If we remember right, an account of them also, from Poland, is to be
met with, ^n some of the news-papers for 1693, perfectly agreeing with
those of the Servian Vampyres given us by M. Zopfius. In fine, the
notion of such pestiferous brings has prevailed from time immemorial
over a great part of Hungary, Servia, Carniola, Poland, &c. as is
•"evinced by several authors in conjunction with the aforesaid M.
Zopfius. To which we shall beg leave to add, that the antient Greeks
also seem to have been firmly persuaded, that dead bodies were some-
times acted by evil spirits, as appears from a fragment of Phlegonf.
Neither is this opinion, however it may be ridiculed by many people,
altogether without foundation ; since the Supreme Being may make
wicked spirits his instruments of punishment here, as well as plagues,
wars, famines, &c. and, that he actually has done so, is sufficiently
apparent from I scripture, to omit what has been said on this head by
some of the most eminent profane authors.

Before we take leave of the city of Laubach, it will be proper to
observe, that, though the bulk of the people there speak the Carniolian
pr Sclavonian tongue, and have some customs peculiar to themselves,
they agree in most points with the other Germans. All the people of
faishion and distinction speak German fluently and purely. — Laubach
was taken by Ottocar, King of Boheniia, in 1269,; and attacked in-
effectually by the Turks in 1472 and 1484. Albert, Archduke of
Austria, likewise failed in his attempt upon it, in 1441. The streets
are not very broad, nor the houses grand; though, every thing con-
sidered, it may be esteemed a fine city. Here we lay, for the first
time, betwixt two feather beds ; which threw the writer of this account
into so violent a sweat, that he had scarce any rest all night, and found
himself extremely faint the next morning. Many of the Germans, '
however, like this sort of lodging; though it is very disagreeable, for ,
the most part, to gentlemen of other nations.

* Many authors iniehthere.be produced, but vre shall rontent ourselves witli the two
following. P. Gengell. S. I. in Evers. Atheism. & P. Gabr. Rzaczynski, in Hist. Vat Curios.
llcgD. Polon. magn. Ducat. Lituan. annexarumque Prerinciar. in Tract. SO divis. p. .165.
^andomiriae, 1721.

•fPhlegon. Trallian. de Reb. admirabil. cap. 1.

% See Cnlmet's Dissertation upon good and bad Angels, prefixed to his Comment, on St.
, Luke ; as also his Biblical Dictionary, at the words Angels, Demon, Devil, Diabolus, Satan, &c.
Many texts might be produced on this occasion }. but the following will be sufficient to prove
what is here advanced. Psalm Ixxviii. v. 49. Job. chap. i. Matth. chap. xii. v. 22—32.
Ifark, chap. iii. v. 22—31. Lvke, ehap. xi. v. I'l— 31* Chap. xiii. v. 16, Actft, chap, xix,
▼. 13—17.

fd4 THE TRAVELS OF

A Jcmmeiffiim LoMback, or LM4ma; to Gratz^ the MeiropoSi if lb

Ihachy€f&ima.

MS.

VETEB BBFOBE PUBLISHED.

SECT. III.

THE posMorses we took at Laubach carried qs to a village calM
by the * natives, Paotpoiz, and by the Germans, Podbetsch. lUl
seems to be the Popetsch of Mercator ; and if so, that author hai
placed it too near the Save. About a German mile from Laubach, we
passed the Save, at Porator, over a very large wooden bridge. Porator
is a place of so little note, that it is not to be met with in any of the
maps of Camiola. About half a German mile from Porator we also,
passed the river Feistricz, which has its source in a neighbouriiig»
ridge of mountains that seems to separate Camiola from Carinthk.
These mountains we take to be the same with those called by Barqa
Valvasor the mountains of Feistricz, which, according to him, are tlie
highest in Carniola. Some of them he affirms to, be ten thousand two
hundred and seventy- four g^mctrical feet high. The most fiunoos
mountains of Camiola taken notice of by the antients were Carvaiica»
Carusadius, Cetius, Ocra, Albius, Phlygadius, Alpius, and PidSi
whose respective situations are determined with great accuracy by
Valvasor. Cetius in particular, according to him, is a long chain of
mountains extending from Laubach to Vienna; though the distance
between these two cities is above fifty German miles, of which Mount
Kalenberg is a part. The country between Laubach and Podbetsch
was pleasant enough, several species of flowers appearing in some parti
of it, as forerunners of the spring. It may not be improper to observe
on this occasion, that a vast variety of flowers is found in Camiola ;
that region producing at least thirty-five different species of anemond^s,
eighteen or twenty of ranunculus's, and above seventy of hyacinths.
We paid for passing the Save and the FDistricz about half a. florin.
Podbetsch is near two German miles and a half from Laubach, and a
place that makes no great figure. Here we staid about an houry
greased our chaises wheels, took fresh horses, and then set out for San
Osgualdo, the next post-town.

Nothing curious or remarkable presented itself to our view this
post. We were drawn up the hill of San Osgualdo, which is veiT
high and steep, by oxen. This cost us fifteen grosse, and pretty much
fetigued us. The Emperor's postiglioni here, as well as in the other
liereditary dominions of the House of Austria, have strings going over
their shoulders, tg which their horns are fastened, striped with black
and yellow. They are all in this country extremely strong and hail

* CarnioU belonged to Sclayooia, before it was annexed to the dominions of the Room of
Avstria ; and even ai this day the languase of that country is a dialect of the Sclavoniao, aad
the Carniolese in almost ail points resemble the Sclavonians much more than th« Oermua.
For wbkif natoa W0 Jkcrt diftinguish between the CamioleK and the Gennans.

THREE ENGLISH GEmXEMEN, &c. SS5

young men. Not only the postiglioni, but almost all the men in a
lower station, wear fur-caps, like the Croats and Sclavonians, and not
unlike the Hungarians, Russians, and Poles. Nay a great part of the
poorer Camiolian women likewise wear such caps. San Osgualdo is a .
poor inconsiderable place, and stands on the borders of the county of
Cilley. After having staid here about an hour, we set out, with fresh
horses, for Franz.

Not far from Franz, we saw an obelisk, or column, standing on the
kft hand of the highway, widi two Latin inscriptions upon it. This,
we were told, served for a boundary to Carniola and Stina, on that side.
The inscriptions being long, we did not take them down in writing.
But, from the beginning of one of them, it appeared, that the obelisk
was erected, in order to notify to passengers when, and by whom, these
roads were repaired, and brought to that perfection in which travcllen
now find them. Jo. Casp, Count Cobentzel, governor of Carniola,
first beg^ this important work; which was finished by Wolfgang
Weicliard Count Gallenberg, a succeeding governor. Several other
gr^at officers of Carniola are likewise mentioned in this inscription, viz.
Orpheus Count Strasoldo, who is styled Prcetor et Locum tenens, Francis
Anthony Count Aversperg Marshal, Ernest Ferdinand Count Saurau,
called Dep, Prces. Geor, Xav. de Marotti, Bishop of Pedena, &c. As
we did not read the whole inscription, we cannot say any thing more
particular about it; but we'are of opinion, that this column, or obelisk,
was erected in the year 1728, when the Emperor Charles VI. visited
Gratz, Laubach, Goritia, Fiume, and Trieste; for then the roads of
Stiria, Carniola, ^c, were rendered more commodious than ever they
had been before, and that chiefly at the expence of the Oriental companj
of Vienna.

Franz, or Franiz, stands upon the river Soano, Saan, or Saana,
two short German miles from San Osgualdo. It appertains to the .
county of Cilley, which some make a part of Stiria *. At Franz thei^e
18 a' sort of turnpike, for passing through which, with our three post
chaises, and two single horses, we paid three grosse. After a short stay
here, we departed for Cilley, or, as the Italians call it, Cila.

From Franz to Cilley is a very long post, at least three German miles.
Between these two places is a n^llage called Saxenfeld, where there is a
bridge over the Suano. The country between Franz and Cilley is a fine
beautiful plain, and the road here good. Before we leave Cilley, though
it does not at present make any considerable figure, our readers will
expect a short descjiption and history of a place that has been so
remarkable in antient times.

Cilley, or Cilly, the Celeia of Pliny, and the Celia of Ptolemy, is
a very antient town, seated not far from the conflux of the Saan and the
Save. Pliny and Ptolemy fix its situation in Noricum. It stands at a
small distance from the borders of Sclavonia. In some antient iascrip-
tions, published by Velserus, it is stiled Celeia Claudia, probably from
Claudius successor to Caligula. In others, published by the same
.author, it is called a Mumcipiumy and in one produced by Panvinius it
has the title of Colonia. It is famous for the b\tX\i %xiOl taaxV^i^^tol csR.

•

- * Some Italian writen aialrtf the eonntj of Cilley a part of C«fiDtie&a; Wt ^fie&ft TaxA^fi^^^B^"^^
tbagmermlopioioo of the Oermam geogrtphen. See 11 "VUsi&o Vik *St«euii^ 4i^ ^>ft. Ito*^
fjdM0, p. lee. Jm Ytam; 1790. Fnm Loigi Pavino.

996 THE TRAVELS OF

St. Maximilian^ in the year 284> according to Scbonleben, or, is
Megiserwill have it, 288. On the place where he was buried, stands
at present, a little out of the town, the church of St. Maximilian*
Cilley was formerly a bishoprrc, but at present it is only a parish and
archdeaconry, subject to the patriarch of Aquileia. The city was de-
stroyed by the Bavarians, but, in the year 850, rebuilt by one Bruno^
or Brino, who was expelled from Moravia, and obtained from Louis
Duke of Bavaria a large tract of ground bordering upon the Saan and
the Save. This tract was afterwards dignified with the title of the
county of Cilley, according to Megiser; who relates, that another
Louis of Bavaria created Fridericus^ Sanneck Count of Cilley, in 1S39.
The same author- gives us a series of the counts of Cilley, from the above*
mentioned Fridericus a Sanneck to Udalricus, who lived in 1457*
This Udalricus, according to Megiser, bearing an implacable hatr^ to
Ladislaus and Matthias Corvinus, the sons of the famous John Huniadci,
who died in 1456, wrote a letter to George despot of Servia, Ids
father-in-law, promising therein, that, upon his arrival at Belgimde
-with King Ladislaus, he would present him with two bowb to play
.with, meaning the heads of the two Corvini. This letter was intercepted
by a servant of King Ladislaus, and delivered to him at churchy on 8u
Martin's day, who thereupon immediately called Udalricus, being then
at his court, to him, and taxed him with treason. This incensii^
Udalricus, he drew his sword^ and wounded the King both in the hmid
and the head; who likewise drawing, a combat ensued. But the Hun-
garian guard coming up, Udalricus was dispatched, though for some
time he defended himself very bravely. Udalricus dying without issuc^
as soon as the Emperor Frederic IV. heard of his death, he seized upon
Cilley, which fell to him by a former pact or convention with the cpunti
of that name, and annexed it to Stiria. In this town, which at present
does not seem to consist of above eighty or a hundred houses, and six
hundred inhabitants, there is a fine convent of the Minorites, in whose
church the old counts of Cilley are buried. At a small distance from
the town, there is a castle, commonly . called Ober*Cilley. \ Many
monuments of antiquity are shewn here. Considerable quantities of
Roman coins are dug up also at Ober-CiUey, as well as several remains
of human bodies of an enormous size, yie shall conclude our account
of this place with observing, that the Turks were repulsed iiv an excur-
sion they made as far as Cilley, with great loss, by Georgius ab Herber-
stein, in 1492 *.

From Cilley, or Cila, we went to Goi^vitz, or'Gooawicz, about four-
teen German miles S. of Gratz. Here is a castle, and in it a most ^ctra-
ordinary fountain, or spring, which, according to Merianus f, never
either nscs or falls. In the severest winter it is hot, and in the most burning
summer cold. The Turks penetrated as far as Gonawicz, in the year
}473. Gonawicz is situated at the foot of a mountain, in a fine fertile
country, and seems to be near as big as Cilley. It is at least three
German miles distant from that place. Here we staid all night, and
found the air extremely piercing. It has two churches, and a tolerable

'PJio, LJA. jii. eap. 92, Ptol. Otogr. IA%. i\. cwp.l^. V«\set. iu Moniun. pereg. Schoalflb. ia
CMm. Aoti. app, am, 5. Mct. S. & aUb. McpMT. m Ana.Ctx'u^ IJiSekSiu «sv«^% ^ lUasi. ^
fMwriMMUi is top^. Stir.

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 237

pretty piazza in the middle of it. Gonawicz, as well as Cilley, is very
clean, and stands in a fine open country. Our provisions here wete
good ; but we had a bill of a very considerable length handed to us in
the morning, before we set out. The lodging we met with at Gonawicz
was very indifferent.

The post between Gonawicz and Feistricz is a short one, and the
road good. Feistricz is denominated by the Germans Windisch Feistrica
or Windisch Veistricz, in order to distinguish it from another place so
called in Carniola, and stands upon a river of the, same name. This
Iriver has its source near the village of Frauenheim, about ft German
mile almost W. of Feistricz, and empties itself into the Drave, a little
to the E. of the bridge thrown over that river at Pettaw. Feistricz may
be considered as a tolerable good town, and consists of one long street.
The houses are clean, and the church handsome enough. The English
gentlemen formerly frequented the Bear Inn here; but they have of late
used the inn opposite to it, which has a much better character. After
we had rested ourselves about an hour at Feistricz, we departed from
thence, and continued our march towards Marburg, where we proposed
to dine.

Before we arrived at Marburgh, which is near three German miles
N. £. of Windisch Feistricz, we passed the Drave, over a fine large
bridge contiguous to that town. Marburg, or Marchburg, is a city
of the Lower Stiria, seated on the northern bank of the Drave, and nine
German miles S. of Gratz. It consists of some hundred of houses, and
^bove two thousand inhabitants, as we collected from what we observed
of it. The houses, as well as the inhabitants, are extremely clean and
neat.^ This city was formerly governed by counts of its own, till Ottocar
III. Marquiss of Stiria * obtained it of Bernard Count of Marburg. It
was seized upon by Soliman the Magnificent, Emperor of the Turks, in
the year 1532; but he soon abandoned it, and retired with his forces to
Belgrade. The wine here is good, and the glasses the natives drink it
out of large; from whence we concluded that the people of Marburg
were hard drinkers. We were confirmed in this notion by a custom they,
as well as many of the other Germans, closely adhere to, which take as
follows. When any company call for wine at an inn, or tavern, it is
immediately brought them, and the drawer, or waiter, fills every one of
them a bumper; and the moment that is drank off, he fills another; and
continues this practice till the wine is all gone. We were served in this
manner, and upon our letting the waiter know, that we did not desire so
much attendance, but would rather be left at liberty to help ourselves;
he replied, that it was the custom of the country to put forward the
glass in this manner, and therefore he begged we would be served as other
gentlemen were. There are several churches here,' and the streets are
clean and well paved. The two best inns in Marburg are the Spread
Eagle and the Golden Deer.

Between Marburg and Elhmhausen, the next post town, the country
is very mountainous. This may be deemed a long and tedious post,
consisting of three German miles. We paid eight grosse for being drawn
up a hill by oxen. Ehrnhausen stands upon th^ rlvex M.\xs;\^ ^o>^\.^yl

' See Schoaleben and Laiius.

ttS THE TRAVELS OF

or serenGennan miles from the borders of Hang^ry; butuapkeeflf
no great note. We staid but a short time here, having two very long
posts to Gratz, where we proposed to lie this night.

The next place that supplied us with post horses is called WildaOf or^
as many of the Stirians pronounce it, Wildon. It isi full three Gemutt
miles N. of Ehmhausen, and stands upon an eminence, as doth JEhm-
bausen, near the conflux of ihe Kainach at the Muer. The villagoi
between Ehmhausen and Wildan are Gamblichy Wagna, Seccaa near
the conflux of the Lasnicz the Sulm and the Muer, Leibniczt anl
FreybichL There is a bridge over the Muer and Wildan; besidci
which we know nothing of the place very remarkable. The tract on dM
western bank of the Muer, between Ehrnhausen and Wildan^ lim
covered with a beautiful verdure, and appeared very agreeable to thii
• eye.

From Wildan we proceed to Gratz, and arrived there pretty lateb
The distance between these two places is about three Geman miks^
though this post is not so long as the preceding. The i>osts, as well i*-
the miles, from what we have observed, between Laubttich and Giati^
our readers will compute in the following manner:

From Laubach to Podbetsch, or Puotpoiz,' two German miks and 4

half.

From Puotpoiz, or Podbetsch, to San Osgualdo, at least, two Gemum

miles.
From San Osgualdo to Franz, or Franiz, two Grerman miles, ^

From Franz, or Franiz, to Cilley, at least, three German miles.
From Cilley to Gonawicz, or Gonavitz, at least, three German mikai
From Gonawicz to Windisch Feistricz, two German miles.
From Windisch Feistricz to Marburg, thiee German miks.
From Marburg to Ehmhausen, three German miles.
From Ehrnhausen to Wildan, or Wildon, full three German milea»
From Wildan, or Wildon, to Gratz, three German miles.

Gratz, in Latin Gracium^ the capital of Stiria, is a very fine dfy ia
about 47^. S' lat. and 39^. 4(/. long. It stands on the eastern bank of
the Muer, or Mura, about twenty-six German miles al. S. of Vienna,
according to the common road, though a right line drawn betwixt these
cities does not exceed twenty of those miles. It has a very pleasant
situation, part of it being seated on a plain, and part on mountain
covered with fir-trees. Cluverius makes it to be a place of graat anti*
quity, as answering to, or at least founded upon the ruins of, tha
Muroela of Ptolemy, fiut the Muroela of Ptolemy, from the latitude
assTgned it by that author, as well as the name itself, seems rather to
correspond with the town of Mureck, about six German miles below
Gratz. The^word Gratz, according to some authors, is only a corrup-
tion of the Slavonic Grad, i. e. a casUe, or fortress ; which etymon se^ns
probable enough ••

The Emperor Frederic IV. first surrounded it with ditches and a wall,
iitoked at proper distances with towers, after the manner of the antkntit

THREE ENGUSH GENTLEMEN, &c. M9

But the art of fortification being daily improved, these; which at first
were capable of eluding all the efforts of a powerful enemy, soon becamo
contemptible and of no use. The Archduke Charles, therefore, and his
ion Ferdinand sunk these ditches deeper, raised the wall higher, and
greatly improved the fortifications ; insomuch that, it seemed to be com-
pleatly fortified on all sides, except where it was washed by the Muer.
It has ^ve gates, viz. The Muer-gate, the Gate of St. Paul, the Iron-
g^te, the New-gate, &c. A little to the N. of the town there is an
exceeding high rock, separated from the circumjacent mountains, on
the top of which stands a castle, or fortezza, amply furnished with all'
forts of military stores, and rendered on one side inaccessible by th*
steepness of the ascent of the mountain on which it stands, and on the
other by several batteries mounted with cannon of a very large size.
Within this castle is an exceeding good armory. It is plentifully sup«
plied with water by cisterns, and a most stupendous well has been dug,
with incredible labour, out of the rock, even to the very foundation of
it. In the center stands the church of St. Thomas, which is said to be
more ai}tient than the cittadcl itself. Contiguous to this church is a
tower, ?n which there is a bell of an enormous size, that may be heard
at a prodigious distance. The Turks took Gratz in 1532; but soon
after abandoned it, not finding themselves, though their army was very
numerous, in a condition to keep possession of it.
■ The churches in Gratz are the following. 1 . The church of St»
Giles of Gratz, the cathedral dedicated to the tutelar saint, founded bj
the Emperor Frederic IV. in 1450; and given to the Jesuits in 1577, in
which the bodies of the Martyrs St. Martin, St. Vincentius, and St.
Maxentia, sent by Pope Paul V. to the Archduke Ferdinand, in l6l7f
are deposited. Here are likewise buried the bowels of the Archduke'
Charles, at the right side of the great altar, as well as the hearts of the
Archdukes Maximilian, Ferdinand junior, and John Charles, in silver
boxes, in a subterraneous vault set apart for that purpose. 2. The
church, called the Mausolseum of St. Catherine the Virgin and Martyr,
begun to be built in the year l6l4, upon the-ruins of an antient chapel,
and finished, as well as adorned, by the Emperor Leopold. In this
church are interred the bodies of Maria Anna, wife of Ferdinand II.
then King of Bohemia, who died in 16*1 8, Charles John her eldest son^
who died in i6l9, and Ferdinand II. himself, who laidthe foundations
of this church. 3. The parochial church dedicated to the Sanctissimus
Sanguis, or the Blessed Blood, to which is annexed the hospital founded
by Ferdinand I. 4. The Church of the Assumption, of the Blessed
Virgin, or Templum B. Virginis in Ccelos assumptce, given to the
Minorites, (who were invited into the suburbs by Frederic IV. 1469,
and afterwards into the city itself by Maximilian King of the Romans in
1495,) in 1515. 5. The Church of St. Paul, situate on the mountain
above-mentioned, begun in the year l6l9> and finished in 1627 • It
stands on a spot of ground formerly occupied by a church the most
antient of any ever founded here, except that of St. Thomas already
taken notice of. 6. The church of St. Joseph, adjoining to the monas-
tery of the Discalceated Carmelites. Before this churchy NvhvcbL S»
opposite to the market-place, there stands afi^u^ ^laXxxe ol \)ck^ ^^1^

'»^r. ~

MOi THE TRAVELS Of

t

ViTgin Maiyt all over gilt, upon a very high pillar or column, f. The
Church of St. Lawrence, with the Asceterium of the Capuchins, wUch
Ferdinand IL would have erected in the same area where he had oooi*
manded ten thousand heretical books to be burnt. 8. The Church p{
St. Leonard, with the adjacent monastery, bailt, according to some,
by Frederic the Pacific, after his return from Jerusalem, about the year
1437. 9« The Church of All-Saints, bujit in 1603, at the expeoce of
Mary, mother of the Archduke Ferdinand. 10. The church adjoining
to the Carmelite nuniiery; whose foundation was honoured with Ae
presence of • the Emperor Ferdinand III, Mary his wife, £leaaiina»
widow to the Emperor Ferdinand I Land the Archduke Leopold WUiam,
in the year l643« 11. The Church of the Ursuline nuns, whose foun*
dation was 9wing to the charity and magnificence of a certain pioiis
matron of the first distinction, after the arrival of several of those nuns
here, from Vienna and Goritia, in 16S6.

Besides the churches already mentioned, several religious houses of
note are to be met with at Gratz; . the principal of which are the follow*
iDg,^ 1. The noble college of the Jesuits, founded by Charles Archduke
of Au%tM4> in 1573, and most munificently endowed by the Empenor
Ferdinand Ilv.^ This college is joined to St. 'Giles's church abovemtn*
tipned, and has ^^p. university appertaining to it, where philosophy,
divinity, and all kinds of polite literature, are taught, founoed likewiia
by the aforesaid Charles Archduke of Austria, in 15b6, and confirmed
by Pope Sixtns V, and the Emperor Rudolphus II. However, Ujm
present building was not begun before the year 1&07. This univeisity
or academy was not a little honoured by the Archdukes Maximilian
Ernest and Leopold, who both frequented its schools publickly; and
the first of whom, in a theatric performance here, represented Theodosias
the Great, as the other did St. Ambrose, in l600. Nay, the last of
these gloriously 'maintained several theses, which he dedicated to the
Emperor Rudolphus. 2. The convent of the Minorites, near the
<;hurch of the Blessed Virgin Mary assumed into heaven, already takes
nodce of. This convent was formerly adorned, as it is said, by the
pious hands of Rudolphus, son of the Archduke Sigismund, who pro-
fessed himself of the order of St. Francis in it, and lies here intened.
Be this as it will, it is certain his name is not to be found in the genealo*
gical tables of the house of Austria. ' 3. The Monastery of the Angus*
tines, founded in 1558, and deserted by the friers in l601, but soon
after repaired and beautified by the Emperor Ferdinand 11, who recalled
them. 4. The convent of the Discalceated Carmelites abovementioned.
5. The Asceterium of the Capuchins, already taken notice of. 6. The
Jteli|ious house inhabited by the nuns of the order of St. Dominic.
The Minorites, called Minores Obsetvantes-, were first settled in this
place; but leaving it in 1515, for their present situation, they were
succeeded by those nuns, who demolished their first house, founded
and endowed by Udalricus k Walsee, in the suburbs, about the year
1313> through fear of the arms of Matthias Corvinus, and retired into<
the city. 7* The nunnery .appertaining to the virgins of Santa Clara,
already mentioned. 8. That belonging to the Carmelite nuns. 9«

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 241

And lastly, That where are seated those of the order of Santa Ursula,
commonly called Ursulines.

Besides these buildings, set apart for religious purposes, there are
others that deserve the notice and regard of every curious traveller,
1. The palace built by the Emperor Frederic IV. sirnamed the Pacific;
in which two Archdukes of Austria, viz, Charles son of Ferdinand I.
and Ferdinand his grandson, chose c6nstantly to reside. Here are four
tribunals instituted. First, The intimate council, or Intimmn Concilium^
whose authority is superior to that of all the rest. Secondly, the regimen,
or junto, founded by Charles Archduke of^ Austria, in 1565; over
which the governor of the city presides. Thirdly, the chamber, or
camera, which has a president of its own. And these tribunals deter-
mine judicially all causes relating to the Interior Austria, which includes
the dutchiesof Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola, and the county of Goritia.
Fourthly, and lastly, The Concilium Bellicum, or war office, founded
likewise by thp aforesaid Archduke Charles in 1558, in order to have a
watchful eye upon the Turkish frontiers. For which reason, at a small
distance from it, and contiguous to the university abovementioned, is
an armory, or magazine, filled with ammunition and all kinds of
military stores. 2. The Domus Provindalis, or province- half, built in
the year 1563, and almost as grand as the palace. Here the states of
the province, which consist of four orders, viz. the order of prelates,
that of noblemen and lords, that of knights, and that of the cities, meet
and hold their Comitia, This Domus l^roimcialis has also an armory
abundantly stored with utensils of war. The citizens of Gratz
have likewise then Curia, or town-house, in which they are governed by
a consul, a judge, and a senate, chosen out of their own body. It stands
at the upper end of an oblong market-place, or forum, in which there
arc kept two fairs every year. Opposite to this there stands a brazen
colossus of the ever-blessed Trinity, gilt all over with gold, leaning
upon a lofty pillar, and surrounded on all sides by statues of saints.
The way into two of the buburbs is by the church of St. Paul,
^ through the iron gate. In one of which is erected a church dedicated
to St. John, and adjoining to a convent of Capuchins; in the other, the
church of St. Ann, annexed to a monastery of Discalceated Austin friers.
These friers were first settled in a religious house, at some distance from
the city, founded by John Maximilian, Count of Herberstein ; which
being demolished, on account of its being too much exposed to the
excursions of the Turks, in l666, tliey retired hither. The first stone
of this new idifico was laid with great solemnity, by the Emperor Leo-
pold, in 1673. But the largest suburb, which in extent exceeds even
the city itself, is divided from the body of the town by the Muer. Here
many churches are to* be seen, of which the four following seem the
most remarkable. 1. The Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary the
Helper, in Latin, Ecclesia BeatcB Virginis Mar ice Auxiliatricis, famous
on account of many miracles wrought in it. Here the body of St.
Anthemius the Martyr, having been broi^ght from Kome by John •
Anthony, Prince of Eggenberg, and by him given to this church, is
deposited. Close to it is a convent, inhabited by the' Minorites, ever
siiicethe year 1515. 2. The church of St. Andrew, possessed by the

VOL. XI R

«4« THE TRAVELS OF

order of Pnedicants. 5. The chorch belonging to the religyous ^rgitt
of S. Joannes DeL 4. That appertaining to the nons of St. Elizabelk*
This suburb, on that side opposite to the river^ ends in a rock rising
above the ground, which otherwise in that part is a plain. This rock,
by its situation very aptly representing Mount Calvary, is adorned widi
several beautiful chapel*, by the pious liberality of the citizens of Grats,
exhibiting all the principal circumstances of our Savioui^s passion.
About two miles from Gratz stands the noble palace of the Prince of
Eggenberg, built by Udalricus Duke of Crumlow, and fit for the resi-»
dence of an Emperor. This palace is moted round, has extremely fine
gardens belonging to it, and enjoys a most delightful situation. Withis
it is adorned with elegant pieces of painting, statues of exquisite work-
manship, and many other valuable curiosities.

There are several very good inns in Gratz, one of the best of which is

the Hare^ where we put up, as do roost other English gentlemen, who

stop at this town. The landlord was a very sensible man, and from him

we learned some curious particulars relating to the place. The fonira«

or piazza, abovementioned, in which stands the cohissus of the Trinity,

is called by the Italians La Piazza di SaiUusima Trinitaj i. e. 'llie piazza,

or place, of the most Holy Trinity. The garrison of Gratz, as we were

informed, consisted of no more than four-hundred regular troops, conn,

manded by Col. Count Sternberg, who is said to be an officer of worth,

and in considerable favour at the imperial court. These we saw drawn

up in the piazza abovementioned, and thought tbey made a tolerable

good appearance. In the ducal palace here, which we have already taken

notice of, there is a fine library, containing a good collection of printed

books, together with some manuscripts, which are placed in two hand*

some rooms. In the gallery, besides other curiosities, there is an

elegant draught of Charles the Great's acts of gallantry; and a little

beyond may be seen a repository of choice rarities, wherein is a pretty

good RaccoUa of American and Indian idols, such as have been woiship«

ped by the Pagan inhabitants of those parts, from remote antiquity

even to this day. The Jesuits college and academy have been favoured

with so many and great privileges by several Emperors, to say nothing of

the rich endowments of the former, that it is no wonder we meet with

such a considerable number of students here, who are promoted to

degrees in the several faculties, as in other Gymnasia and universities of

the empire.

They have a fine printing-pr^ here; but it is intirely under the
direction of the Jesuits, as is indeed every thing else in this place. No
wonder then, that the learned men produced by the university should
have their genius's so cramped, that few pieces of erudition shoufd be
sent into the ^orld from this press; and that bigotry and superstition
should rule with an uncontroulable sway in Gratz. However, some
books worthy the perusal of the curious have been published here,
amongst which may be justly ranked the following: * Laurus Lefiaeana,
sive clarior Enumeratio Personarum utriusque Sex us Cognominis Leslie,
una cum Affinibus, Titulis, Officiis, Dominiis, Gestisque celebrioribus
breviter indicatis, quibus a sexcentis et araplius Anais Prosapia ilia

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 243

floruit, ex viariis Authoribus, Manuscriptis, et Testimofiiis Fid^ dignii*
in unum collecta. Graecii, 1692/

As for the Dutchy of Stiria, of which Gratz is the metropolis, it h
bounded on the east by Hungary and Sclavonia, on the west by the
Archbishopric of Saltzburg and (^arinthia, on the south by Carniola, and
on the north by Austria. It is divided into the Upper and Lower Stiria.
The Lower Stiria, especially about Rackelspurg, or Rackcspurg, situate
on an island in the Muer, near the borders of Hungary and Sclavonia,
and Luetenberg, on the confines of Sclavonia, at a small distance from
Ratz, or Rascian, Canischa, on the southern bank of the Muer, abounds
wifh wine, fruit, fish, venison, mines, especially those of iron, salt-springs,
&c. though it is pretty mounf&inous in some parts. This district has also
pow and then plentiful crops of com; insomuch that sometimes the inhabit*
ants complain of being overstocked with it ; notwithstanding which, one
unhappy harvest will introduce a famine amongst them. This fertility
is occasioned by the fruitful vallies mitigating the barrenness and a&perity
of the mountains in some parts, and the mild sweet atmosphere of the
little hills in others, particularly those inclining to the east, which
produce most generous win^. The Upper Stiria is much more moun-
tainous and barren; for which reason the inhabitants trade rhiefiy in
wool and sheep. The vallies likewise here are rich and well stocked
with herds 'of kine, thatfuri^jsh their masters with butter and cheese in
great plenty ; which they exchange with the neighbourifig provinces for
bread and wine. The aif, acccmling to the people of the country, of
the Upper Stiria is much more saiubrious than that of the Lower, where
the Hungarian fevers and pestilences frequently make great havock.
The Upper Stiria has no vineyards, and consequently produces no wine;
so that the small quantity of that liquor used there is imported out of
other countries. The peasants drink a wretched sort of small beer, afpd
the nobles and people of fashion a small thin wine, called March wine ;
liotwithstanding wliich, many travellers are said to like the lodging
aud entertainment here better than an most other parts of the empire.

The woods, with which ^oththe Upper and Lower Stiria abound, are
full of wild beasts and all sorts of game; the water of the fountains clear^
but extremely sharp; and eveifmany of the highest mountains perpetu-
ally covered with a most beantiful^verdure, and rich pastures, that breed
an infinity of cattle. No oxen are more esteemed in Piedmont, Savoy,
the state of Genoa, Tuscany, the Venetian territories, and that part of
Italy subject to the Emperor, than those that come out of Stiria ; and
vast numbers oi these oxen come yearly into those provinces, and par-
ticularly out of the neighbourhood of Gratz.

With regard to the antient^inhabitants of Stiria, \ve have not much to
say; though we believe our readers will expect a short account of thera^
Towards the beginning of the Roman empire, the western pai't of Stiria
belonged to Noricuin, and the eastern to Pannruiia. The Norici, ac-
cording to Pliny, succeeded the Taurisci here; though the latter were
only a tribe of the former, if any credit may be given to Strabo. ^ Thai
part of Stiria allotted to Fannonia «eems to have been formerly called
Valeria, and Pannonia Savia. The former appellation, "derived^ ac-
cording to Aurelius Victor, by the command oV lV\e 'Luv^Qxot O^'^xwx^

R 8 '

844 |THE TRAVELS -OF

Maximianus, from Valeria, the iLatightei' of Dioclesiian, lis wife^ ygm
applied to that part of Pannonian Stiria above the Drave ; and tbt
latter to the other below that nver. The name^ Pannopia Savia is
apparently deduced from the Save, the southern boundary of itit
province to which it belong^. . Which names and division of paxt loif
Stiria are greatly countenanced by Sextus Rufus and Joh)aiide6> tf
those authors do not put them beyond all doubt *.

Stiria, with Noricum and Pannonia, was obliged to submit to the

Roman arms. However, the Taurisci, and some of the neighbouni^

nations, made an attempt to recover their liberty, in the consulate of

L. Comificius and Sextus Pompeius, about thirty -five year» before the

birth of Christ, according to f I^io« Upon their refusing to pay ihat

usual tribute, Augustus, who then meditated an expedition to Africa,

found himself obliged to return with his army from Sicily, in order to

reduce them. How and when the Romans made themselves masters-^

this country |, Sextus Rufus informs us in the following words:

^'finder Julius and Octavianus, the Romans passed the Julian Alps;

and having subdued the inhabitants of those Alps, they approached ^

frontiers of the Norici. Batho, or Bathon, King of the PanncWMISi

being vanquished, the Pannonise submitted to thp Romans, llw

Amantini, betwixt the Save and the Drave, being likewise conquensd,

the Regio Savensis and the territories of the Secundi Pannonii ieW itMo

our hands- The Marcomanni and Quadi were driven from ValH^b,

which lies betwixt the Danube and the Drave. And the regulation ^f

limits, between the Romans and the Barbarians, was settled by a line

drawn from Augusta Vindelicorum through Noricum, the Pannonii,

and the Maesiae.'' The Vandals obtained leave of the Emperor Con-

stantine to seat themselves in the Inferior Pannonia; but being over-

' thrown by Gebcric, King of the Goths, not far from the mouth of the

Danube, whither they had advanced from the coast of the Baltic, they

were obliged to turn off another way. The Vandals being thus repulsed,

the Goths marched into this country, and after them the Lombards, or

Longobardi. They, in process of time, were followed by the Venedi,

orSlavi, the Huns, or Hunni, and the Avares. Lastly, the Franci,

or French, were introduced by Charles the Great, who, about the

year 790, extended his vast dominions as far as the Adriatic.

After the French, the Bavarians, Boiarians, or Boii, got possession of
Stiria, which was their boundary or limit towards the Slavi and the
Hungarians; and hence it came to be called Steirmark, or SteirmafCh,
which name it retains amongst the Germans to this day. From this
Bavarians it passed to the Princes of Carinthia, till it was taken from
them by the Emperor Conrad H. who erected it into an imperial mar-
quisate, in favour of Ottocar Count of Muerztal and Avelanz, Lord df
EppensteiUy and nephew to Marquardus Duke of Carinthia, in tOSO.
However, it was not hereditary in that family, though they continued
to govern it, till the reign of the Emperor Henry V. of whom Leopold,
the soQ of Ottocac HI. obtained it as an hereditary fief, in 1 126, accord-
ing to Fugger§. This favour Leopold nocrited, as the same author

* Plin. l<ib. iii. cap- £0. et alibi Strab. Lib. iv. Sezt. Raf. in Brev. Rer. Eom. Jomajid. de
sacces. lAb, i. Anrel. Vict, de Cos. cap. 40. \ Dio. lib. xUx. t Sext. Ruf. in Brev. Rer.
i Fogger. in Spec. H«d. Lib. u. cap. S.

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 245

relates, by the signal victory he obtained over Abas, or Aba, King of
the Hungarians, near Pettaw. Some, according to Merianus, how-
ever are of opinion, that Ottocar L had not the whole country of Stiria,
but only the Upper; that Conrad gave him the country of Austria,
which he calls Anasperg, at the same time; and that the abovemen-
tioned Leopold added the Lower Stiria, or the territory of Gratz, to
bis dominions, by the indulgence of Henry V. But it must be owned,
that the antient history of this country is very dark and obscure. Ottocar
IV. the son of Leopold, was first acknowledged Duke of Stiria, by
the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa, in 1105, and married Kunegunda,
daughter to Leopold VIL sirnamed the Virtuous, Duke of Austria;
but having no issue, by the consent of the noblesse, he sold the Dutc^
of Stiria to his father-in-law. Afterwards Ottocar, King of Bohemia,
seizing upon Austria, for some time governed Stiria ; but the Stirians,
detesting his tyranny, invited Henry, Duke of Bavaria, to be their
sovereign. Henry, before he accepted of this invitation, thought proper
to consult his father-in-law Bela, King of Hungary ; who, being apprised
of the affair, found means privately to conciliate the affections of the
$tirians to himself, and so duped Henry, who had neither money nor
forces to support his pretensions. However, the Bavarian excited
Ottocar to assert his title to Stiria by force ^f arms, who obliged Bela to
cede to him one part of it. Bela afterwards endeavouring to recover
what had been wrested from him, was overthrown with great slaughter,
and lost the whole. At last Ottocar being defeated by. the Emperor
Rudolph us L relinquished Stiria to his son Albert, Duke of Austria ;
linpe which time it has made up part of the hereditary dominions of the
house of Austria. '

In the county of Cilley, the principal language is the Sclavonian,
which likewise prevails amongst the peasants almost throughout the whol«
Lower ^tiria. But in Gratz, and all the other principal towns, the people,
for the most part, speak High Dutch. In the former place the people
of fashion likewise speak Italian with great fluency and elegance. In
this language we conversed with our landlord, and other citizens of
Gratz, without any difficulty. High Dutch is the tongue in which all
proceedings in courts of judicature are heard openly ; and in which are
issued out all public edicts and proclamations. The people of the Upper
Stiria speak High Dutch only; and that with much greater purity than
either the Saltzburghers or Bavarians. That Stiria was antiently
inhabited by the Taurisci seems probable from the name itself; for this
region was formerly (palled Sty rmarch, or Stiermarch, and S tier in
Qerman, and even in some of the northern dialects of England, answers
to the Latin Taurus. This seems a plain allusion to the Taurisci, a
German nation, who probably had that name given them by the Romans,
after their passage of the Danube into this country, from the figure t^
of a bull, which, according to some writers of good authority, they had

* See a geographical piece, wrote in Latin by Count Pbrgstall of Pr^ue, intituled Oennania
Aiutri^ca, ab illustrissinio Domino Wenceslao Carolo S. R. I. Comit. d^ Purgstail, Praeentt*
Ice. ]^op61do Magno Angnstiss. Romanoram Itnperatori d«iicat. jec. YkanlB Austr^it, Typia
7oa»Bif-Q««rgii ikhlagiJi, Unhtniutis Typographic 17OI.

«4tf THE TRAVELS OP

depicted on their ensigns or banners ; in the room of which they after-
wards substituted a panther vomiting fire. As the German empire was
terminated on the side of Sclavonia, in general, by the Muer, so the
limit, or land-mark, of Stiria itself, on that side, seems to have been
Gratz. Hence, according to sora^, the town first received the denomi-
nation of Granite, or Grantz, a word importing boundary, or land-
mark, in the Sclavonian tongue. But perhaps the etymon already
given, as approaching nearer the sound of Gratz, may prove more
iu;ceptable to the generality of our readers. As the Muer antiently
separated Germany from Sclavonia, the Dutchies of Carinthia, Car-
niola, and a great part of Stiria, together with the county of Goritia,
formerly appertained to Sclavonia ; and the bulk of the inhabitants of
those provinces do even still, in most points, much more resemble the
Sclavonians than the Germans. These territories have been considered
as part of Germany, only since the time that they were first annexed to
the dominion^ of the house of'Austria.

Though the citizens 6f Gratz arc not a little tinctured with bigotry
and superstition, as being intirely under the infiuence and direction of
the je^its^ yet our landlord supplied us, during the short stay we made
hiere, with whatever provisions we desired. These provisions were very
gpod, as was likewise our lodging ; so that we had no manner of reason
to complain of our entertainment at Gratz, especially as the bill our
landlord favoured us with was moderate enough. This being the lent

season,' no kind of diversions were stirring here ; and consequently there
was nothing that could induce us to stay any longer than barely -to
see the town, and learn most of the remarkable particulars relating to
it. The inhabitants seemed to be in a great ferment, on account of

• the war lately broke out between the Emperor and France. They
expressed the utmost antipathy and aversion to France and her allies;
nay they. could scarce keep themselves within the bounds of decency,
whenever any of those powers, who, they thought, had projected the

' d.estruction of the house of Austria, was so much as mentioned.

lit •

A Journey from Gratz^ the metropolis of Stiria^ to Vienna in Austria^

MS.

NEVER' 3EF0R£ PUBLISHED.

SECT. IV.

. THE first place we stopped at, after our departure from Gratz, was
led PJchau, . Jn some German maps of Stiria, we find this village
tjnlnated Pecka or Bccka, and in Jo. B^^U liomaAVGiu^'^ w^vx mag of

THREE ENGLIS^l GENTLEMEN, &c. 247

Hungary, and the part of Stiria contiguous to that kingdom, Pokach ;
which probably is the name it goes by amongst the Hungarians. It is a
pretty long stragling village, and stands upon the Muer, over which
r\ver there is a bridge near it, between two and three German miles N.
W. of Gratz. According to Homannus *, there is a monastery on a
hill of considerable height, at a small distance from it. Between Gratz
and Pichau, we passed by a high mountain, or rather a ridge of high
mountains, which our postiglibni called Mount Schockel. Pichau did
not seem to us to consist of above forty or fifty houses; and in it travel-
lers meet with but indifferent accommodations. Nothing therefore could
tempt us to stay long here; so that having rested ourselves a little while, ^
and got fresh horses, we entered upon the following post

This post is terminated by a small town, or village, ralled^by the
postiglioni that conducted us Redelstein, by some of the German geo-
graphers Retlstain, and by Homannus Rotelstein. It is seated on the
opposite bank of the Muer, above two German miles aL N. of Pichau.
It stands at the foot of a large mountain, which is intirely covered with
a wood of fir-trees. Between Pichau and Redelstein we met with five
or six persons, who had huge Strmnc$y wens, or swellings under their
throats; which, upon inquiry, we found was an epidemical disease in
this country. W« were informed, that this was occasioned by the
water of the Muer, which the poor people, and such are almost aL
those troubled with these Struma^ were obliged to drink. But we are
of opinion, that it is rather owing to the snow-water, whicli descends from
the neighbouring mountains into this river; and even in this case, the
n&tion of the vulgar here is not altogether without foundation. Ortclius
was surprised to find a person in this country with a Struma of a most
enormous size. They have hospitals in all the large towns for the relief
of these poor wretches. Between Pichau and Redelstein we passed
through a .town called by our postiglioni Frili, which to appearance
consists of about a hundred and 5fty houses. It has a ca$tle, which
commands it, and is always garrisoned by some Imperial 'troops. Wc
found here part of Prince Frederic of Wirtemberg's regiment,- which is
said to be one of the best in the Emperor's service. It is observable that .
the noblesse, and^all the people of good fashion, in Stiria, who drink
good wine and beer, and eat W(;ll, escape the Struma:, which so afflict
the lower sort of people. This greatly countenances what has been just
advanced in relation to the cause of that troublesome distemper. Having
staid about an hour in Redelstein, and refreshed ourselves, we set out
for Prugg, the next post town.

Prugg, or Pruck, is a pretty large town, about two German miles al.
N. of Redelstein, near the conflux of the Merz and the Muer. The
Merz has its source in a chain of mountains, that seems to separate
Stiria from Austria. Mursepontum, the Latin name of Prugg, is
deduced from the famous bridge thrown over the Muer near this place.
Some take Prugg to be the Ad Pontem of Peutinger's table. A good
part of the road between Redelstein and Prugg is one continued pa|h

* This Jo. Bapt. HomaDQut was geographer to the Emperor Charles VI. Hv& m^^ Nr«» \<t^%TL
from the archetype of M. Muller, ius Imperial Majesty s cl\\e? vugeTv\«T, wv^ \* Vy'j W xJa«k tsvq:A
«DS0. a(» of May th»t Im$ yt lM»n pnMiUitd. It seems to hkv* \»eeu pu\A\«\x%4 t^b^vix. xXv% ^nx 'W'^<

Hi

24S THE TRAVELS OF

between two ridges of hills, upon the western bank of the Muer. Thb
part of Stiria abounds vith woods of fir-trees, several of which are vpij
large and extensive. Upon some of the bridges^ in Stiria, is erected a
crucHfix, opposite to which is placed either the statue or picture of a
priebt, bishop, or saint, with either a crucifix or book in hb right band.
The country-women herc wear fur-caps, and have petticoats scares
reaching lower than their knees. Some of them wear a sort of buskins
not unlike those of the Venetian Gondoliers, or the Hungarians. Thev
are strong and masculine, manure the ground, and do other thinjgB whicL
are performed solely by the men in England, France, Spain, Itfkly,
and even other parts of Germany. Their complexions are, however,
for the most part fine, and their features agieeable. The windows Of
many houses in the villages of this part of Stiria are scarce bigger than
pig^h holes, and are intirely open. Prugg seems to consist of about
threcyhundred houses, has a pretty piazza in the middle of it, and a
stately church, whose dome is covered with brass or copper, wbidh,
' w{ien the solar rays are reflected from it, makes a fine appearance.
Besides this parochial church, over which an archdeacoh presides, then
are two others here belonging to the Minorites, or Mindres Obiervaniei^
and the Capuchins. The inhabitants of Prugg have been long famous
' for their singular fidelity to their prince^ and for the valour with which
they defended their town for the Emperor Albert I. against Otto Duke
of Bavaria, aad Conrad of Saltzburgh, in 1291. On a neighbouring
hill stands a castle, which commands the town. Many persons with
struma;, some of which were very monstrous, met us between Redelstein
. suid Prugg. We staid long enough here to take a full view of the to^wn,
and then resumed our march, hoping soon to reach the borders of
Austria.

Merzhofen, orMerzhoffen, the next place that supplied us with post-
horses, receives its liame from the river Merz, on which it is seated, two
German miles N. E. of Prugg. Between the last mentioned town and
Merzhofen there is a pretty large town called Kapfenberg. Kapfenberg,
or, as Gerard de Roo calls it, Cappenberg, is about seven German
miles from Gratz, and has a cittadel upon an eminence near it. This
town is famous for a sharp engagement that happened near it in 1291»
between Frederic of Stuhejiberg, and Herman of Landenberg, who
espoused the interest of Albert Archduke of Austria. Herman behaved
with great bravery, but, being' deserted by his men, was taken prisoner.
Lazius makes this place to be of a very high antiquity; but the argu-
ments he offers for his notion deserve no great regard. Merzhofen is
but a small village, and makes a very inconsiderable figure. Near it
we met three companies of Prince Frederic of Wirtemberg's regiment, on
their march for Lombardy, where the officer that commanded them told
us' the Imperialists would soon have an army of fifty-thousand men. The
lower sort of people here seemed to us extremely poor and miserable,
though they are said to be very honest and sincere. We did not meet
with any thing in this place that deserved the least attei^tion.

From Merzhofen to Kriegla, or Krieglag, is an easy post. The road
^ good as can be desired^ and the people we met with, whilst upj>R

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 2 ^Ag

it, seemed very obliging. Kricgla is a small Tillage upon ihe Merz,
two easy German miles al. E. of Merzhofen.

The next place we came to, the postiglioni called Merzsclag, which
receives likewise its denomination from the Merz, on which it is situated.
Homannus writes this name Merzuschlag, and som^ of the German
geographers Merzueschlag. This town, which is but small, stands upon
the confines of Austria, about two German miles N. E. of Kriegla.
The best inn, and which is used by most of the English gentlemen who
travel this way, in Merzsclag is the Spread Eagle. We lay here one
night, and met with tolerable good entertainment. The church in
Merzsclag is ^pretty large, and handsome, but built a la Tedesca :
besides which nothing remarkable here presents itself to a traveller's
view.

From Merzsclag we advanced to Schottwien, or, according to
Homannus, Schotwein, the first town in Austria. By far the greatest
part of the road between Prugg and Mount Semmering, is a path
between two ridges of hilh. The Germans commonly call this place
Schodtwien, Schaidwien, orSehuzwien; the last of which names seems
best to have pleased Lambericus. It was denominated by iEneasSilvius
Schadvienna, and by Bonfinius Scaea Vienna, and the Fauces of the
Norici. It is a very large town, at the foot of Mount Semmering, or
Semmeringus, the boundary of Stiria. . The craggy mountains here
render the road very narrow to travellers passing from Austria to Stiria,
and from Stiria to Austria. Schottwien is defended by a strong castle,
or citladel, built upon a rock, and called by the Germans Clam. This
cittadel was taken by Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary, in 1485,
but the craggy precipice, on which it is situated, prevented him from
advancing any further that way. The first part of this post is a plain,
the middle all up hill, and the last part one continued descent. Not
far from the spot where Stiria and Austria meet, we saw such an obelisk, ,
or column, as that above mentioned, and erected on the same occasion.
Upon this obelisk there is an inscription, in which mention is made of
the Counts deZinzendorf and Herberslein, besides some other officers of
the Imperial court, bearing a relation to Stiria and Austria.

Neunkirchen is about three Gernmn miles distant from Schottwien.
Here we took fresh horses, staid about an hour, and refreshed ourselves.
This village consists but of few houses, and is only remarkable on
account of its being situated in the post road to Vienna. The Spread
Eagle inn, where the postiglioni generally call, is however a house of
some note.

From Neunkirchen, our postiglioni brought us to Neustadt, a noble
and well fortified town of Austria, on the Leyta, about seven German
miles almost south of Vienna, and not two from the frontiers (A Hungary.
It has a marshy situation, and was built by Leopold the .Glorious,
Duke of Austria, in order to repress the trourses of the Hungarians,
about the year 1200. We are to]d by some writers of good authority,
that Emeric, King of Hungitry, for the security of his frontiers, began
to build a fortress not far from the spot occupied by Neustadt, at, or
near, the same time that Leopold was employed iti tmvti^ \^\s c\V^\ ^\\^
tibji^ //2 order to prevent all disputes' btlweeu tl\G Vwo i^\vELRftay'\\ >w^

§50 THE TRAVELS OF

mutually agreed, that he who first finished his city should possess it^ and
the' other be obliged to demolish the fortress he had begun. Leopold's
workmen therefore, continue the same authors, being more expeditious
than those of Emeric, the last dropped his design. Cuspinian writes,
that the particular area of the Hungarian town begun by Emeric w|»
visible in his time. The Emperor Maximilian L was born here, and
this was almost the only place that afforded an asylum to Frederic IL
Duke of Austria, in 1237, when he was expelled Vienna, and every
other part of the province, by the Emperor Frederic U. It is likewise
famous for the gallant defence it made for the Emperor Frederic IV,
when it was besieged by Udalricus Eitzingerus, and Udalricus, Count
of Cilley, with his forces, and five thousand citizens of Vienna, in 1452.
In this siege, Andreas Paumkircherus greatly distinguished himself, when^
like Horatius Codes, he almost singly defended a gate against the whole
power of the enemy, and prevented them^from entering the town, till a
detachment of the garrison came to his a^istance, and repulsed them«
Soon after which, the enemy found themselves obliged to abandon the
siege. In the year 1485, after seven months siege, Neustadt surrendered
to Matthias. King of Hungary, being compelled thereto by famine;
but, about five years after, it was restored to Maximilian, son to the
Emperor Frederic IV. who obtained leave of Pope Paul IL to make it a
bishop's see, in 1470. He had, in the year 1444, founded here a
monastery for the Cistercian order. Besides the cathedral church here,
there is an Asceterium of the Capuchins, a religious house of Carmelite
nuns, founded by Maria Euphrosyna Seredezgin in l665, and a college
for the Jesuits, built and endowed by the Archduke Leopold William.
The church appertaining to the Jesuits has been graced with the body of
St. Venantius, being the present of the Empress Eleonora Magdalena.
The Counts Serini and Frangipani were beheaded at Neustadt; and a
sepulchral monument of stone in memory of them stands in the cathedral
church, with an inscription upon it. But as this has been already pub-
lished by * Signor Giovanni Battista Pacichelli, we shall content our-
selves with just having mentioned it here. The Imperial palace here,
built by Leopold Archduke of Austria, son to Albert, surnamed the
Wise, and enlarged, as well as greatly adorned, by the Emperor Fer^
dinand I, is very magnificent and superb. Upon the door are written
the five vowels. A, E, I, O, U; which symbol has not a little perplexed
the wits of the German Oedipus's, who have proposed at least
forty interpretations of it. But what need is there of an Oedipus to
decipher it, when this has been done by the Emperor Frederic IV, thef
author of it, himself, who, in the dairy of his life, wrote with his own
hand, ami perused by Lambecius, has given it us both in Latin and
High Dutch, in the following lines:

Austria Eat Imperare Orbi Univtrso,
Alles Erdreichht Oesterrich Untathan,

That is
Austria ought to govern the whole world.

' This piece b intitled, Memorie de' Viaggi per i'Europa Cbristiana, &c. and iras printed at

-/^ in 1685 See Tom. III. epist. LXl.

'9 wma the comimon sjmboi of Frederic IV. used ou ^anou« <»cc«ivv«\a V^^ that prince* as
tA'cmlMDb0uu»» Set bit Conmtftt. d« Avsi^^^* ^vbUot^bk. .Cik\.N'vu^. I«^.i«m«v

THREE ENGLISH. GENTLEMEN, &c. 251

The odflBum of the holy cross adjoins to the palace, where the remains of
the Emperor Maximilian, removed by Ferdinand from the church or
chapel of St. George hither, are deposited in an alabaster coffin. Many
of the houses here consist almost intirely of wood, as they do in several
parts of Stiria, Carinthia, and Austria. We remember not to have seen
any other sort of wood in that part of the Austrian dominions we have
hitherto traversed than fir-trees, with which the whole country from the
borders of Carniola to Vienna abounds. We staid some time here, in
order to have a tolerable good idea of the pi^ce, and then set out for
DrastkircHen, the next post town.

Drastkirchen, or Traskirchen, is a pretty large town, about four
German nciiles almost north of Neustadt. We saw nothing remarkable
here, except a large stable of horses, belonging to the post master; and
at the Vienna end of the town a sort of monument or pedestal, with the
effigies of God the Father, and this inscription, Deo Patri Creatori^ &c.
upon it. The people here were very inquisitive about the situation of
affairs in Italy, and particularly about the condition of the Imperial
forces in Lombardy.

Having taken a full survey of Traskirchen, we set out for Vienna,
and arrived there in good time. This last post consists of three long
German miles, and is a plain intirely clear and open, as is also the
whole post road from mount Semmcring, which may be deemed apart of
. Mount Cetius, to. the gates of Vienna. The country betwixt that capital
and Traskirchen is adorned with several fine seats belonging to persons of
distinction. Upon our arrival at Vienna, we found the Emperor's
officers pretty severe, and our bs^age underwent a strict examination.
The duty imposed upon us for it amounted to twenty grosse, after the
payment of which, we were admitted into the town. From what has
been already observed, our readers will easily perceive, that the list of
posts betwixt Grat2 and Vienna stands thus:
From Gratz to Pichau, full two German miles.
From Pichau, or Becka, to Redelstein, two long German miles.
From Redelstein, or Rotelstein, to Prugg, two German miles.
From Prugg, or Pruck, to Merzhofen, two German miles.
From Merzhofen, or Merzhoffen, to Krieglag, two German miles.
From Krieglag to Merzueschlag, two German miles.
From Merzueschlag, or Merzsclag, to Schottwien, two German miles«
From Schottwien to Neunkircheii, three German niiles.
From Neunkirchen to Neustadt, two German miles.
From Neustadt to Traskirchen, four German miles.
From Traskirchen, or Drastkirchen, to Vienna, three German miles.
Vienna, or, as it was written in Latin above three-hundred years ago,
Wienna, is called by the Germans Wien, by tiie French Vienne, by the
English, Spaniards, and Italians Vienna, by the Poles Wieden, and by
the Turks Beetz. It is one of the most famous cities in the world, and
the capital of the Archdutchy of Austria. It stands on the southern
arm of the Danube, nor far from the confines of Hungary, in forty-eight
degrees twenty-two minutes north latituda, and forty degrees longitude,
according to the German geographers. This bein^ adm\Ufcd, ^ \\^\.
line drawn from Vienna to Rome will he a hundred M\d ^n^ 0^\wv«lw
miles loDgf t(> itfaJri J two-huudred and sixty, to Li^ViQtwvNxieft V^^^

25« TfiE TRAVELS OF

and thirty-five, to Paris a hundred and fifty-four, to London a h%fndre«l
and seventy-five, to Copenhagen a hundred and sixteen, to Stockholm a
hundred and sixty-five, to Cracow forty, to Moscow two-hundred mi
forty-eight, /ind to Constantinople a hundred and seventy-three. In tke
calculus, or computation, of these distances, the aforesaid geograpket%
according to custom, suppose every single degree of the sequator to
correspond with fifteen German miles; but, in order to determine them
with greater precision, it must be observed, that a German mile consists
of five-thousand four-hundred paces, every one of which contains fivt
geometrical feet.

Vienna seems to occupy the spot on which the antient Vindobona
stood ; for which reason it is frequently stiled in Latin by the modems
Vindobona. Its situation very well corresponds with that of tbe
Viliobona and the Juliobona of Ptolemy, since that geographer places
this city on the Danube, a little to the east of Mount Cetius; whioh
evidently proves his text, with regard to the name of the place, to be
corrupted in the passage here referred to. This is confirmed by peii-
tinger^s table, from whence it appears, that persons ttavelling (torn tlie
River Arabo, the Raab of the moderns, into Noricum, found Vindobona
to be six-thousand paces, or six Roman miles, nearer to them tlMB
Mount Cetius. Vindobona is likewise mentioned by Antoninus in t^
Itinerary," who removes it to a greater distance from Mount Cetius ; b«t
this is not tb be wondered at, since the learned know that this pieo^
especially with regard to its numbers, is full of faults, and consequently
stands in need of many emendations. If it was necessary to produce
other testimonies in support of what is here advanced, we might cite
Jornandes, who lived in the reign of Justinian I. several antient monii-
ments dug up at Vienna, published by Lazius, as well as others, and
the Notitia ; but this seems to be intirely superfluous. Several of the
antient Roman Emperors did not only honour Vindobona with ample
privileges, but likewise with their presence. Such were Tiberius, M.
Aurelius Antoninus Philosophus, who died here, according to Sextus
Aurelius Victor, and Antoninus Caracalla, who amused himself here
with various kinds of diversions, in his journey to Pannonia, as we find
proved from Herodian by Lambccius ; which is confirmed by an antient
medal discovered by the workmen in digging for the foundations of the
new Imperial Palace at Vienna, in 1662. The name of this city was
deduced from that of the river Vindo, or Wien, as it is now called,
on which it stands, and the word Bahn, i. e. Way, according to lAm-
becius. In support of this nolic»n, that learned man supposes Vindo-
bona to be the head of a military way leading from the river Vindo,
or Wien, to Italy. Others believe the word Vindobona to be composed
of Vindo and Wohn, i.«e. The habitation upon the Vindo. Which of
these etymons is the true one we shall not take upon us to determine,
nor attempt to answer the objections offered against the opinion just
advanced, viz. that Vienna and Vindobona may be looked upon as the
same city. Ibis has been most effectually done by the learned Lam-
bccius, to whom, for &rther satisfaction on this head, we beg leave to
jreferour curious and inquisitive readers.
Bat admitting thai Viudoboua stood v<W^ \\ftiit«.^%& %i\ft\HWLtds

THREE ENGUSH GENTLEMEN, &c. 255

Effected, yet it must' be allowed, that Vindobona was destroyed five-
bundred years before the foundation of Vienna, which happened in the
time of St. Leopold, Marquiss of Austria, who died in 1 136. That '

' prince baring extended his frontiers towards tbe east, and built him a
palace on the top of Mount Cctius, part of the spot at present occupied
by Vienna began first to be distinguished from tht^ adjacent soil by some
small huts or cottages, raised on it, and inhabited, by huntsmen; though^
a short time afterwards, these were converted into edifices of considerable
note. From the destruction of Vindobona to the erection of the above-
mentioned huts, or, at least, for the greatest part of that period, this
spot was covered with birch-trees; from whence it received the denomi-
nation of PerkhofF, or Birkhoff, by which name it went in the reign of
the aforesaid St. Leopold, Marquiss of Austria. This was the beginning
of the present famous and noble city of Vienna, so called from the Wien,
on which it is seated, in like manner as was Vindobona from Vindo, the
antienl name of the same river. Vienna, at first an inconsiderable

. village, grew so fast, that it soon put on the form of a city, and Henry
IL then Duke of Austria, pitched uppn the place now called Hoff for
his palace to stand upon, in 1156. Leopold VII, surnamed the
Virtuous, surrounded Vienna, then looked upon as a ducal city, with
a brick wall, flanked with towers, some footsteps of which are still to be
seen at the gate, called th^ Gate of the Red Tower. This was done with
the money paid by Richard L King of England, for his ransom, after
he had been taken prisoner by the said Leopold, in his return to England
from the Holy liand, for a pretended affront offered him by that prince,
at the taking of Aco, orPtolemais. Leopold VIIL Duke of Austria,
son to Leopold VH, sirnamed the Glorious, after the death of his elder
brother Frederic, built a splendid and superb palace in Vienna, which
has been the seat of the Roman emperors near three-hundred years. The
residence of those emperors here ha^ gradually aggrandized this city,
filled it with inhabitants, magnificent palaces, and noblesse of different
nations; in which flourishing state we beheld it. Since the year 1540,
especially in l636, the place has been regularly fortified, and is now
one of the strongest towns in Europe. The suburbs on every side seem
equal to so many cities. Before the year l683, they were adjacent to
the fosses; but, since that time, they are removed at a certain distance
from thence, and are adorned with so many fine palaces and beautiful
.gardens, that, for ahove half of the year, nothing can appear more
delightful and agreeable.

'Vienna has sustained six sieges. 1. It was attacked by Frederic IL
Duke of Austria, and forced to surrender to him, in 1241. This prince
had been expelled Vienna, four years before, when the citizens invited
the Emperor Frederic 11. thither, who gave the town a new coat of arms,
viz. A golden eagle in a black field, and made it an imperial city. 2.
It was takon, and delivered from the tyrannic government of Oitocar,
King of Bohemia, by the Emperor Rudolphus I. of Hapsburg, in 1277.
8. It was attacked by Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary, who found
himself obliged to retire from befort; it, at the approach of the Emperor
Frederic, advancing dt the head of a powerful army to its relief, \vv\4rn',
4. The aforesaid King Matthias besieged, and took \t/\\\ vW -jeax \^%S%
hut, after the death of that prince, it opened its g;8Ltes to 'N^^chaxwXx^^y

iS4 THE TRAVELS OF

son to the Emperot Frederic IV. in 1490. 5. It wag besieged' by SoU^
m&n the Magnificent, Emperor of the Turks, in 1529. During this
siege, Philip Count Palatine of the Rhine was governor ofthe city ; that
part ofthe wall, near the gate of Carinthia, being the most exposed,
was defended by a body of Spaniards; the other contiguous to it,
extehding as far as the gate of the Red Tower, by Ernest de Brandens^io,
with some of ^ the forces* sent by the princes of the empire, and two-
thousand Bohemians; the next part of the wall reaching to the J«W8
Tower, by the Austrians, under the command of Reiprecht ab £ber-
storf; and the other parts by the citizens, Stirians, Carinthians, &c«
under the conduct of Maximilian Leisser, John Greisneck, JohnHauser,
Leonard h. Velss, Abel ab Holeneck, Eckius a Reischach, John Cae*
cianer, &c. who all behaved with such bravery, that the sultan was obliged
io draw oS his forces, and retire to Buda« 6. Sultan Mohammed IV.
espousing the interest of the Hungarian malecontents, at the instigation
ofthe French King Lewis XIV, sent a tnost formidable army, under
the command of his grand visier Kara Mustapha, to form the siege Of
Vienna, and intirely ruin the house of Austria, in l683. The city was
then most gallantly defended by Count Rudiger Ernest 4 Starenbefg^
and, after near' two months siege, delivered by John HL King of
Poland, and that most renowned general Charles V. Duke of Lorrain.
The particulars of these glorious actions have been so minutely described,
5and are, even at present, so recent in many people's memories, that it
would be superfluous to dwell upon them here ; however it may not be
imp-roper to observe, that this deliverance is annually commemorated at
Vienna, with great solemnity. As for the slight insults of the Count dc
Thurn, the Bohemian general, in 1619, and the Swedes some years
after, they scarce deserve to be mentioned.

The principal churches, and religious houses, in Vienna, are the
following. I. The cathedral church, begun by Albert IL Archduke of
Austria, in the year 1340, dedicated to St. Stephen the Protomartyr,
and finished by the Archduke Rudolphus IV. in 1364. The noble
tower, or steeple, that distinguishes this church so greatly, from all the
others, was begun by the aforesaid Rudolph, about the year 1363, so
far advanced as to be equal in height to the roof of the church by Albert
III. and brought to the perfection we now see it arrived at by Albert IV.
in 1400. It is four-hundred * and sixty foot high, and a work so noble
and stupendous, that it ought to remain, not only above three centuries,
as it has already done, 'but even till the fabric of nature itself is de-
stroyed; insomuch that, according to jEneas Silvius, afterwards Pope
Plus II, when some Bosnian ambassadors first viewed it, they could not
help observing, that, " in their opinion, it must have cost more thaxis
the whole kingdom of Bosnia was worth." This church is likewise famous
for the Gazopkylacivim of several of Lipsani, the tombs or monuments,
ofthe Archdukes Rudolph IV. Albert III. Albert IV. Albert VI.

* When Soliman the Magnificent besieged Vienna, he promised the citizens to spare the Tower,

or steeple of St. Stephen's church, if they woo Id place upon the top of it a half moon and star,

the Turkish arms; which was readily complied with. But the Turks were not so polite in iQSi.

The garrison therefore observing, that several bf the enemy's shot were levelled at that tower, they

took down the Turkish arms ; and it is to be hoped they never will be admitted into this cily again.

THREE ENGUSH GENTLEMEN, &c. 255

William Leopold, surnamed the Proud, &c. and the rich marble
Mausol(tum of the Emperor Frederic IV. The bowels of the Emperors
Leopold and Joseph^ put into two silver boxes or chests, were interred,
here. The bell in the little tower is said to be twenty-thousand pound
weight In the church yard, there is a stone pulpit, frohi whence S,
Joannes Capistranus is believed to have preached in Latin to the popu-
lace, who, though ignorant of even the first rudiments of that language,
it IS pretended, miraculously understood him.

St. Stephen's church, though near four-hundred years old, as already
observed, was substituted in the place of another more ancient one,
coeval, or nearly so, with the city itself. Heie one Eberhardus is said
to have first officiated, about the year ll40, or rather 1157* at the
appointment of Rembertus Bishop of Passau ; but the names of all his
successors are lost, except that of one Petei;, dignified with the title of
Magister, who lived at the time of the provincial council, held at
Vienna, in 1267, over which presided Guido Cardinal of St. Lawrence
in Lucina, priest of the Cistercian order, an^l legate of the Apostolical
see. Amongst the great personages, yho assisted at this council, may
be reckoned John Bishop of Prague, Peter Bishop of Passau, Bruno.
Bishop of Brixen, Conrad Bishop of Freisingen, and Lea Bishop of
Ratisbon, besieges a large number of deans, archdeacons, &c. Nay,
according to Ls^zius, the patriarch of Aquileia, the Archbishop of Saltz-
burg, the Bishops of Trent, Olmutz, and Breslaw assisted hereat ;
though an anonymous author cited by Lambecius, who lived at the time
of this council, excludes the three last bishops, when he asserts that
Guido only convened the bishops, who were suffragans to the Arch-
bishop of Saltzburg. And, in conformity to this assertion, Stero affirms,
that one Uladislaus was, this very year 1267, consecrated Archbishop
of Saltzburg, on Trinity-Sunday, June 12, after thti breaking up of the
council, which happened, during the vacancy of that see ; since, ac-
cording to the aforesaid anonymous author, it began May the tenth,
1267, and continued only three days. Rudolph IV. Archdi\ke of
Austria, as hinted above, finished the church of St. Stephen, in 1364;
when it was likewise made a cathedral church, with stalls for twenty-
four canons, over whom one Wemherus first presided. These canons
were to be dressed in purple, and to wear a golden cross, on their
breast; and when prayers were to be put up on any occasion, twelve of
them had orders to precede, and as many to follow, the Carmelites, in
all processions. But this custom, as well as the purple garment, has
since been laid aside, anfl the number of canons been reduced to four-
teen. In 1480, the Emperor Frederic IV. with the leave and concur-
rence of Pope Paul 11. founded a bishopric of Vienna, declared free and
exempt from all archiescopal jurisdiction. Leo k Spaur, a Tyroleze,
was the first bishop of Vienna. Betwixt this Leo and tne Cardinal
Melchior Cfeselius, who died in lG30, there were thirteen bishops of
Vienna. The cardinal was succeeded by Anthony, Abbot of Krembs-
miinster, \yho was created a prince by the Emperor Ferdinand II.

2. The abbey of the Scotch Benedictines, founded by Henry II. Duke
of Austria, in 1158, as the charter expresses it, in Honorem Dei et
Latidem sues Genet ricis gloriosissimcB Firginiiy de^iqw mCommemarat%oi\em

«56 THE TRAVELS OF

Beafi Gregorii^ ^e. It was intended likewise to be a Caravansera, or
place of refreshment, for the pilgrims going to the Holy Land ; and, as
the Scotch pilgrims calling here were observed to be the roost numerous,
it seems from thence to have deduced its name, though Cuspinianus
says, it was so called from the Scotch religious, who were invited
hither. The present church belonging to this monastery was built since
the year 1590, when the old one was overthrown by an earthquake,
which shook the whole city. The religious here at present live very
well.

3. The monastery of the Carmelites was founded, according to Fugger
and Cuspinian, by Leopold the Glorious, Duke of Austria, a littl«
before the beginning of the thirteenth century ; but, if any credit may

' be given to Lazius, by Rudolphus IV. Gerard de Roo seems to recon-
cile these jarring accounts, when he relates, that Rudolph IV, was so
munificent a benefactor to the Carmelites, that he might be considered
as their founder, and was accordingly honoured by them with that title.
It is pirobable, that the church, which I-azius affirms to have been
erected in honour of the Virgin Mary, was one instance" of his munifi-
cence; since this church, which stands in the forum, or market-place,
called Hofif, and has a fine entry or portico, has not the appearance of
a structure betwixtfive and six-hundred years old. The Jesuits had this
monastery given them by Ferdinand I. King of the Romans, in 1 554.

4. The noble church at S. Maria Rotunda, built in the reign of the
Emperor Ferdinand II. stands upon the ruins of a more antient one,
erected /by Leopold the Virtuous, in 1100; and given by another
Leopold, Archduke of Austria, to the order of the Praedicants, in 1325,
eighteen years after the Templars, its former possessors, had been extinct.
Annexed to this church is a large public library, denominated from its
founder the Windhagian library, where at certain stated hours every
body has the liberty of studying. The church, with the library, makes
a fine appearance.

5. The church of the Iloly Cross was begun by Ottocar, King of
Bohemia, in the room of a smaller one, and a religious house, assigned
to the Seraphic order, by Frederic II. Duke of Austria, who began to
reign in 1227; carried on by Blanche, daughter to Philip the Fair, King
of France, and wife to the Archduke Rudolph III; and at last finished
by Elizabeth of Aragon, wife to the Emperor Frederic HI. It has been
finely decorated and adorned by the Minorites; in the wall of whose
cloister, is a very remarkable hiatus, or chasm, through which, it is
teported, the devil carried to hell an impious wretch, who presumed to
eat the host seven times in one day. Such stories as there are not un-
common at Vienna.

6. The parochial church of St. Michael, built by Rudolph HL and
Otto, Archdukes of Austria, upon the ruins of a more antient one, was
given to the regular clerks of St. Paul, in the year 1626, by the Em-
peror Ferdinand IL These clerks werd substituted in the place of the
secular clergy, who before performed all the parochial duty here.

7» The church of St. Anna was founded for the use of strangers.
The Jesuits first seated themselves here, when they were invited to
Vienna^ by the Emperor Ferdinand I, in 1551 ; but removing soon after

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, ice. 257

fromhence, it was given to the knights of St. Stephen; and lastly, it
was again consigned to the Jesuits, as a place proper for the education
of their youth, in 1(S26.

8. The Aulic church of St. Austin, with the convent adjoining to it,
owes its foundation to Otto, Archduke of Austria, in 1338, or the year
lollowing. After his death, it came first into the possession of the
hermits of St. Augustin ; but now it is inhabited, and has been finely
beautified, by the discalceatcd, or bare-footed Augustines. In the middle
of this church is.a chapel called the Chapel of Loretto, because built
after the model of the Holy House of Loretto. The hearts of the two
Emperors Leopold and Joseph, put into two silver urns, or boxes, Were
deposited behind the high altar here. There is a gallery of communi-
cation between this chapel and the imperial palace. /

9* The church of St. Dorothea was begun by Albert H. Archduke of
Austria, and finished by Rudolph IV. committed, as is said, at first to
the care of the secular presbyters; to which Andreas Blanck, or
Planckner, Praeceptor to Albert, Archduke of Austria, and chancellor,
afterwards annexed a college of the regular canons of St. Augustin.

10. The church of St. Jerom was funded by Conradus Holzerus, a
citizen of Vienna, of great distinction, for female-penitents singing the
}ior2t Canonicse every day in the German tongue, about the beginning
of the fifteenth century. The Minoritea formerly occupied the monastery
of St. Theobald in 'one of the suburbs, but demolishing this, and retiring
into the city, for fear of the Turks, about the year 158fl, they were
invited to the church of St. Jerom.

IJ. The church belonging to the academical college of the Jesuits
was founded by the Emperor Ferdinand 11. in l628; but it was not
finished till some time after.

12. The church of St. Francis, with a vault designed to receive the
bodies of the princes of the House of Austria, and the Asceterium of the
Capuchins, famous for the vast number of sacred relicks it contains,
Reserves to be mentioned next. The Emperor Matthias, and Anna his
Consort, began to erect it, but it was not finished till the year l63l.
The bodies of the Emperors Leopold and Joseph were buried liere ; the
former of those princes died May the fifth, N. S. 1705, and the latter
April the seventeenth, N. S. 1 7 1 1 .

Besides these churches and religious bouses, there are seven nunneries,
with the churches appertaining to them, distributed in different parts of
this city.

1. The church of St. James is of great antiquity, being either founded
by Leopoldus Largus, Marquiss of Austria, or Leopold the Virtuous,
in 1 190. Several Carinthian matrons afterwards settled here, and em-
braced the rule of St. Augustin.

2 I'he nunnery of Santa Clara, at the gate called Himmelport, or
the Gate of Heaven, over which Catherine, daughter to Albert II.
Archduke of Austria, for some time presided, was founded by one M.
Gerard of Vienna, in 1267, for the nims of St. Norbertus. It was
much enlarged by Agnes of Austria, the wife of Andrew King of
JJungary, in 1331. Anna, the daughter of the Emperor Frederic HI.
And the King of Poland's widow, did this nunnery \\\^ Votvqxxx Xq w\\'*

25S THE TRAVELS OF

in it. Cardinal Cleselius finding the number of these religious viti^
much diminished, placed here the Carioniss» of St.i A ugustin.

3. The church of St. Lawrence, with the religious house adjoining to
. it, appropriated to the use of a certain number of nuns, was erectedand
endowed by Otto, Archduke of Austria, in 1337* Afterwards tht
religious ladies, subject to the laws of St. Augustin, removing from an
habitation they had at a small distance from the city, settled themsdv^
here.

4. The- Emperor Ferdinand IL at the desire of his wife, Anna Eleonofy^
tenslated a certain number of nuns of the order of Santa Clara, to St*
Nicholas's in Vienna, from Fresburg in Hungary. Their house wis
enlarged in l651. Before the erection of it, there was upon the spot
where it stands a college for poorstudents, to which John Fabri, Bishop
of Vienna, left his fine library, September the first, 1540.

5*. The royal nunnery founded by EUisabeth of Austria, widow tp
' Charles IX. King of France, in 1583, is inhabited by religious virgins

of the order of Santa Clara, who were, translated hither originally from

Munich. It occupies the spot where the palace of Charles Anthonjfy
- Archduke.of Austi'ia, formerly stood. . .

6. The nunnery of. St. Joseph was built and endowed by Anna

Eleonora, consort to the Emperor Ferdinand H. and appropriated fay
-her to the. use of the virgins of Mount Carmel. We must not omit

observing that the remains of this religious lady were deposited here.
7* The Ursulines invited hither by Eleonora, wife to the Empeior

Ferdinand III, erected themselves a church and nunnery, in l675»
These are the churches and religious houses in Vienna of principal

note, though, there are some others which deserve to be just touched

upon.

The churches of St. Peter, and St. Rupertus, are very antient; but

the precise time of their foundation, for want of proper light from

history, cannot be ascertained, the extravagances of Merianus and

Lazrus on this head deserving not the least regard. The same may be
.said -of the' churches of St. John Baptist and St. Elisabeth, the first of
which is appropriated to the knights of the Teutonic order, and the
^ Utter to those of Malta. The church of the Blessed Virgin must be
allowed to be a place of high antiquity, and is under the jurisdiction
of the Bishop of Passaa. We must not pass over in silence, now wears
speaking of the places more immediately set apart for religious purposes,
the brazen * or copper statue of the Immaculate Virgin upon a high
column, erected by the Emperor Leopold, in l667, and an obelisk
raised by the same prince in the herb-market, in honour of the most
•Holy and Undivided I'rinity. This last was begun in l68S, and finished
in l6<^« being intended as an offering, to e:^ press the grateful sense the
Emperor had of the city of Vienna's being delivered from a pestilen-'
tial disease, that made great havock amongst its citizens, in l679.

In the suburb called Leopoldstat, from whence the Jews wfre expelled
by the Emperor Leopold, in 1(^70, seated upon an island in the Danube^

* We thovght it needless to give a particular and roinate description of the stataeii here men-
ti»a*4, fiact tUt hai been already done by oor learoed and ingeniou* coantrjrman Dr. Broirm>

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c- 259

V

s,

towards the northerti part of the town, the following places desenre to be
mentioned. I. The Convent of Bare-footed Carmelites, founded by the
Emperor Ferdifiaiid Hi 2. The hospital of the religious sti led Fratres
S. Joannis I>pf, with the church of St. John Baptist, first erected by the .
Emperor Matthias^ and, after the fire in 1653, put into a better form
by the Emperor Ferdinand III.

In the suburb- towards the cast, a little without the gate of Stoben, or
the Hungarian gate, in the highway, there stands a fine church, with an
-Augustin monastery, founded in honour of St. Sebastian and. St^ Roch.
Tliis suffered first greatly by fire, in i6s6; and afterwards by the Turks,
in l683* But it has since been rebuilt, and beautified;

In the suburb towards the south, there is first a handsome church,
with a convent of Minims of St. 'Francis de Paula. These religious
-were drawn hither by the munificence of Ferdinand II. in 16^24. 2.
The church of St. Joseph, with a very antient convent pf Carmelites,
who, after they had been absent above an age, returned to Vienna, in
l66\. 3. The college of the PP. Piarurt) Scholarum, founded in 1698.
4. The church of the Blessed Vii^ the Helper, in Latin Ecelesia
BeetissinuB Virginis Avxiliatricis, served by the regular clerks of St.
Paul, and said to be famous for matly rairacles wrought in it.

To a traveller visiting the subutb inclining towards the west occur
the parish of St. Udalricus, and'an Ai^et^irium of Ca^^uchins; as like-
wise two monasteries of Benedietiii and Trinitarian friars, who came
hither from Spain; the former in 'v68Si -J^d the latter not many years
since, at the iavitation of the £m|)eror Leopold. Lastly, and which
closes the whole circuit of the c'ltyi^-mt far from the Danube there is a
convent of the Scrvites, or fathers /stiled Serri Beat^ Virginisy who
seated themselves here, in \6$9,' But their church and monastery
were founded by Bon Ottavio Pi^colomini, Dukeof Aroalfi, in l651.

The buildings of -Vienna^ at least for the most part, we cannot think
so grand as some have representifd them. The palaces there will by no '
means answer the expectations of a traveller, who comes from Italy, to
tee the metropolis of the German empire. The streets generally speak-
ing seem narrow, and many of the houses such as make no very extra-
ordinary appearance. Notwithstanding which, here are people from
almost all the European, and some of the Asiatic nations. Turks,
Tartars, Russians^ Hungarians, Selavonians, Greeks, Ratzians, Croa-
tians, Poles, Italians, French, SpanUrds, Armenians, &c. so diversify
it, that it seems to be an epitome of at least a good part of Europe and
Asia. And perhaps in this consist the chief beauty and grandeur of the
place; since nothing can be more pleasing and agreeable to a traveller,
as well as more noble and grand, than to have a collection of the prin*
cipal nations of the globe presented to him in one view. This seems as
it were to indicate, that the court of the world itself resides here, and
consequently to imply, that the head of it is more immediately tha
vicegerent of the great governor of the universe.

The Imperial palace in Vienna consists of two parts, viz. the old
palace built by Leopold the Glonous, as above observed, and enlarged
by Ottoca King of Bohemia; and the addition to this, begun in the
year l662, by the Emperor Leopold. This palace ituoX oisX^ t^xvd^\^^

s 2 • V

t-

/

^t6o . THE TllAVELS OF

iHostripm ly the mUkmim of the imperii), fomily, b»i|fc Ukevribe by. Af
invalniMe tvcsaiiry in it, «ihicb» for ita va«t nultitu^ o( moit mmwid
inofdibable jemis, ifr dlowed^to belh^ first in Bampeji Bf-liMiiaf^
tke many exoelleftt piofcs: diNit by the most cekbriUed |l4i|it«f9, ipoi^
lected chiefly fay th^ ArDhdnke UopoW WiUi^ro^ «^ boog Uf^ ,ii
sevei^ inner rooms, which together form »> g^l^ryy-^a^diJH^ cilUpd
Kunst-iRammer* . la Am palaoQii to be seen the Impen«l».iir Vi«iiiia
library^ lo oelebnted ail overfthe. leanued world*. ,U c^t^iniy u mt
wofQ t<^ mbovatwelve-thoiisaBd maauflcripts, vid<ttleflu9t«ii fvtindypii.
thomiuid printed volumei; a : great) 84tce89ioQ having of late yefurs bm^
made to it out of the ^aat. Th^ Umiti we have prescribed oDnelvca half
will not permit us to ^ve evm a general descriptioii of this cdtibi]|ted
Hbraiy, wfaadi would of ito^fiU a considerable volume ; and bHMb%
this has beeai randesMi . Entirely superfluous and unnecessaiy by those,
grtat men M4 Lambecius and M* Nessel, librariaiia to the £d^n«^
lieopokl* We have nothing lurth»r therefore to do^ m prden tp s^itii^
the curiosity of our readers in this particular, than toi«£er them .to)fl^
iiMKiolbwdiig meet leainad and cliiborate pieces^

■■'-•■ ■ . . -. V ■

PXTAX I^AMinCII IiAMByAG]E;KS|S .

Caabsa Vziix>o9QyB»ai» &c. tito^.t'. . , '.-,

l,^ 2d»^ 3ti« 4t«,^ 5,^»^ 6t»8^ ^mut^ |. ta^^

Viv BOBON £, 2Vw M^ftkin Cosmeromt Sofp .^,^

Cm.Bli9€ii.7)H^gr.^.i66S, 1669-70. 1671, Jp74, l&TS-Tt^:^

An^,

CaTALoeua

Stqe
■'■ 9ikfemmo SipecMk cmmi^ Cedicu^

Aug^istiosims^BiBj^OpriiECJi C«SAii3«
yiK]K>BoirB]iaiS9

Qaf€w,
Jassu ^ Auspiciis^

&Ae|tATX8S.IMI GLORipSISftllfX
. Q«BlSf;PBMATOI|IS ROMAMOBVM,

LEOPOLIjI I.
MAaKXt Fn^ F^LiciSy
iKCLYVXy ViCTOBis, ac

TBIU;M»lATOan SEMPBA

Au«^vsTj) Qitem Dbus Sqspxtbt« .
-^ /» fuiUkfivk Ifucem edjidU

I^AsriEi, de Nbss«i«9 J^ U. D<.
. . Sm»m C^aAM^ Majest AXja^
Consiliarius & Biblipthecarius Aulicus.

VlVWXROVJS, BT N^OBIMBXROiB, fypi^

LeopMi Fioigtf ei Joachim
JUthmm Bm4Ms Ami»fiftliitif» UfiC^.

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. ^y

This ladt piece consists of seven parts, ftnd an appendiK cpntaining five
additaments. T^ seventh part is very carious, containing several fine
plates, and -explications of curiosities to he met with in the Imperia),
library. Among the rest here are mentioned a famous basilisk,
found in a deep well, A. D. 1212. in the reign of the f^a^peror Frederic '
ir. two or three Chinese portraits, a Mexican MS. some treatises in the
Ghineze language, several natural curiosities, &c. delineated and ex*
plained, &Cw In the appendix wc find several antient coins, and othefj
valuable relicks of antiquity, ^S^c. The librarian Signior Pio NicoloGarelli
is said to be an excellent Gnecian, and to be extremely well versed in
literary history and all kinds of critical learning. He is likewise a gen*
tleihan of great politeness, address, and <good nature, affable, generous,
and vastly obliging to foreigners, especially such as are persons of eru*
ctition. There is said to be an inviolable friendship between him and
Signior Passionei, the pope's nuncio at the Imperial court.

The Emperor's cabinet of medals is extremely noble and grand, con-
sisting of at least twenty-thousand of all sorts. 6ut, to mention a few '
only of these would give our curious readers ik) satisfaction, especially
as there is a printed catalogue of them. We ahall therefore refcr ihem to
that catalogue.

The Raccolta likewise of natural and artificial curiosi^es, as well as
valuable remains of antiquity, appertaining to his -Imperial Majesty, is
equally noble and grand, and perhaps scarce to be paralleled. But a
list of these has been more than once ofiei^d to the public. It would
therefore be losing of time to transcribe from thence the description of
any' part of tht»m. It requires at least a month to go through every part
of the Mus£um, in which these curiosities are deposited.

There are several fine palaces here, as those (rf Prihcc Eugene of
Savoy, just out of town, the Princes de Schwartarenburg and Lichten-
stein, the Counts de Dietrichstein and Herberstein ; not to mention the^
Favorita, an Imperial Palace in one of the suburbs, that of Laxemburg
belonging likewise to his Imperial Majesty, two German miles out of
town, and that of the Empress Amelia opposite to Prince Eugenes.
But neither these, nor any of the rest^ notwithstandii^ some of them are
adorned with exceeding fine paintings^ and are noble structures, can
come up, by many parasangs, to several we had seen fn Italy. I'he
architecture of some of the churches abovemtmtioned is admirable, and
most of them within are finely beautified ; yet in boththc»e respects wc
have hitherto found Italy far superior toGermany.

Upon OUT arrival here, the advices rccei\^ from Constantinople
seemed to threaten an invasibn from the Port; which threw every part
of the city, and, as was said, the court itself, into an inexpressible con-
sternation. But their ^ars w^e soon dissipated, the next advices as-
surii^, that die Turks h«d their hands>so fuU of the war with Thamas
KouJi Kan, that they had no thoughts of coming to e lupture with the
emperor.

The corbmon people of Vienna seemed to have the French in great
contempt, aini dfmhted not hut they should soon make them 7epent of
dedaring war against the Irouse of Aus*^a; but the noblesse and peo-
ple of sense wei« <of anotber opinion. In fine, Ike couiX vi^ ^t^%A>|

s3

SSt tH£ TRAVELS OP

embanMied and perplexed, and alnKMt in a desponding
For ^hey knew England to be linked with France, or, at least, aftlud of
disobliffing her, and suspected Holland to be bribed by that pai«i«r.
And whfaont the hearty concurrence of England and Holland, they
knew they could not make* a stand against his most christian majesty
and his: allies.

The courts of justice in Vienna, besides the consistories of liie
dioceses of Vienna and Passau, and the University, are the Thirteen fol-
lowing:^—1. The Imperial A ulic Council, in which all the causes of
the Romano-Germanic empire are discussed. S. The Tribunal of dw
Marshal of the Court, which extends to all the ministers and officers of
the court. 3. The Council of War, which is confined to military alhirk
4. The Government, or Administration, at the head of which is* more
immediately the Emperor. 5. The Exchequer, or the chamber in
which every thing relating to the finances is managed. 6. TheComitia,
or Common-Council, of the province of Austria, consisting of three
orders, vie. that of prelates, that of nohles, and that of kn^ts.
7. The Auiic Chancery. 8. The Chancery of Bohemia. 9. The
Chancery of Hungary. 10. llie Chancery of Transilvauia. 11. The
Chancery of Spain, Naples, Sicily, and the state of Milan. IS. That
of the Austrian Netherlands. 13. The Senate of the City, to which
the citis^ns are immediately si^bject We must not omit observing
here, that there are two armouries in Vienna, the one belonging to the
Emperor, and the other to the city; both of Vrhich arc very well pfo*
vidcd with ail kinds of military stores.

The university of Vienna, at present one of the most celebrated in
the world, is of very considerable antiquity; being founded by the em-
peror Frederic II. in the year 1237* That prinec thei> permitted the
citizens of Vienna, in return for their attachment to him, to open a
school, or college, being willing, as the original charter expresses it,
eonmodo studio protideri^ per quod Prudentia docetur in PopuUs^ ei mdii
JEtas insiruiikr parvormm^ 4^. But this school, or college, did not ex-
tend forther than the -Liiera Htanamores and some branches of philo-
sophy. Another school, or college, of this kind was afterwards erected
at St. Stephen's church, or at least near the ancient church which pre-
ceded that cathedral, under whose care and direction other smaller
ones at St. Michael's- and the hospital were likewise built. These, as
well as the first college, were called the Ancient Seats of Literature, in
order to distinguish them from the proper, or modern, university, which
was founded by Rudolphus IV. who obtained, for that purpose, a bull
from pope Urban V. dated at Avignon; June the nineteenth, 13$5.
The original instrument itself was discovered in the imperial library,
and published, by JLambecius; from whence we shall b^ leave ta
transcribe the following paragraph, which, we believe, will be extremely
agreeable to our curious and inquisitive readers; — Cum itaque riffd
nuper ex Parte dilecti fUH Nobilis Vin Rudolphi Ducis Austrise fiit
propositwn im Conmtorio coram Nobit^ ipse Dux v^ ViUd sud Viennensi
Pataviemis IHoeeeiii phnimiim desideretjieri, et ordinari per Sedem Apos-
tolicam Studium Gauraie in qudhbet Ucitd FacultatCy Nos AuthoriitU
jipasioiicd iiatwimSf et etimn ordiaomicc, ut ta dictd ViUd de aetero mi
S/uditm Generak^iam m Jf$ris Cammx^ et CvoUu^ t^sam wi did f\>MttiM

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. !l63

ScietUid^ praterquam Theologicd Fdcukate* Rudolphus died at Milan
the thirty-first day of July following, and, besides the abovementioned
schools, assigned bis new university a larger space in the cit^^ which
some have described as situated near the church of the Augustincs, and
others as by that side of the palace towards the Scotch gate. The
same Rudolph also decreed, that the dean of St. Stephen's should
always exercise the office of chancellor of the university ; from whence
it is plain, that Wernher abovementioned obtained both those high dig-
nities. Albert IIL brother and successor to Rudolph, got what had
been already done confirmed, and the faculty of divinity added there-
to, by pope Urban VI. as clearly appears from his bull, granted for this
purpose, and dated at Naples, February the twentieth, 13S4 ; in which
year the said Albert ordered a body of statutes to be compiled for bis
university, from those of that of Paris. He likewise honoured it with
privileges of the same natnre with those of the last mentioned univtr-
sity; and tr<insferred his academy to a mote quiet and silent spot,
adjoining to the convent of the Praedicants, having purchased for this
end that vast religious house formerly possessed by the Templars. For
which intelligence we are obliged* to Georgius Eder, the rector magnifi-
cus of this university, during the first six months of the year 1569, in
the catalogue of the rectors his predecessors by him published, 'i his is
likewise confirmed, though it contradicts Fugger and Lazius, by Cus-
pinian and Gerard de Roo ; as also by the Kubrica of the privileges of
the university, to which this title is prefixed, Conclvsio Dncis Alberti
Fundatoris ; after which the approbations of these privileges granted by
Leopoldus Probus, brother to Albert, Pilgrinus archbishop of Saltz- *
burg, John bishop of Passaw, the noblesse of Austria, and the citizens
of Vienna, expresly attributing the erection and foundation of this
university to Albert HI. are inserted. Besides the dignities and pri*
vileges here hinted at, the emperor Frederic IV. decreed, that the mpst
famous poets of the university should be crowned with laurel. So
much for the foundation, privilege^, and first benefactors of this uni**
versity.

With regard to the students, many of whom came from very remote
parts, they were antiently divided into seven classes. 1. The bursa, or
hotel, appertaining to the youth of the city of Vienna. 2. That of tlie
Austrians. 3. That of the Swabians and Wirtembcrghers. 4. That of
the Stirians and Saltzburghers. 5. That of fhe Silesians. 6. That of
the Carinthiansi 7. That of the Hungarians. But at present all the
members of this university are reducible to the four following principal
nations : — 1. The Austrians. '2. The people of the Upper and Lower
Rhine. 3. The Hungarians. 4. The Saxons. According to the
abovementioned Georgius Eder, the first rector magnificus of this most
celebrated university was Joaimes de Randegg of Constance, and Canon
of Augsburg, who arrived at this high dignity in 1377. The same
author has also given us a list or series of Joannes de Randegg's suc-
cessors to his own time. The rectores magnifici continued in their
office only six months, till l628 ; but afterwards a whole year. In the
year 4^622, when William Rechperger was rector magnificus, the Arch-
ducal College, the Provincial bchool, the Domus ¥«lC\A\vvX\& ^\i^si'5.Qk-
phicx, and several other buildingis were gWetv u^ lo vW ^^vi\V^^ ^\. v^v^.

■ s 4

i

• *.

sa THE TRAVELS OF

«

* #

commMid of 'Ae emperor Ferdinand II. that upon the spot oecujMl hf
them the society might erect ft college, with proper schools atid 4
church appert^ning to it. The four following collies, or temjnark%
may likewise he considered as places of literature, and belonging to tiie
iimversiWy vis. That at Santa Barbara^ translated, together with tho
clergy of pope Gregory XIII. from the apostolic nuncio's house to tfas
neighbourhood of the Lycssum here; the Collegium Pazmanianuro, or
college founded by Peter Paxmany, cardinal priest of the society of
Jesus and archbishop of Strigonium or Gran, together with the bishops
of Raab and Neitra, for the clergy of their dioceses; the seminary of St
Ignatius and St. Pancratius, built upon the foundations of several of
the abtient Bursw ; and the Coll^um Cioaticum, or Croatian coU^n
founded by the chapter of Zagrab, for their clergy. The three firstm
these seminaries belong to the Jesuits, who are, and always have been
ever'since the first institution of their order, in great repute here*

We must not omit observing, that the rector magnificus has sixteen
assistants, to facilitate the execution of his office; and that he -can
punish the students over whom he presides with death for capital crimes*
There are four deans likewise of this university. The present empeitM
Charles VI. is said to be a great encourager and patron of learned men;
Which brings considerable numbers of them to this place. Amongpt
others we several times heard mentioned father Vite George Tonden
mann,'D.D.and confessor to his Imperial Majesty, father Charles Gni*
nelli, confessor to the empress Amelia, and father Lewis Debiel, doctor
and ordinary professor of philosophy in the university of Vienna, aU
three of the society of Jesus. The last is a gentleman extremely weM
versed in antiquity, and particularly that branch of it relating to the
antient Greek and Roman coins. He last year published a small piece,
which in the learned world has met with a general approbation. This
treatise he dedicated to the new batchelors of arts in the /university of
Vienna, and particularly to the illustrious Cajetanus Christophorus de
Olanz and Josephus Andreas de Ruck, both of the city of Vienna; and
prefixed to it the following title-page :— 7

Utilitas

ReI NuMA&I£ VSTERISt

Compendio proposita.
Aecedit
Appendicula ad Nuroos Coloniarum
per CI. VaillantiuM editos,
£ Cimeliarchio Vindobokevsi cujlis-
dam ^ Societate JeSv.
Auctord
R. P. LuDoyico Debiel,
h Soc. Jesu, a a. LL.~& Philosophise
Doctore, ejusdemq; in antiquissima
Academia Viennensi Professore
Ordihario.
Cum FrivHegio et FacuUate Superiomm.

ymaa

Viemue Austrix,
Sumptibus Joanms Adanki^i^^\^vki
BibliopoteNoriia \)«c§f\»A*.
M.D.CC-\XXIU.

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 3 i6S

During our stay here, we dined several times with Mr. Robinson, the
£nglis)i minister, who is greatly beloved by, and in high favour at, tbd
court, where he resides. He is a gentleman of great p(5litenes$ 'and
address; perfectly understands the politics, genius, and disposition of
the imperial cpurt ; and is a hearty friend to the liberties of Europe, ai
well as closely attached to the interest of his native country. He hat
moreover an inexhaustible fund of generosity, greatness of soul, and
good nature The el^ance and magnificence, with which he enter-
tains his friends, as well as countrymen, here, do an honour to his na-
tion ; and, in whatever light we view him, he seems to be as able an^
engaging a minister as the British court has sent abroad these many
years. Before our departure for Bohemia, he was so good as to suggest
to us several useful hints, for the better regulation of our condtict on
the road; and likewise to recommend us to Dr. Smith, an Irish gentle-
man, and physician to almost all the noble families in Prs^ue. Ut ,
also made us a present of four bottles of Tokay wine, which came out
of the Emperor's own cellar. Two of these, being the common sort,
appeared like a high-coloured white wine ; but the others were of a
reddish, or rather a brownish, colour, and an exceeding great rarity
even at Vienna itself. All the genuine Tokay wiiie is said to be pre-
served for the use of the Emperor only ; so that all the wine going %y
that name in foreign countries, except such as his Imperial Majesty
sends as presents to the princes he is in alliance with, cannot be tht^
produce of the mountain and district of Tokay. The reddish or
brownish Tokay wine is never sent from the imperial cellar to any
persons, but those of the first distinction, who are great favourites tf ^
the Emperor; an exceeding small quantity of it being produced by i\st
mountain and district abovementioned. This wine is very generouii
and good, and, taken with moderation, proves frequently a noble cor-
dial. The Germans, particularly the Austrians, ^henniaiis, Siiesiatis,
and Moravians, have a peculiar fondness for the wine of Tokay ; whSi
tome of them, in order to obtain it, will not stick at the most Unjustifi-
able means.

The Austrian wine, which is white, has a fine flavour, and is generous
enough ; though, in our opinion, it comes far short of the Hungariati.
Some houses in Vienna have likewise very good beer ; though, for the
most part, the malt-liquor here is yery indifferent. The "bread aho is,
excellent, as is the butcher's meat of all kinds, fowl, both wild and tame,
venison, hares, rabbets, fish, &c. Of fish there is a vast variety, as well
as plenty, the Danube running close by the town. It must not be forgot,
now we are speaking of fish, that a dish consisting of fresh sturgeon, or at
least a fish of the same or a * similar family, taken out of the Danube,

* As we never saw this fish whoI«, nor a sturgeon in any other coantrj, we caanot prBttau im
determine, whether the fish here taken notice of was a real sturgeon, or the Huso of Gesaer,
which in several particulars pretty much resembles a sturgeon. If the latter, we t4ke it le
have been the Antacseus of £lian« which, accordiog to thSEt anthbr, wes produced in dtelster.
The Hungarians call the Huso Toek, or Tock-Hal, i. e. the Tock-Ilsh. it is taken sometinet
in considerable quantities out of the Danube, within ten German mifes of Vienna, notwithstand-
ing Dr. Brown seems to insinuate the contrary. For a farther account of this £amoQS and
elegant fish, we must beg leave to refer our curious readers to Dr. Brown and Oesner, who
have given us a minute and circumstantial description of it. Ste Dr. Brorwn*8 description of
the city of Vienna, JElian. de Aoinml. Lib. xiv. C. 86. end Gesn. de AqnUtil. P. '
^. £d. Francofiirt. IdiiO.

t66 THE TRAVELS OF

prq>arc<l in some manner or other, several times made up part of our
dinner. In fine, provisions of all kinds here are not only excellent,
but very reasonable; Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Bohemia, Moravia,
Silesia, and above all Hungary, being exceeding fertile countries, and
abounding npt only with all the necessaries, but even many of the ele-
gancies of life. For a more particular account of the fish here, espe-
cially those produced by the Danube, we must beg leave to refer our
curious readers to Gesner and our ingenious countryman Dr. Brown.
It is likewise probable, that one of us, who took a short trip into the
Upper Hungary, may expatiate upon this head, as well as of provisions
in genera], more largely hereafter, when he comes to give a short de-
scription of that part of Hungary bordering upon Austria.

The Imperial court, though reckoned in Germany very grand and
august, is not so brilliant as some others in Europe. It still retains,
much of the old Spanish gravity and pride; and the etiquette that pre-
vailed at Madrid, during the reigns of the Austrian Kings of Spain, is
now observed with great formality at this court. Many of the Spanish
customs are likewise at present held herc in high esteem; and the
Imperial family itself, as well as the prime nobility of both sexes,
sometimes publickly appears in the old Spanish dress, which is reckoned
very decent and becoming. The Spaniards, who continued firm in their
allegiance to the house of Austria through the whole course of the last
war, and after the conclusion of it, were expelled their native country
for their attachment to his imperial and catholic Majesty, are now
highly caressed at Vienna, and the greatest favourites of the Emperor ;
at which disgust is taken by some of his natural subjects. But, in this,
we cannot think his imperial Majesty's conduct is greatly to be blamed ;
•ince thcy^have suffered so much on his account, and since he probably
may think, that, by shewing a grateful sense of their past services, as
well as their influence, and his own power; he may some time or other
Ve enablfd to make a push for the crown of Spain, his pretensions and
claim to which he could never hitherto, either by fair means or force,
be induced to renouiKe. The Emperor Charles VI, as to his person,
is said to have all the air of the Austrian Aimily, to be a little corpulent,
and something above the middle size. It is universally allowed here,
that a good fund of common sense is fallen to his sharc, that he has an
excellent judgment, and that he is very regular and devout in perform-
ing the duties of religion. The Empress Regent, according to all
accounts, was in her younger years a most lovely creature, and is still a
very fine woman. The eldest archdutchess, Maria Tercsia, her daughter,
who is soon to be married to the Duke of Lorrain, they say, resembles
her much; though some that we met with would have it, that the
youngest archdutchess Maria Anna surpassed her sister in beauty.
'ITie Empress Amelia, widow of the Emperor Joseph, wHq died in 17 H,
is affirmed to be constantly at her devotions, and to be in a manner
secluded from the world. The archdutchess Maria Elizabetlia, sister
to the present Emperor, is governess of the Austrian Netherlands, apd
resides altogether at Brussels.. His imperial Majesty's youngest sister,
the archdutchess Maria Magdalena, is seldom talked of, living in a
wjery retired manner. Maria Anna oi AwUia, another of the Leopoldinc

THREE ENGUSH GENTLEMEN, &c. J67

archdutchesses, now Queen of Portugal, took her leUve of her native
country in 17O8, when she was married to John V. King of Portugal,
with whom she lives at Lisbon. It is feared here, that his present •
imperial Majesty will never have any male issue; which, should it
happen, notwithstanding the pragmatic sanction, might pnive of fatal
consequence to the general repose of Europe, as well as the particular
tranquility of the hereditary dominions of the house of Austria.

We looked upon this as a misfortune, that we had no opportunity of
seeing the imperial family, or even the head of it, the Emperor. His
imperial and catholic Majesty was confined by a cold, and a violent '
pain in his foot, to the Empress's apartments, most part of the time that
we were in Vienna. Frequent conferences, however, were held upon
the critical situation of affairs, which greatly embarrassed the imperial-
court, and not a little affected all ranks and degrees of people. The
results of these conferences seldom transpired here, whatevef they mi^t
do to potentates in alliance with the Emperor. Some rumours were,
however, continually propagated, in order to please and amuse the
people. There appeared a great dejection of mind in the populace,
upon the arrival of a courier from Dresden, with the news of the
King of Poland's unexpected arrival there from Warsaw, in the utmost
haste, having had a hundred post*horses at every stage. Various were
the conjectutes formed on this occasion. Some believed, as it was in-
dustriously given out by the court, that his Polish Majesty thought fit
to come to Dresden, to hasten the departure of the heavy artillery for
Poland, and to give sundry orders relating to the present juncture of »
afbirs; others imagined, that such a formidable confederacy was
formed against him in Poland, occasioned by the defection of some of
the principal grandees who had espoused his interest, that he found
himself obliged to seek for shelter in Saxony; and lastly, others
averred, that King Augustus had undertaken this journey with no other
view than to put bis hereditary dominions into a posture of defence, the
French at this time threatening them with an invasioil. Most people
at Vietma feared however, that his Majesty's retreat from Poland was
not voluntary, especially as the court was said to have received advice
froni Breslau, that most of the Polish lords, who assisted at the coro-
nation of King Augustus, were gone to their country seats ; that one of
the Princes Lubomirski was retired into Hungary, and the other into
Silesia; and, lastly, that the marshal of the cro,wn had refused the
present which his Polish Majesty had Sent him.

But notwithstanding the people seemed greatly dejected, yet they did
not despond. The court flattered them, as well as themselves, with
the hopes of prevailing upon England and Holland to declare war
against France, or at least to enable the house of Austria to cope with
that formidable power. It was also hutly reported, that Prince Eugene
would set out in a few days for the army upon the Rhine ; and every
body at Vienna took for granted, that victory would certainly attend
that renowned general. The situation of the imperial affairs in Italy at
this juncture likewise was such as seemed to give some satisfaction to the
court ; and to divert the minds of the people from foreign afiairs^ which
at this time had, indeed in the main, no ver^ pTom\&vix^a&\&cX> \N. ^a*^^

268 THE TRAVSM OF

l^venou^ that the ddett Caroline archdutcheas was soon to be narriel
to the Duke of Lorraiti. Besidea which, in general people seesned to be
highly pleflied, that so able a minister bad been lately nominated to the
court of Dresdeuy as was Count Wratiskn*

When we came tirst to Vienney all conversation turned upon tha
affiurs of Italy* Thb people of all ranlcs and denominations seemedio be
ipore cotieerned for the succcte of their arms there, than for what might
b^U them in any other quaiter. Neither was this altogether without
leSKm; for they bad much toldselbere, and but little in any other part.. .

' The ^empire itself in a good measure secured the Austrian dominions kk'
Oermanyi a^ did the Dutch those in'the Netherlands, by the treaty of
neutrality they concluded with France. Whereas in Italy the kingdoms
of Naples and Sicily, as likewise the Do(chy of Mantua, were in im*
najnent danger of being wrested out of the hands of tbe Emperor, as the
DtttchV of Milan had already been* Doii Carlos was marching with k
poweruil army, under the command of the Conde de Montemar, to
conquer the former ; and the French, Spaniards, and Sardinians threat*
ened to reduce the latter, and even to penetrate into tbe hereditary
dominions of the house of Austria on that side, this campaign. Huw-
ever, the Imperial court put as good a face as possible upon the mattei^
and gave out, that they were in no pain for Naples and Si«:ily, since tbe
troops under Count Visconti, Vioeroy of Naples, after having received
the reinforcements from-Sicily, and the recruits sent tbera from Germany,

. by the w^y oF Trieste, would be more than sufficient to make the
Sj^niards sick of their Neapolitan. expedition; and that the Emperor^
army upon the Rhine, ineoi^unction with that of the empire, would be
in a condition even to ant c^ensively, by the latter end of May.
According to the list handed about here, the Im|)erial army in Lombard^
was to consist of the following ti^ps.

Gmdo Stai^mberg, 3. l^aximilian Staremb^rg, 3.

HuT&tb, 3. Welzeck, 1.

LivingBtein, 3. ^eckendoilf, 3.

Fintenbusch, 3. Culmbach, t.

Wallis, 1. ^ Lignfeville, 2.

Hilburghautfien, 3/ Gn^at Master, 3.
Balfi, 2. " Neylah, 2.

Wachtendonck, 2. Fraiids Wallis, I4

ggilvie, 1. Konigsegg, 3.
aiin, 3.

Tot. 44 Btfttd.

I i- -• fir*

SquadroM,

SaxeGotha, 7« -Veterani, 7*

John Palfi, 7« Hamilton, 7.

Merci,.7« ' Prederic Wirtemberg, 7*

^WLetf 7*. Hohenzollern, 7*.

Licntenstcin 7» . . Hussars, 6.

*tQX.^^SiVuail.

THREE EN6USH GENTLIMEN, &c.

S^

Grenadiers*

$6 CpmpanieSy of 100 men each.

A* ^Itch battalion consists of 700 men, and each squadron of S50y the
fpf ces. of which this fine armyis to be composed amount to 48,700

*•

Whilst we were at Vienna, Prince Lewis of Wirtember^ commanded
the Imperial forces in Lombardy : but all people agreed, that the £m«
peror, at the request of Prince Eugene, had appointed the field-
Marshal Count de Merci commander in chief of those forces. That
general was looked upon by the prince as the most proper person for this
imployment, since nothing but the gaining of a. battle could retrieve the
Emperor's afiairs in Lombardy, and Count Merci was one of the most
bold and daring of all the Imperial generals.

The following general officers are to jsexve. under Jum^ according ta
the accounts piU)li»hed h^re* . . . ' .

LmtenflHt-Opierals.

Lanthieri.

LiTingstein,

Diesbach.

St. Amour*.
Culinbach, and
Valparaiso.

Tot. S lieut. Gen.

MaJor'Genetals.

Waldeck.

ABhalt.

Welseck.

LigneTille.

Hilburghausen.

Palfi.

La Tour.

F^rstenbusch.

Sexe Gotha.

Hohenems.

Henning.

Wachtendondc.

Colmeinero.

Devens.

Succow.

Berlingeir.

Kavaneck, and

Zupgenbeck.

Tot.18Maj.Gen.

Some time before our arrival h/^»| the following list of the Imperial
troops to serve upon the Rhine was published, but many people did not
tsteem it over exact.

HORSE.

Carafia, • • •
Lobkowit;?,

Men.

a094

IQ94

f 70 * THE TRAVELS OF

Lan t h ie ri , •?•••• r • • ; 1 09*

Savoy, ••• •••..•••..•.•-;.'.•.*•..•.•.'. 4 ««« ••••1094

Philippi, ••• • •• ••-1094

Alexander Wirtemberg, •••••••••••••• •• 1094

Savoy Dragoons, • • • . . . • •••• 109^ .

Weywar, » * • vilOOO

Gotha, , -lOOO

Desofy,-**. ...•...•.. 1000

Dlpari, 1000

Tot. Horse, n658

FOOT-

Men* ^

Kettlcr, 3000'

Baden, • • • •••3000

Muffling, 3000

Alt Wirteraberg, ...i.. ..• 3000

Walsegg, ••••• ••••••• *..••. 3000

Maximilian Hesse, ....... ^ • SiOOO

Rhin^rave Salm,«»* ••••••• •• • 3000

Wirtemberg, two regiments,* • 4600

SaxeGotha, •••••••••• f 4000

Weymar, •• •• 2000

Eysenach, • 2000

Wolfembuttel, 1500

Alexander Wirtemberg, two regiments, 460O

Swissers, two regiments, 4000

Maruili, one battalion, • 800

Prussians, yoeO

Danes, • • .....* • .6000

Hanoverians,* • • • . • • • 700O

Hessians, • 5000

Troops of the circles, •* 12000

Tot. 81,500

Tot. Horse and Foot 93,168

Before our departure from Vienna, advice was received, that the
Count de Getner, great master of the kitchen of the King to Poland,
had been pursued by a Polish detachment into Silesia, which had com-
mitted great depredations there. Several other incursions were likewise
made into Silesia by detachments from the palatine of Kiow's troops,
according to the intelligence that arrived here towards the end of March,
This determined us to take the route of Prague, though one of our
company was very desirous of seeing Breslau. Neither did w6 after-
wards repent of this resolution.

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c 271

It wiU not be improper here to mention the following great person*
ages, who make up the principal part of the Imperial court.

His Royal Highness Francis Duke of Lorrain and Bar, viceroy, or
vicar-general of the kingdom of Hungary, He resides, for the most part,
at Presburg in Hungary; and is soon, according to common fams
here, to marry Maria Teresia, the eldest Caroline Archdutchess.

1. His Serene Highness Prince Eugene of Savoy and Piedmont,
Marquis of Saluces, ^c. knight of the golden fleece, actual privy- coun*
cellor, president of the council of war, lieutenant-gencral-velt- marshal
of his Imperial and Catholic Majesty and of the empire, Wear-general
of the states which his Imperial Majesty possesses in Italy, colonel of a
regiment of dragoons, &c« &c.

2. His excellency Philip Lewis Count de Sinzendorff, hereditary
treasurer of the Holy Roman empire, Baron de Ernstbrunn, &c. grand
hereditary judge to the combats, gentleman sewer, or carver of the
Upper and Lower Austria, hereditary cup-bearer of the Lower Austria,
intimate councellor of state and of confei^nce of his Imperial and
Catholick Majesty, grand chancellor of the court, &c«

3. His excellency Gundacer Thomas de Staremberg^ count of th«
holy Roman empire and of Staremberg, grand hereditary marshal of the
Archdutchy of Austria on this side and beyond the Ens, knight of the
golden fleece, actual privy-councellor and councellor of conference of
the ministerial council of the finances, president and director of the
ministerial deputation of the bank, 5cc.

4. His excellency Aloysius Thomas Raymond, Count de Harrach,
hereditary master of the horse of the Upper and Lower Austria> knight
of the golden fleece, actual privy-councellor and councellor of confer-
ence to his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, marshal of the states of
Austria, &c.

5. His excellency Lothaire Joseph Count de Konigseck, intimate
actual privy-councellor, velt marshal-general, vice-president of the
aulic council of war. In his absence his post is, or at least lately was,
filled by general Jorger, who per interim discharges all the duties of it
for him.

, 6, His excellency John Herman Francis Count de Nessdroth,. coun-
cellor of state and of war, lieutenant-velt-marshal, commissary-general
of war, and colonel of a regiment of infantry.

7. His excellency Francis Lewis Count de Sinzendorff and Pottendorff,
general'velt-marshal, lieutenant-commandant of Spielberg, and Briniiy
in the marquisate of Moravia.

8. His excellency Henry William Count de Welczeck, actual privy-
councellor of his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, velt-marshal, and
commandant of the fortress of Great Glogau and Silesia.

9. His excellency Sigismond Rudolph Count de Sinzendorff, here-
ditary treasurer of the holy Roman empire, great cup-bearer in Austria
on the other side tiie Ens, knight of the golden fleece, grandee of. Spain,
actual privy-councellor of his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, his lieu-
tenant-velt-marshal, and great master of the houshold.

10. His eiccellency John Gaspar Count de Cobentxcl, hereditary

in* THE TRAVELS OP

great cap-bcarei' in Carpiola, &c. actual privy-councdlor to bis Im-
perial and Catholic Majesty, great chainberliijh, &c.

11. His excellency Adolph Count de Martinify, ktfi^ht of the golden
fleece, actual privy-councellor and chamberlain of his Imperial and
Catholic Majesty, great marshal of the court.'

12« His excellency the young Prince de SchMrartscnbcrg, Lapdmve
de Kle^ati, Duke de Crun^au, &c. knight of the golden ^cece, cham-
berlain and great master of the horse to his Impend and Catholic Ma-
jesty. Wbibt the Imperial court was at Prague, or at Carlsbad, the
Emperor shot accidentally this prince's iiather, in 1732 ; which gave
that monarch great affliction.

15. His excellency John Julius Count de Hardegg, &c. hereditary

gr^t cup-bearer of Austria on this side the Ens, actual lord of the bcd-

'du^nber to his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, great huntsman, &c.

- 14. His excellency John Adam Count dp Paar, member of the Aulic

cooqcil, lord of the bed-chamber to hi^ Imperial and Patholic Majesty,

and postmaster-general,

15. His excellency Gundaker Count de ^tthaii, member of the
iqiQpt honourable privy-council of his Imperial and Catholic l!|2fajcsty,
lord of the bed-chamber, general of horse, colonel of a regiment of
diaeoonsy i&c.

i6v ' His excellency Wirich Philip Lawrtnce Count de Daun,
d6 Thiano, knight of the goMen fleece, actual privy-cotinccllor of his
Imperial and Catholic Majesty, velt-marshal, great master of the
ordnance, &c*

17. His excellency Henry Joseph Count dcDaun, lord of the bed-
chamber to his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, *g/?nera1 of the artillery,
colonel of a regiment of infantry, &c.

* 18. His excellency John Francis Count de Dictrichstein, iotiraate
actual councilor of the £inperor, great huntsman in Stiria, president
of.the tribunal of the chamber, &c.

19. His excellency Ferdinand Krackowsky 6ouDt do KoUowrath,
.actual privy-councellorofhis Imperial and Calholic Majesty, &c.

20. His excellency George Hannibal Marquis Visconti, velt-marsbal,
viceroy of the kingdom of Naples, &c.

21. His excellency John Francis Count de Sonnenberg, memberof the
Aulic co\uicil of war, general of the artillery, military director of the
Upp^ and Liower Austria, he.

22. His €i;ccellency George Oliver Count de Wallis, general of the
artillery, member of the Aulic cpunciji of war, colonel of a regiment of
ififantry, kc.

23. His excellency Francis Count Jorger, lieutenant veltmarshal,
member of the Aulic council of war, colonel of a regiment of dragoons,
&c*

24. ,His excellency Gaspar de Cordova, member of the Aulic council
of nvar, general of the cavalry, colonel of a regiment of. horse, &c.

25. His excellency John Count Draskowitz.de Trakostyan, member
of the Aulic council of war, lieutenjwt-yqlt-marshali liiquteiiantsgoyp^or
-^ the kingdom of Croatia, &c.

0

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 273^

26. His excellency Matthew Marquis Lucini, member of the Aulic
council of war, lieutenant-velt-uiarsl^al, &c.

27. His excellency Raimond Baron de Pozzo, member of the Aulic
council of war, &c,

28. His excellency Francis Ferdinand Kinski, Count de Chinitz and
tJttau, &c. actual councellor of state, chamberlain of his Imperial and
Catholic Majesty, great master of the court of Bohemia, great chancellor
of that kingdom, &c.

29. His excellency William Albrecht Krackowsky Count de Kollo-
wrath, actual councellor of state, chamberlain, and vice-chancellor of
the kingdom of Bohemia, &c.

30. His excellency Rudolph Joseph Korkenski Count de Tereschan,
actual chamberlain of his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, great here-
ditary master of the pantry of Bohemia, deputy to the states of that
kingdom, &c.

31. His excellency Francis Henry Schlick Count de Passaun, knight
of the order of St. Wenceslaus, actual chamberlain to his Imperial and
Catholic Majesty, as King of Bohemia, dec.

32. His excellency Joseph Marquis de Villasor, Count de Moiite
Santo, actual privy-councellor, chamberlain and president of the counr
cil of Spain.

33. His excellency the Count de Cordova di Sastago, viceroy of
Sicily, &CC.

34. His excellency John Basil de Castelvi Count de Cervellon, privy
councellor for the kingdom of Sicily, &c.

35. His excellency Dominic Count de Almansa, privy-councellor
for the kingdom of Sicily, &c.

36. His excellency Ignatius Count de Perlongo, privy-councellor
for the kingdom of Sicily, &c.

37. His excellency Joseph Duke de Positano, privy-councellor for
the kingdom of Naples^ &c.

38. His excellency Charles Count Pertusati, privyK:ouncellor for the
Dutchy of Milan, &c.

39* His excellency John Anthony de Boxador Count de Cavalla,
intimate councellor of his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, president of
the council of the Austrian Netherlands, &c.

40. His excellency the Count d' Erdodi, president of the chamber
of Hungary, and counceller of state to his Imperial and Catholic ^
Majesty.

41. The right reverend Adam Acsady, van Acsad, Bishop of Vesprin,
Abbe de St. Martin de Vaska, councellor of his Imperial and Catholic
Majesty, actual chancellor of the kingdom of Hungary.

42. His excellency Lewis Count de Bathiani, councellor of the court
of Hungary, vice-chancellor of Hungary, and great cup-bearer of the
same kingdom. '

43. His excellency John Joseph Bornemisza, Baron de Kaszon,
chancellor of his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, councellor and
superior judge of the principality ofTransilvanis.

44. His excellency the Count d' Erdodi, Bishop of A^ria m ll\3xv^\>j >
and councellor of state to his Imperial and CatYioWc M*d)^^^x^'»

VOL, XI, T

«r4 THE TRAVELS OP

45* His excellency Prince Wenceslaus de Lichtenstein, pnTy-coun-
cellor to his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, colonel of a regiment of
dragoons,. &c.

45. His excellency Count Khevenhuller, hereditary shield-bearer of
Carinthia, Count de Franckenburg, Baron de Landscon and Wefambeig,
Lord of Osterwicz, and Carlsberg, lieutenant-velt-marshal, colonel of
a regiment of dragoons, governor of Raab, and member of the Imperial
Aulic council.

47* His excellency the Count de Seidleritz, lately nominated
member of the Imperial Aulic council.

48. His excellency Frederic Charles Count de Schonbom, Bishop of
Bamberg and Wurtzburg, cabinet-councellor to his Imperial aod
Catholic Majesty, vice chancellor of the empire, 5cc.

49. His excellency John William Count de Wurmbrand, hereditary
great master .of the kitchen of the Dutchy of Stiria, actual privy^coon-
cellor, chamberlain, and president of the Aulic council.

50. His excellency John Adolph Count de Metsch, actual privy-
councollor of his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, vice-president of th«
Aulic council of the empire, &c.

.51* His excellency the Prince de Lobkowitz, lieutenant-velt-marsbaly
actual privy-councellor of the Emperor, great master of the houshoU
to the empress regent.

52. His excellency Jacob Hannibal Frederic Count de Hohenemt
and Gallarata, actual privy-councellor of his Imperial and Catholic
Majesty, chamberlain and great master of the houshold to the Leopoldint
Archdutchess Maria Magdalena.

53. His excellency Joseph Ignatius Count de Paar, actual privy-
councellor of the Emperor, and great master of the Empress Dowager
Amelia Wilhelmina's court.

54. His excellency Otto Ferdinand Count de Hochenfeld, actual
chamberlain of his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, great master of tha
kitchen to the Empress Dowager Amelia Wilhelmina, &c.

55. Francis Theodore Baron de Hudlern, councellor of his Imperial
and Catholic Majesty, chamberlain of the silver key to the Empress
t)owager Amelia, &c.

56. His excellency Ferdinand ab Herberstein Count de Herberstein,
Baron de Neuperg and Gutenhaag, Lord of Lancowitz, &c. hereditary
great chamberlain and sewer of Carinthia, &c. He is soon, according
to the general report here, to be sent on an embassy to the court of
Sweden.

57' His excellency Maximilian Count de Staremberg, actual privy-
councellor of his Imperial and Catholic Majesty, velt-marshal, colonel
of a regiment of infantry, lieutenant of the guards du corps, member of
the Aulic council of war, and commandant at Vienna.

58. His excellency Francis Paul Count de Wallis, lieutenant velt*
marshal, member of 'the Aulic council of war, cohmel of a regiment of
infantry, and commandant of Temeswaer.

59* His excellency John Anthony Count Locatelli, lieutenant
velt-marshal, member of the Aulic council of war, and colonel of
€Uj'rassieri,

THREE ENGLISH QENTLEMEN, &c. 275

60. His excellency Andrew Count de Hamilton, general of cavalry,
member of the Aulic council of war, and colonel of a regiment of
cuiraissiers.

61. His excellency Ferdinand Emanuel Marquis d' Alvarec, coun-
sellor of the state of Milan.

62. tiis excellency the Count de Seilem, vice-chancellor of Austria,
&c.

Though the preceding /Catalogue is taken partly from a printed list
reckoned very exact, and partly from verbal accounts of exceeding good
authority, yet we doubt not several inaccuracies, and even errors, may
,be fouud in it ; but as we are well assured, it is not very remote from
truth, we hope our candid readers will give it a favourable reception.

We have been perswaded, though at first we did not design it, to
insert here the names of the following illustrious persons, who either
now are, or very lately were, in the service of the empresses and arch^
dutchesses ; and therefore may be considered as bearing a very near rela*
tion to the Imperial court.

Maria Teresia Dutchess of Monsterberg and Franckenstein in Silesia,
Princess d^Aversperg, great mistress of the court to the Empress
Regent.

Maria Ellzabetha countess de Colonna, great mistress of the ladies to
.the Empress Regent.

Antonietta Baroness de Gilleis.

Rosalia Cou ntess deThum.

Maria Elizabetha Coujitess de Braunera.

Aptonietta Countess de Mollarth.

- Teresia Countess d'Esterhasi.

- Isabella Countess de Styrum Limburg.
Maids of honour to the Empress Regent. .

Anna Euphemia Countess de Petazzi.
Frances Countess de Spau^r.
Maria Josepha Countess de Fuchs.
Maria Elizabetha Countess de Dietrichstein.
Maria \nt. Countess de Zobor.
Maria Anna Countess de Proskau.
Maria Rosa Countess de Sastago.
Josephina Countess de Trautmansdorff.
Ladies of honour to the Empress Regent.

Charlotte Countess de Fuchs governante of the Caroline Arch-
dutchesses.

Frances Eleonora Countess de ScherflFenberg, great mistress of tte
houshold to the Leopoldine Archdutchess Maria Magdalena,

Maria Isabella Countess de Brennern.

Antonietta Countess de Moliarth.

J^aids of honour to th^ I^eppoldine Archdutchess Maria Magdalena.

«r€ THE TRAVELS OF

I

Maria Isabella Countess de Thurn.
. Maria Anna Eupberoia Countess d^ Petazzi.
Frances Countess de Spauer.
Ladies of honour to tbe Leopoldine Arcbdutcbess Maria Magdalena*

8igismond Count de Rincbmaul.

Francis Count de Potzazki,

J. And. Count de Lengheira. ,

Fred. Ant. Baron de Rovere.

J. Peter Count d'Arrivabene.

Leopold Count de Salra.

Fr.. Wil. Count deTbierbeim.
.John Wentzel Count d'Oppersdorff.

J. Alb. Cbar. Count de Geyersberg.

Chamberlains and knights of the court of the Empress Dowager
Amelia.

His excellency John Charles Count de Nostitz, actual privy-councellor
of his imperial and catholic Majesty, captain of the arches, &c. to the
Empress Dowager Amelia.

His excellency Francis NVilliam Count de Salm-Reifferscbeid, here-
ditary marshal of the chapter of Cologne, actual privy-councellor of his
imperial and catholic Majesty, great master of the horse to the Empress
Dowager Amelia, &c.

Anna Margarita Pripcessd'Esterhasi, born Marquise de Scina, great
mistress of the houshold to the Empress Dowager Amelia.

The Marquise Lucilia de gli Obbizi, born Countess de Sassiy mistress
of the ladies, &cc. to the Empress Dowager Amelia.

Maria Dorothea Baroness de Klenk.

Isabella Countess de Kuen.

Teresa Countess de Thierheim.

Mar. Ant. Countess de SinzendorfF.

Frances Countess de Thierheim.

Josephina Countess d'Erdodi.

Maids of honour to the Empress Dowager Amelia,

Ren. Countess de Sallaburg.
Elizabeth Countess d'Althan.
Ladies of honour to the Empress Dowager Amelia.

Our readers will probably expect to find here all the titles of the
present Emperor Charles VI. as likewise a short account of the power
and authority that prince has in the empire, and the fiefs appertaining
to that body, by virtue of his being the supreme head of it.

Titles of the Emperor Charles VI*

The most high, most puissant,and most - invincible Prince Charlc
yj. elected Emperor of the Ron ans, always August, King of Germaay

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 277

of CastiUe, of Leon, of Arragon, of the Two Sicilies, of Jerusalem, of •
Hungary, Bohemia, Dalniatia, Croatia, Sclavonila, Archduke of Austria,
Duke of Burgundy, Brabant, Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola, Luxembourg,
Wirtemberg, Upper and Lower Silesia; Princef of Suabia, Marquis of
the Holy Roman Empire, Burgau, Moravia, Upper and Lower Li^satia;
Prince and Count of Hapsbourg, of Tirol, of Ferette, of Kybourg, and
ofGoritia; Landgrave of Alsatia, Lordof Windismarxrk, of PortNaonand
of Salins, &c. &c. &c. born Oct. 1. N. S. l685, declared King of Spain
in 1703. Emperor and King of the Romans, of Hungary, Bohemia,
&c. Oct, 12, 1711. He married Elizabetha Christina of Brunswick
Blanckenberg, Empress, Queen of Hungary, Bohemia, &c. born Aug.
28, N. S. 1691, married April 23, N. S. 17O8. His eldest daughter
Maria Teresia Valburga Amelia Christiana, Archdutchess of Austria,
was born May J 3, N. S. 1717. And Maria Anna Eleonora Wilhel-
mina Joscpha, the youngest, Sept. 14, N. S. 17I8. The Empress
Dowager Amelia was bom April 21, N. S. l673, and married to his
Majesty Joseph King of the Romans, Hungary, &c. in 1699. Maria
EJizabetha, Leopoldine Archdutchess, at present gouvernante of the -
Austrian Netherlands, was born Dec. 13, N. S. 168O; Maria Anna,
daughter of the Emperor Leopold, and Queen of Portugal, Sept. 7f .
N. S. l683 ; and Maria Magdalena, the youngest Leopoldine Arch-
dutchess, Mar. 26. N. S. I689. The abovementioned Maria Anna of
Austria was married to John V. King of Portugal, Oct. 27. Nt S.
I7O8.

With regard to the imperial authority, the Emperor is chief, and in
that quality, sovereign monarch, under God, of the Holy Roman Empire.
His dignity gives him the precedency in the Christiaiv world; so that he
is Cte>nsidered as the first prince of it. At Rome he has the title of
Advocate, Grand Prev6t, and Protector of the Church, Every thing
done in the empire, when the empire acts as a body, is transacted in his
name. He convenes and dissolves the diets of the empire. He has the
right to propose th(? points of declaration to the body of the empire, and -
to authorize their resolutions, which are executed in his name, as like-
wise all the decrces.of the Imperial chamber. He only has a right to
the first prayers in the empire. He alone creates and confers the high
secular dignities, such as those of King, prince, archduke, duke, mar-
quis, landgrave, count and baron, in the empire. He only confers the
sovereignty, and regalia, and the principal fiefs of the empire, upon
ecclesiasticks by the sceptre, and upon seculars by the standard and
sword. But he cannot establish any fact relating to religion, abolish
any laws, alter the value of money, declare war within or out of the
empire, impose general contributions, erect fortresses, make peace, or
contract alliances, as emperor, without the general consent and con-
currence of the empire.

The aulic council is one of the two superior courts of the empire,
which have a universal jurisdiction, and are the dernier resort of all the
members and subjects of the empire, in all affairs of a judicial nature.
The Emperorfnaraes the officers in this court; but the Eleciot q{^\^wVLv
has the power of visiting it. It is held near ttie v>eisow ol \}cka^\w^^\w

T 3

271 THE TRAVELS OF

anci is, for that reasotv, stiled the Justice of the Einperor.
Majesty may preside there, whenever he pleases. He votes there,' jno*
nounces the acts^ or decrees of the court ; and, when he is thero in
person, signs them. This tribunal is composed of a president, alw«^
a cathplic, a vice chancellor, always presented by the Elector of Ments^
a vice president, and eighteen counsellors, nine of which are catholic^
and the rest protestants. They are divided into two benches; one of
which is occupied by the nobles, the other by the lawyers. The Coanti
de Gahlen, Stein, ijuestenberg, Paar, Wieser, Schonbom, Haroiltoa,
Kufstein, Ulfeld, Ostein, Welzeck, Nostitz, and Serini, are at present
the most considerable members of the aulic council.

The number of souls in Vienna some compute ^t two-hundred thou*
sand; but others more justly, as we apprehend, at one-hundred seventy
thousand, or one-hundred eighty thousand ; so that this city, thou^
constantly honoured with the presence of so potent and august a monaidi
as the Emperor of the Romans, is not much ttore than a fifth part of
' London. This seelns to be in a good measure confirmed by the Adm
Bfeslaioiemflf which give us tables of the births and burials in Vienna
for the six following years/

1717. Burials 5205. Births 4030.

1718. Burials 6 110. Births 4242.

1720. Burials 6825. Births 4126.

1721. Burials 6490. Births 4104.

1722. Burials 4961. Births 4417.

1723. Burials 5443, Births 44S7.

Hence it appears^ that Vienna, if we regard the number of people it
contains, is not much above one fifth part of London, scarce a fourdi
of Paris, and very little more than a third of Prague.^. However, in
several respects, it may vie with, and even must be allowed to excel all
other cities in Europe.

Whilst we were at Vienna, we paid a visit to Mr. £dwin, an Englisk
gentleman of great worth, and his sister Miss Edwin^ a young lady of
the finest accomplishments, who then resided there. Miss Edwin waa
pleased to entertain us with an account of Prince Eugene, in whose
company she had lately been, and of whom she gave a very advantage-
ous character. We saw that prince once in his coach riding about tba
city. He seemed to be pretty much advanced in years ; but had an
exceeding good_aspect, and a very lively piercing eye. He is said ten
talk a good deal, and very much to the pu^ose, upon every subject
that occurs; and to preserve, even after seventy years of age, an inn
common degree of vivacity. He has a fine aviary here, full of a gieal
variety of curious and uncommon birds. His collection of wild beastv
is likewise much admired by foreigners^ The gardens belonging to hiS'
palace, his library, and stables, as well as. those of the Emperor, are
ranked amongst the principal curiosities of this place. The prince is said
to be something above a middle stature, and pretty thin. General
PhiUppi is A great favourite with him* Miss Edwin informed us^ tM^

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 279

she had lately taken a trip to Neitra^ a city of considerable note in the
Upper Hungary.

The archdutchy of Austria, of which Vienna is more immediately the
capita], though it is considered likewise as the metropolis of Germany
and the Roman empire, is bounded on the east by Hungary ; on the west
by Bavaria; on the south by Stiria; and on the north by Bohemia and
Moravia. In the time of the Roman republic, and the first Roman
Emperors, it was divided into three parts, which went by three different
names. That tract, to the south of the Danube, contained two of
these; the first of which, extending from the Inn to Mount Cetius, ap-
pertained to Noricum Ripense, the other to Pannonia; and that to the
north of the said river, inhabited by the Quadi and Marcomaimi, and
afterwards by other nations, was deemed a province of Germany. All
particulars relating to Austria before this period have, for a long series
of ages, been buried tn oblivion ; the ridiculous fables foisted into the
Austrian annals by Hoiricus Gundelsingius, about the year 1476,
having long since been exploded by all the learned writers of this coun-
try, particularly by iEneas Sylvius, Cuspinian, and Lambecius. These
fictions, according to some, seem to have taken their rise from four
antient monuments, with Hebrew inscriptions upon them, said lo have'
been found at GuntendoriF, and published by Lazius. But if any
curious person shall think it worth his while to compare these inscriptions
with what has been advanced by Gundelfihgius, he will easily perceive
the absurdity of such a notion.

Pannonia was first visited by the Roman arms, about one-hundred
seventy-one years before the commencement of the Christian iEra, when
the consul P. Licinius Crassus's lieutenant undertook an expedition
against Illyricum. For that Pannonia was antiently looked upon as a
pfirt of Illyricum, we learn from Strabo; and that the aforesaid lieu-
tenant penetrated into Pannonia, as far as the city of * Carnus, about
seven German miles from the spot on which at present Vienna stands, is
asserted by Livy. This country we find likewise invaded by Augustus,.
about thirty years before the birth of Christ, who four years after
triumphed over the natives of it; notwithstanding which, that prince
seems never to have reached the southern bank of the Danube. After-
wards Tiberius, about the seventh year of the Christian aera, took up
bis winter quarters in that part of Austria where Vienna is situated,
being then about pushing on th^ war, under the auspices of Augustus,
against Maroboduus, leader or general of the Marcomanni. The
Pannonians several times shook off the Roman yoke ; but at last, about
A. D. 12. or at farthest, A. D. 25. their country was reduced to the

.• Tliis city was called Carnus by Livy and Ptolemy ; but by Pliny, the Itinerary, and
Peutioger*s table Carountum. It it generally supposed by the learned to have occupied th«
*|6ot on which Fetronell, or Petronella, at pre&<'nt stands. However, Ciuverius inaagines
Haimburg to answer tp the anlieut Carouutum. And Lauibecius endeavours to reconcile tliia
with the common opinion, by asserting that Carnun turn Vas so large a citv that it extended
from Fetronell to Haimburgb. Though Licinii^s Crassus's lieutenant besirged this city, he could
not take it, according to Livy; but it surrendered to Tiberius, A. D. after he had exxea a great
overthrow to the Dalmatians and Pannonians. We shall not expatiate on this city Uirther here;
•ince one of us intends to give a farther account of it hereafter, when he proposes to describe
pkrt of the Upper Hungary, bordering upon Austria. See Liv. Dec. V. Lib. iii. Ptol. Lib. it.
Cfcp. 15. Tab. Peuting. Antonin. Itinerar. Phil. lib. iv. Cap. 12. Clover, in Vvdl, Cz. "^^^^
Cap. 5* Lambec. in Addlt. ad Lib* ii. &c.

t4-

i^q THE TRAVELS OF

form of a Roman province. Much about the same time, Noricam
Ripense was alsp subjugated by Claudius Drusus, and other Roman ■
generals. The Transdanubian part of Austria, or that tract lying to
the north of the Danube, seems ne\'CT to have been intirely subdued by >
the Romans; though the inhabitants of it were frequently exposed to
their incursions*

Su QuirinuSy Bishop of Siscia, first began to plant Christianity in
Iliyricum, in the reign of the Emperor Dioclesian; but the Norici had .
the gospel preached to them by St. Laurentius, about thirty years after
the^eath of Christ, according to the annals of Passau. He was followed
by Syrus and Juv^ntius, disciples of SU Hermagoras ; notwithstanding
which, St. Severinus had the greatest share in the conversion of the
Norici, A. D. 453. The German part of Austria received the Christian .
faith« A. D^ 39^, in which year, according to St. Paulinus, who lived
at that time, Fritigil, Queen of the Marcomanni, was converted by St^
Ambrose^ Bishop of Milan, who held an epistolary correspondence
with her. Her conversion was immediately succeeded by that of her
husbapd and his subjects,

Towards the decline of the Roman Empire, the Boii, Suevi, Marr
coman% Gepidae, Gothi, Longobardi, and other barbarous nations,
pouring great armies into Noricum and Vindelicia, over-ran the whole
. tract between the Danube and the Alps, and annexed it to Germany.
The Huns likewise and the Sclavi afterwards advanced into these quar-
ters. But the French and the Germans, under the command of Charier
main,, being united with the Bavarians, defeated, in a great battle, these
b^-rbarians, upon the banks of the Ens, which was then the common
boundary between them, and extended their eastern frontier much
farther, A. D. 79^» The tract acquired on this occasion, chiefly by the
' valour and bravery of the Germans, was called, in their mother-tonguey
Oostryck, or Oesterreich, in Latin Austria, or the eastern March ; |U)4
the counts, or rulers, presiding over it, Marchgraffen, Markgraves, or
Marquisses of Austria : Which title they obtained, on account of their
defending the frontiers against the Sclavonians and Hungarians. They
were at first subject to the Dukes of Bavaria ; but afterwards imme-
diately to the Kings of Germany, or the Emperors. The title and
dignity of marquis, or Markgrave of Austria, first beqiime hereditary in
the reign of Henry the Fowler, who created Leopold 1. of the illustrious
family of the Counts of Babenberg, Hereditary Marquis of Austria,
after the death of Rudmger de Pechlam, prefect of the Oriental March,
A. D. 9^S' Austria, or the Oriental Marquisate, at this time, reaching
from the Ens to a little beyond Mount Cetius, was greatly enlarged, and
even its present eastern limit settled, by St. Leopold, who died A. D.
1136. A,$ for the western part between the Ens and the Inn, it wa^
taken from Bavaria, and annexed to Austria, by the consent of the
Emperor Frederic L who, that he might prevail upon Henry H. then
Marquis of Austria, to renounce his pretensions to the rest of Bavaria,
which his brother and predecessor, Leopoldus Largus, bad obtained of
the Emperor Conrad HI, honoured Austria with many noble privileges,
stil^ngit, in the public instrument drawn up for this purpose, the heart
aad shield of Germany, and raised it to a dwlcb^^ \u 1156% When if

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. fSl

came to be first dignified with the title of archdutchy, for want of suffix
cient light from history, cannot now be certainly determined ; some fixing
this in the reign of Frederic IV. others in that of Albert I. or Frederic
II. of the house of Babenberg ; and lastly, others make this title to
precede Frederic Land even Henry IV. who reigned A. D. 1058. How-
ever, we may in general venture to affirm, as being supported herein by
the best of the Austrian historians, that some one of the Austrian princes
of the house of Babenberg was first distinguished by the title of Duke,
and some one of those of the house of Hapsburg by that of Archduke of .
Austria.

Frederic 11, the last of the house of Babenberg, dying, without issue,
in 1246, there were great commotions in Austria, many princes aspiring
to the sovereignty of that fine province. But at last Herman of Baden
prevailed, in right of his wife; and afterwards Oitocar, King of Bohe«
mia,- by virtue likewise of his wife's pretensions. But Ottocar first
repudiated his wife, on account of her age, and afterwards poisoned
her. And having, after a second marriage, and a refusal of homage to
the Emperor Rudolph I. whose election he afibcted to treat with con-
tempt, usurped the sovereignty of Austria, contrary to equity, and the
consent of the empire, which was essentially necessary to his establish*
ment therein ; he was adjudged an enemy to the empire, by the diet at
Augsbourg, in 1275. War therefore was declared against him. In -
consequence of which, the Emperor, two years after, invaded Austria,
made himself master of it in one campaign, and obliged Ottocar by
treaty to cede it to him.

But that prince, being greatly reproached by his wife Kunegund,
for his cowardice ,and pusillanimous conduct, renewed the war, and
perished in the prosecution of it. Upon which, Austria, at the request
of the deputies of the province, was conferred upon Albert, son of the
Emperor Rudolph, by the princes of the empire, in the diet held at
Augsbourg, A. D. 1282, and since that time has remained in the pos-
session of the house of Hapsburg.

Austria is situated in the seventh climate, according to the calculus
ofStrabo,. or in the eighth, according to that of the moderns, between
47 deg. 26 min. and 48 deg. 56 min. N. lat. and, computing from the
island of Palma, between 36 deg. 15 min. and 40 deg. 50 min. long,
according to the German geographers. The country has an extremely
pleasant aspect, is finely watered with rivers, diversified with hills and
plains, and exceedingly fruitful, producing not only all sorts of com,
but generous wine, in great abundance. It is divided into Upper and
Lower, the first of which inclines to the west, and the other to the east.
To the south of the Danube, the common boundary of these provinces,
is the Ens ; and to the north of that river, a line drawn from the Danube,
a little above Ips, to the borders of Bohemia, beyond the city of Weitra.
The Lower Austria has a twofold division assigned it by Cuspinianus: ,
First, it is divided into Steinfeld and Tulnerfeld on this side the Danube^ '
and Marchfeld and Gensfeld on the other. Secondly, in relation to the
states, when they are assembled, Lower Austria is divided into that part
below the wood or forest of Vienna, and that abo\^ X\i<^ ^"ajA Vor^^ ^

28f . THE TRAVEIJS OP

beyond the Danube; or, as some term it, into the district under Mount
Meinhard and that above it.

The footmen in Vienna, for the most part, use the Hungarian habit^
and are called Heydukes. Many of the Austrian ladies have fine com*
plexions, and are very beautiful. The women's caps and bonnets h^re
are of various forms. The politer sort follow chiefly the Italian mode of
dress, which seems to be a medium between the English and French.
The best coach-horses here are those sent from Transilvauia; which, as
well as the saddle-horses produced there, travel with great celerity. We
had letters of credit from Messrs Swymmer and Hewit at Venice, to
Messrs. Rad and Hoslin here. The suburb of Leopoldstadt, where the
Turliish ambassador always begins his entry in form, and into which
we entered by the Stuben, Hungarian, or, as it is frequently called in
this city, the Buda, Gate, is a well-built street, and may be reckoned
One of the curiosities of Vienna Before we departed from hence, one
of us determined to see some part of the Upper Hungary contiguous to
Austria.

The best inn in Vienna is/ the Drey Hawken, where all English
gentlemen that visit this town put up. It was, however, so full, when
we arrived, that we could not find admission, and therefore were obliged
to take up with an inn of inferior rank. The accommodations here were
not to be blamed, but a thievish spirit seemed to have possessed the
servants ; for one of us had his room broke open, his portmanteau rum*
maged, and several things of value taken out of it ; amongst which was
a fine gold medal of Pope Clement XI, an ounce weight, of which we
could uever afterwards get the least intelligence. I'hough one of us
desired to see Breslau, he was determined by the majority, according to
the rules observed in travelling; and therefore, having satisfied ourselves
with Vienna, we made the necessary dispositions for our journey to
Prague.

The Continuation of the Travels of three EngUsh Gentlemen.

SECT. V.

A Journey from Vienna in Austria to Prague,
THE CAPriAL OF BOHEBOA.

HAVING got every thing in readiness for our departure from Vienna,
and the postligliopi being arrived at our inn, we passed the Danube,
about two o'clock in the afternoon. The place we stopped at was
called Enzersdorf, or Enzerstorf, near the point where a small rivulet
empties itself hito the Danube, not much above a German mile north
of Vienna* Enzersdorf is a pretty largp fiWa^i^ on tKe northern bank

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. t|S

of the Danube, opposite to Kalenberg. We could see here the Mounts
Kalenberg and Pisenberg, betwixt which, at almost an equal distance,
Enzersdorf stands. The country betwixt this place and Vienna is a
fine verdent plain. After gaining the northern bank of the Danube,
we left a small village called Eipoltau, or Eypolt^u, a little to the east ;
and instead of taking the route of Wolkersdorf, in the post road to
Olmutz, turned off to the left. Besides the Mounts Kalenberg and
Pisenberg, there are two small towns, or village, in their neighbour^
hood, likewise so called.

From Enzersdorf we advanced to Stockeran, where, upon the ap*
proach of the evening, we took up our lodgings. Stockerau stands near
three German miles almost north of Enzersdorf, and is a pretty consi-
derable town. Accosding to Eugippius, theantient Astura stood upon the
spot at present possessed by Stockerau ; and, according to the Notitia,
a tribune with his cohort was for sometime posted here; which seems to
run counter to what has been advanced by Dr. Brown. The words
referred to in the Notitia are these : 6'ti6 Dispasittone Viri SpectMtk
Ducts PannonicSj et Morici Ripernvs^ fuit ,Tribunits Cohortis Asturii*
St. Sever) nus is said first to have stopped at Astura and St. Colmafi»
or Coloman, a native of Scotland, to have suffered martyrdom at
Stockerau, in the year 1012, upon the ground where the monastery of
the Minorites was afterwards built. This saint is believed by the Aus*
trians to have wrought many miracles after his death. Astura was one
of tlie most considerable cities of the Quadi. Between Enzersdorf and
Stockerau, a traveller has a full view of both Mount Kalenberg and
Mount Pisenberg, as he marches on the northern bank of the Danube,
We were informed, that from Mount Kalenberg, a part of Mount Cetius,
and two German miles almost north of Vienna, many petrified fish, some
of which were of several unknown species, have been, and still are,
found. These are not however discovered in such large^ quantities now
as formerly. Our expences at Stockerau amounted to about ei^t
florins. The people of the inn, where we lodged, stole from us one of
the bottles of Tokay wine, given us by Mr. Robinson; which did not
greatly surprise us. The dialect spoken at Stockerau difiers very
sensibly, as well as the pronunciation, from that used at Vienna.

The next place that supplied us with fresh horses the inhabitants
called Mallebern. This village consists of about fifty or sixty houses,
is two easy German miles from Stockerau, and has a pretty church*
We did not stay above an hour at Mallebern, as finding nothing capable
of exciting our curiosity, or detaining us longer there.

From Mallebern to Hollabrun, the next post town, we found the
road very good, and the miles short. This town, or village* is consi*
derably larger than the former. The Golden Crown is the best public
house in it, and a tolerable good inn. Between Mallebern and Holla*
brun we passed through two large villages, but the names of tl^m we
did not learn. , ' *

Naudorf, or Nodorf,*was the next place, that, for about an half an hour,
we rested at. It seems to be about the. same size as Hollabrun. Be^
tween Naudorf and Hollabrun we passed througli a pretty cousidftt^lJA

SM THE TRA^VBtS OF

village ; but the postiglioni could -not be certain as to its name, Tht
country we went through this post appeared very agreeable and do*
lightful.

Our postiglioni next conducted us to a fine village, called Pulckau,
or Bulckba, two German miles from Naudorf. This post was good
road throughout, and the whole tract covered with a beautiful verduKir
The buildings in Pulckau are something elegant, and seem to resemble
those of .Vienna. Th^re are two or three small places between Naudorf
and Pulckau, but the names of them we were not told.

From Pulckau we went to Langau, or Langenau, the last to^n in
Austria, and upon the borders of Moravia. This post is mountainous
and bady and consists at legist of three German miles. Between Pulckaif
and Langau, we met with some woods of fir-trccs, and now and then
with an t/ex, or scarlet oak. The country we passed through this post^
notwithstanding the road, was pleasant and agreeable enough.

Our next post was terminated by Frating, a town of Moravia, in the-
circle of Znaim, at a small distance from the Taya, or Thaya, about
two Grerman miles from Langau. The people of the country call this
town-, which, as near as we could guess, consists of about two-hundred
houses, Wrateny. It has one or two pretty churches in it, and seems to
be of Slavic extraction. The houses form one long street, and make a
tolerable good appearance. We did not stay above an hour here.

The next place we stopped at, two good German miles north-west of
Frating, was denominated Piesling, or Pistling. Pistling is likewise a
small town, or village, of the Marquisate of Moravia, upon the Taya,
with a castle, at present in a ruinous condition, consisting, as we
guessed, of about one-hundred and fifty houses. We were told that
there were two churches here, as well as at Frating.

Pistling stands in the circle of Znaim, which is a very pleasant and .
fertile tract. Between Piesling and Frating, we passed through a village
called Rantzern, which had a tolerable good church. The road between
Rantzern and Piesling is very mountainous.

After having staid about half, or threequaFtcrsofan hour at Piesling,
ve continued our route to Zlabnitz, or, as 'tis called by the Moravians,
Sla^onice. Zlabnitz, or Slawonice, is a considerable town of the; MaD*
quisate of Moravia, in the circle of Iglaw, two German milesi almost
west of Piesling, and near the same distance, in an eastern direction,
from the ridge of mountains separating Moravia and Bohemia. This
town was built by the Slavi, bs clearly appears from its name, and con-
sequently may be looked upon as one of the most antient in Moravia.
The country people and some foreigners, call Zlabnitz, Zlabings; which
is neither the Moravian nor German name. But this is not to be
wondered at, since the language of this part of Moravia is a composition,
made up of the High Dutch and Moravian tongues. The Moravian,
we were told, differs very considerably from the Bohemian, Polish,
and Sclavonian dialects. Before we take our leave of Moravia, we shall
beg leave to give our readers a short, description of that province, sued
& we received, partly from persons of good authority here, and partly
fivm B euri&as pifece scarce to be met with in England.
pie Marquisate of Moravia tecewed \U Tx^ixa^ itom the Mora, or

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. ff5

Morava, a famous river running through it, called by Pliny and Tacitus
the Marus. This river has its source in the northern angle of Moravia,
upon the borders of Silesia; and, after having joined the Taya near
Ravenspurg, discharges itself into the Danube, upon the coi^fiues of
Hungary, not far from Presburg. Moravia is bounded on the west by
iBohemia ; on the north by Silesia; on the east by Hungary; and on
the south by Austria, or rather that part of it divided from Moravia by
the Taya. The air here is soft and mild; the region well cultivated,
and abounding with all the necessaries, as well as some of the elegancies,
of life. It does not only produce great quantities of corn, but likewise
of safiron ; and wine also, though of a weaker kind, such as will not
intoxicate those who drink copiously of it. It is also inriched with four
diflferent species of metals: Gold near Jamhitz, Romerstadtl, Berg-
stadtl, and in the Lordships of Goldenstein and Lukow; silver near
Polnau, Piscopicz, Iglaw, Bergstadtl, and Hagenstein ; iron in the
lordships of Janovicz and Berstein, as also about Nuestadtl, Romer-
stadtl, Kunstadt, Polnau, Jaspitz, Frana, Hochwald, and several other
places; and lastly lead, in the mountainous tract called Ranzern, near
Iglaw. Alum, vitriol, jeat, amber, agate, granate, jasper, marble,
coal, &c. are likewise produced in Moravia.

The Marcomanni antiently inhabited Moravia, according to*Pessina;
though that theQuadi occupied this part of antient Germany, together
with part of Austria, may be inferred from f Tacitus and Ptolemy.
But possibly neither of these opinions may be very remote from truth,
since the Marcomanni were considered sometimes as intermixed with
the Quadi ; especially, when with their united forces these two nations
defended their respective territories against the Emperor Marcus Aucelius
Antoninus. Tk certain, if any credit is to be given to antient history,
the Marcomanni and Quadi either formed one t nation, extending from
the Marus to the Cusus, or Vagus, i. e. from the Morava to the Waag,
or had one common interest and form of government, and therefore con-
jointly opposed all foreign invaders> particularly the Romans. After*
wards having passed the Waag, they extended their dominions as far as
Bregetio, or Strigonium, and the river Granua, or Gran. They carried
on the war against the Romans, under Viguariusandhis son Vitrodurus,
as also under Gabinius and Fridegildus, their Kings, with various
success. But being greatly weakened by their frequent bloody contests
with the Romans, Vandals, Goths, &c. and at last subdued by the
Huns, they were obliged first to take on in the service of Attila, general
of the Huns, and afterwards of Ardericus, captain of the Gepidse.
Being afterwards dispersed in different provinces, the names of Quadi
and Marcomanni were totally lost, towards the close of the fifth century.
After the extinction of the Quadi and Marcomanni, the Slavi seated
themselves here ; and, as should seem from Suidas, were called Mara-
vani, Marahenses, or Moravi. Of all the Slavic nations the Moravians
were the first that formed a kingdom. This kingdom was of much
larger extent, than the present Marquisate of Moravia. According to

* Pessin. Mar. Mara. Lib. 1. C. S. -l- Tacit, de Mor. Germ. Ptol. G«s>\^x,\^.%-

% See Cluver. Germ. Ant. Ub. S. C. Z\»

fSS THE TRAVELS OP

JEneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius the Second, the HungarioM
Bohemians, and Poles were subject to the King of Moravia. But,
with regard to the Hungarians, this cannot be allowed, since it is
absolutely repugnant to the faith of history; and therefore ^neat
Sylvius is only to be understood as asserting that a considerable tract of
the kingdom of Hungary antiently appertained to the kingdom of
Moravia. This, we apprehend, cannot be denied, as being supported
by some writers of indubitable authority. Our readers will not be dis-
pleased 1o see hiere a list of the antient Kings of Moravia, whose govem-
nent continued above two-hundred years.

List of the Kings of Morwcia.

I. Swatossius, t>rSuathes, theson of Marothus, or Moravodus,' wlfo
fixed his residence at Vesprin, and presided over a great part of Pannonia
and Moravia. He was defeated in two battles by the Hungarians, and,
being Blmost intirely driven out of- Pannonia, took refuge in the islalnd
of Schut, from whence be passed into Moravia, and at Welehradnear
the Moravm built a palace, where he afterwards resided. He likewife
etected several towers and redoubts along the Waag, in order to TCpieit
the courses of the Hungarians. This we learn from some authors 6f
good atithoi<ity; but Bonfinius and Thurocius afTrrm Swatossius to
have' been drowned in the Danube, after the last overthrow given bitnlir
tiie Hungarians. Which of these notions is the most agreeable to troui,
we must leave onr readers, after having consulted the abovementioned
authors, to decide. Swatossius began to reign about An. Dom. 7^*

II. Samorairus succeeded his father Swatossius, according to Pes-
fina. History is intirely silent, as to any remarkable particulars of his
Teign.

III. He was succeeded by Samoslaus, of whom nothing remarkable
is recorded.

IV. Lechus, or Lech, ascended the throne, after the decease of his
^Either Samoslaus. He was killed in battle by Charlemain.

V. Horuiidorus reigned after Lechus.

VI. Mogemirus, the next King of Moravia, in vain endeavoured to
make himself master of the kingdom of Hungary. He likewise invaded
Poland, and took Cracow ; but, according to some authors, soon lost
it again.

Vn. Bryno, or Bruno, by some called Prinnina, came next; but,
not being able to quell the seditious commotions raised by Mogemitus,
he abdicated the throne, and was succeeded by the author of those com-
motions, Mogemirus the Second.

• V1II» Mogemirus the Second enjoyed the sovereignty of Moravia for
some time. His predecessor Bryno had a certain district bordering an
the Save given him by Lewis Duke of Bavaria, where he ended his days
in peace.

IX. Raczko, or Radislans, called by some Rastice, swayed the
sceptre of Moravia after Mogemirus the Second. He extended his con-
quests as far as Vesprin, the antient seat of the Kings of Moravia ; but,
being afterwards defeated, in a pitched battle^ by the Hungarians, he
£i>und himself obliged to abandon iViem. H^ ^^ 9X\dsX Va}8.^w ^fa^\«T

THREE ENGLISH GEl^TLEMEN, &c. 2*^

by Lewis King of Germany^ against whoniy in defiance of the faith of
treaties, he had several times taken up arms, had his eyes put out, and
y/as doomed to perpetual imprisonment in Bavaria. The next prince
that mounted the throne was

'X. Suatopulcusy Suatoplucusy Zuentibaldus, or, as he is called by
tome Swendopoldus, who was laid under arrest by Carolomannus, th«
•on of Lewis, at Ratisbon, in 87 !• But, the crime alledged against him
not being proved, he had his liberty restored, and was sent back to hit
subjects in Moravia. However, this proved a source of many broils and
animosities between the abovementioned princes, which at length werm
removed in the reign of the Emperor Amulphus. Suatopolcus was
succeeded by his son Suatobogus, or Suatobogius, the last King; of
Moravia.

XI. Suatobogus, or Suatobogius, was a prince guilty of the blackest
Hud most enormous crimes ; and was therefore anathematized or ex-
communicated by Pope. Sergius the Third, and put to the ban of the
empire by the Emperor Lewis the Fourth. Upon which events, the
Poles, Bavarians, and Hungarians broke into his dominions, and carried
all before them. Some writers affirm, that Suatobogus, after having
received a signal defeat, was slain by these invaders ; but others, tha|^
after having lost his kingdom, he escaped to Mount Sobor, or Zobor,
and spent the remainder of his days with Anchorets settled there.

An end being thus put to the kingdom of Moravia, the Bavarian!
seized upon that part of it lying between the Danube and the Taya,
which was afterwards joined to Austria. The other part, which fell
into the hands of the Poles, Bohemians, and Hungarians, was at last
adjudged by the Emperor Otto, or Otho the Great, to St. Wenceslaus,
King of Bohemia, in the year 937* But neither he nor his successors
obtained the sovereignty of the whole country, till the time of Udalricus,
and his son Brzetislaus the First, who having overthrown the Poles, in ^
a^reat battle. An. Dam. 1026, wl*estedfrom them the Polish Moravia,
and soon after made himself master of the other part appertaining to the
Hungarians ; and, extending the frontiers to their present limits, annexed
the whole province to Bohemia. Brzetislaus had five sons, Spitihnaeus^ .
Jaromirus, or Jaromir, Wratislaus, Otto or Otho, and Conrad. Spitih*
naeus, Spitigneus, or Sbigneus, lived with his father, being the heir
apparent to his dominions; Jaromir took holy orders; Wratislaus had
assigned him the district of Olnmtz; Otto that of Brinn; ayd Conrad
that of Znaim ; Brzetislaus in the mean time reserving to himself and
bis successors the sovereignty both of Bohemia and Morayia. Upon the
deceaseof his brother Spitihnoe us without issue, Wratislaus obtained the
crown of Bohemia, and ceded the territory of Olmutz to his brother
Otto, annexing at the same time the district of Znaim to that of Brinn,
in favour of Conrad. About the year 1086, in the reign of Henry the
Fourth, Moravia assumed the title of Marquisate, and the Kings of
Bohemia, after the example of Brzetislaus, generally divided it, for
some ages, amongst their younger sons or relations. This occasioned
sometimes bloody wars between the Kings of Bohemia and the Mar-
quesses of Moravia, the latter frequently refusing to «icktto^\e.^^ ^^
iu>yereignty of the former. Not withstandiuj which; MotwvB^Hi^«X»«»^

t88 THE TRAVELS OF

consideredas appertaining to Bohemia, after the reign of Brzetislaus tbtf
First, and came with hat kingdom into the possession of the House of
Austria.

The Christian religion seems to have been first planted in. Moravia by
the Emperor Charlemain, who having driven the Slavi Moravians from
oiie side of the Danube, and the Huns and Ayarcs from the other,
carried his victorious arms as far as the Raab, and committed the propa-
gation of Christianity here to Arno, Archbishop of Saltzburg, autho-
rized thereto by Pope Adrian the First. This is farther confirmed by the
" catalogue of the Bishops of Passau, in which Dresserus relates, that
Bishop Runharius, or Rcginarius, converted the Moravians to the faith
of Christ in the year 807; which yet we apprehend is not to be under-
stood of the whole Moravian nation, but only a part of it, perhaps that
bordering upon the Danube. After the death of Charlemain, Urolphas,
Archbishop of Saltzburg, sent Adelvinus and Methodius, who were
both adorned with the episcopal dignity, to instruct the Moravians in
the principles of Christianity; and perhaps he himself assisted them in
that laudable employment. Afterwards going to Rome, to give an
account of the success of his endeavours, he met with a most gracious
reception from Pope Eugenius the Second, who admonished Tuttundus
and Moymarus, styled by him Dukes of Hunnia,or Avaria, and Moravia,
as also the prelates, noblesse, armies, and people of those countries, to
assist tJrolphus in the execution of so noble and pious a design. The
letter wrote on this occasion by that Pontiif may be seen in Hundius,
Gewoldus, and Goldastus.

But the progress of the gospel in Moravia was greatly obstructed, if
not totally stopped, by the civil wars between Bryno and Mogemirus,
or Moymarus the Second, till S. Cyril and St. Methodius, coming out
of the east, dispelled the thick clouds of ethnic superstition, and again
refreshed this country with the salutary rays of evangelical light; inso-
much that they have been generally esteemed as the genuine apostles of
Moravia. This happened in the reign of Radislaus, when St. Cyril,
after he had been sent by Michael Emperor of the East, and Ignatius
Patriarch of Constantinople, into the Taurica Chersonesus, to convert
the Chazari to the Christian faith, and, in order to effect this, had
learned the Sclavonian tongue, which was spoken by that people, toge-
ther with his collegue St. Methodius, passed through the Triballi and
Bulgarians into Moravia, about thje year 8()2. The unwearied laboun
of these holy men were attended with such extraordinary success, that
in a very short time the King, noblesse, and in fine the whole nation of
the Moravians embraced the Christian religion; and soon after the Arch-
bishopric of Welehrad was founded, the antient bishoprics restored, and,
as is probable, several new ones erected. In the mean time Pope Ni-
cholas hearing how happily the light of the gospel diffused itself over
Moravia, and that the natives there made use of the Sclavonian tongue,
into which, after having formed a new alphabet for that purpose, St.
Cyril had translated the sacred writings, in their publick service, he
summoned St. Cyril and St. Methodius to Rome ; but died before their
arrival, in November 867. However, they were treated with great
distinction by his successor Pope Admw \^^ ^^cowd. How Su Cyril .

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. ?8p

justified his conduct in relation to the use of the Sclavonian tongue
in sacred matters, and, as it were, extorted from that pontiff and the
court of Rome a licence to continue the divine, service throughout^
Moravia, &c. in that lancjuage, our curious readers will be fully and
amply informed by the piece to which we shall here beg leave to refer
them ♦.

St. Cyril spent the remainder of his da^s at Rome, but St. Methodius,
his collegue, after having been created Archbishop of Moravia, returned
home, in the reign of Suatopulcus, who sucpeeded Radislaus. That
piince afterwards sent this worthy prelate his ambassador to Rome, as
appears from a letter wrote him by Pope John the Eighth in 880, to be
met with in Baronius. St. Methodius had not been long dead, when an
end was put to the kingdom of Moravia by the Poles, Bavarians, and
Hungarians, as already mentioned. This revolution occasioned the
abolition of the archbishopric of Welehraden, and the other cathedral
churches in Moravia. The Christian religion, however, soon alter
recovered its former footing here; but, after the death of Sylvester, the
Jast Archbishop of Moravia, this province was annexed to the diocese
of Passau, or, according to some, to that of Ratisboii; of which it
continued a part, till the time of St. Adalbertus, Bishop of Prague, to
whose diocese the church of Moravia was joined by Pope Benedict the
Sixth. This union remained till after the year IO60, when, Severus
being Bishop of Prague, by the approbation, and, as some imagine, at
the instigation of Pope Alexander the Second, the Moravians had their
antient church restored them, and rendered distinct from that of Prague,

The followers of John Hus propagated theirtenets here, in the fifteenth
century; though John de Praga, Bishop of Olmutz, prevented them
from making any very great progress in Moravia. However, the refor-
mation afterwards gradually so insinuated itself here, that ill seems to
have spread itself over, at least, the greatest part of the country, parti-
cularly in the reigns of George, VVladislaus, and Lewi's, Kings of Bo-
hemia. The Synod of Brinn, being acted by a spirit quite opposite to
the genius of Popery, granted an universal toleration, extending to
people of all rdigions, in l608. But an end was put to this by the
fatal battle of Weissenburg, near Prague, in 162O, which gave the
possession of this Marquisite to thehouse of Austria; and enabled the
Cardinal de Dietrichstein, by his active and indefatigable zeal for popery,
to re-establish the Roman catholic religion in Moravia.

Notwithstanding which, many protestants are still to be met with in
this country. Most of these seem to acknowledge some sort of ppisco*
pacy, thbugh in several points, as predestination, free-election, grace,
regeneration, &c. they are said to approach very near the Calvinists.
Nay, in consequence of some other opinions, we were told, that they
maintain the absolute impeccability of the regenerate in this life ; and
that good works are not necessary to justification. But as most of the ,
^relations travellers meet with, concerning them, come from the Roman '
Catholics, who are their declared enemies, perhaps our readers ought
to suspend their belief of the particulars here mentioned, till we have a

* See the piece of Weneedaas Charles Count de FargtUW, ml\ta\«d 0«tiMX&«k K»!t>\xv«K»>
Alreedj meatitmod in Cte dgteription of Monvis, p. 70, 71, pub^uitied«XN'\«uuiLVKiVl^V.

VOL. JT/. U

f9a THE TRAVELS OF

fall and ample account of the religious tenets of the Moravian protest-
ants, from a candid and impartial person, who has, for sometime,
resided amongst them.

Moravia was divided into three toparchies, by Brzetislaus the Finf^
Duke of Bohemia ; viz that of Olmutz, that of Brinn, and that of
Znairo. But in process of time, when the brothers and relations of the
Dukes, or Kings, of Bohemia were branched out into several families,
the toparchy of Olmutz, which was the largest of all, as extending from
the borders of Silesia to the conflux of the Taya and the Morava, was
divided into two parts, in the year II60, viz. the Upper and the Lower.
"Brzetislaus, son to Otto the Third, obtained the latter, and Wladimir,
that prince's other son, the former, by the consent of Wladislaus, King
of Bohemia. Lastly, in the age of Wladislaus the Second, Moravia was
divided into five districts, viz. those of Olmutz, Hrinn, Znaim, Iglaw,
and Hradisch. The toparchy, or circle, of Olmutz is circumscribed,
on the west by Bohemia and the circle of Brinn, on the north by Silesia,
on the east by Hungary, and on the south parts by the circle of
Brinn, and partly by the circle of Hradisch* That of Brinn is
limited, partly by the other districts, or circles, of Moravia, and
partly by Hungary, Austria, and lk>hemia. The circle of Znaim is
nearly of a pyramidal figure, and bounded by the circles of Brinn
and Iglaw, together with the Archdutchy of Austria. The ciscle
of Iglaw is terminated by those of Brinn and Znaim, and the kingdom of
Bohemia. And lastly, that of Hradisch is surrounded by those of
Olmutz and Brinn, and the kingdom of Hungary. It is, at present;
divided into the circles of Iglaw, Znaim, Brinn, Olmutz, Hradisch, and
Prerau. The last circle of which is however considered, by the more
accurate Moravian geographers, as part of that of Olmutz. So much
for the history and geography of the Marquisate of Moravia in general;
which, we hope, will not be considered, by our readers, as an im-
pertinent digression. But to resume the narrative of our journey from
Vienna to Prague:

We staid one night at Zlabnitz, where we met with very good ac-
commodations. Our landlord was a man of tolerable good sense and
humour, and acquainted us with several particulars, relating to the
country in which he lived, that we have taken care to insert in the above
account. Zlabnitz seems to consist, at least, of four-hundred houses,
is walled round, and the inhabitants appeared something civilized and
polite* This town is pretty well built, and some of its houses consist of
stone. Between Piesling and Zlabnitz we saw several very large woods
of fir-trees, with which a good part of the circles of Iglaw and Znaim •
abound. But this is not to be wondered at, since such sort of woods
are common, both in Moravia and Bohemia. Though the weather was
excessive cold, we were scarce sensible of it, by reason of the stoves
with which our rooms were heated. The principal places between '
Zlabnitz and Piesling are Zlabaten, Mudlau, anJ Khwalitz, all consi-
derable villages. Zlabaten is in the post-road, Mudlau at a small
distance from it, upon the Taya, and Khwalitz insight of the post-road,
scarce half a German mile S. E. of Zlabnitz. The two former are in l^e
ircle ofZaaitUf antl the latter in l\\at oi \^^>9i« ^^IUsk^ ^i tke chimnies
re seemed tolia?e somethingot t]bftre»em\AaxiCfcol^ioto^ ^«xq!L^^

' .^:*

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &«. a^t

•

inhabitants of Zlabnitz speak I^atin with tolerable fluency. The people
of the inn, where we lodged, stole another of our bottles of Tokay wine^
upon which we came to a resolution to make sure of the other two the
following night. However, we did not suffer greatly on this account,
since the wine of the country was good and cheap enough. Though wc
regaled ourselves sufficiently at Zlabnitz, our whole expence there, in-
cluding that incurred by the servants, did not exceed six florins*

From Zlabnitz we advanced to Konigseck, the first town in Bohemia,
which terminates a post that consists of near three German miles.
Konigseck seems not to be composed, at most, of above one-hundred and
sixty houses. We found the tract between Zlabnitz and Konigseck
pretty mountainous and woody, and part of it covered with snow.'
The women in this part of Moravia appeared to us handsome enough,
and the men robust and well-made. Many of the hills in this western
district of Moravia are covered with woods, full of Various kinds of wild
beasts, usually produced in such places. Between Zlabnitz and Konig-
seck we met with a wood of fir-trees (and such are many of the woods.
In this part of Moravia at least) which seemed to be of a vast extent*
The village^ we passed through, between the two places last mentioned,
were Rudoletz, Walterschlag, and Dimclschlag, none of which could
be deemed very considerable. The two first stand in the circle of Iglaw*
The mountains separating Moravia from the circles of Bechin and
Csaslau in Bohemia were almost intirely covered with snow. Dimels-
chlag, the last of the abovementioned places, is not much above half a
German mile from Konigseck, and the first village in Bohemia.

After near an hour's stay at Konigseck, we set out for Neuhaus, which
was next to supply us with post-horses. This is a pretty long post, but
the road must be allowed good. Neuhaus, or, as the Bohemians call
it, Gindrzichu Hradecz, is a fine city of Bohemia, in the circle of
Bechin, about fourteen German miles, according to the Austrian and
Bohemian geographers, almost south of Prague. But this is to be
understood of a right line drawn from Neuhaus to Prague; since the
distance betwixt those two cities is much greater, according to the post-
road, as will manifestly appear from the present narrative. Neuhaus is
a large town, and its buildings neat and elegant, as well as the people .
that inhabit it. For several ages it was the seat of a prince of the same
name. The Princes of Neuhaus, or de Nova Domo, as they were termed-
in Latin, we find celebrated in the Bohemian annals. They carried a
golden rose in their shield, and exerted themselves in defence uf popery
against George of Podiebrad, King of Bohemia. Adam, the last of the
antient family of these princes, built a noble college for the Jesuits in
Neuhaus, which is richly endowed. Upon the extinction of this
family, Neuhaus, with the district appertaining to it, fell into the
hands of the descendents of the Counts Slavata. The castle, in which
the Princes of Neuhaus resided, is a fine edifice, and a great omameat
to the town. There are, or very lately were, in this castle the effigies
of a long series of the Dukes and Kings of Bohemia, most exactly
copied from some antient portraits of those princes, that for «l V«^^
time adorned the castle of Prague. As the ongitvaA^^ ix^isi '^Xv^^c^
these e%ief were taken, have b^n consumed by fite, l\i<i^ o^^^"» ^^

fS» THE TRAVELS OP

now remainincr, to be looked upon as a most valuable curiosily. The
erection of this castle, according to Balbinus, to whom we must beg
leave to refer our curious readers for a more minute account of it, and
levcral very remarkable particulars relating to it, was owing to a certun
matron, who had the care and education of some of the Princes of
Neuhaus committed to her. According to the same author, a spectre,
apparition, or ghost, in his time, walked in the neighbourhood of this
castle, and even in the castle itself. It was then, if he may be credited,
so well known to all the citizens of Neuhaus, as well as the peasants of
the adjacent villages, that not the least scruple was entertained arnon|»t
them about the reality of its appearance. It was believed to be the
ghost of the aforesaid matron, as it appeared in the shape, or form, of
a woman, with a bunch of keys hanging at her girdle, and dressed in
white ; from whence it was called, by the people abovementioned, the
White Lady. Several persons of unexceptionable authority affirmed to
Balbinusy that they had seen the White Lady, particularly a rector of
the Clementine college, who declared, that he once saw her from a
window of the' castle at noon-day. She then appeared in the market-
place all in white, with white ribbands about her head, very tall, and
with a modest countenance. He farther added, that, when she saw
herself discovered by many people, who pointed at her, she grew^ less
gradually, and at last disappeared. Whatever our readers may think of
this story, many Bohemians, and some of very good fashion, still beliefs
the reality of this apparition. There is in Neuhaus a fine forum, or
market-place, town-house, and piazza ; as also a church dedicated to
the Blessed Virgin, whose architecture is reckoned admirable. Within
a few minutes after we got out of our chaises, a mob of near three-
hundred people assembled, in order to stare at us. We must not oHiit
observing, that Konigseck, as well as 'Neuhaus, is in the circle e{
Bechin.

The next place we stopped at, our postiglioni called Samosol, or
Somosol. It stands about two German miles from Neuhaus, and is a
small inconsiderable village. As we could hear of nothing in this place
worth seeing, and had spent some hours in Neuhaus, within half an
hour after our arrival here, we put ourselves again in motion, hoping
to reach Tabor, before the night surprised us.

From Samosol we went to Koschitz, a little village consisting of'a few
wooden houses. This post is about the common length, but the road
did not iiitircly please us. As nothing remarkable occurred here, we
did not stay above half an hour.^ The approach of the night likewise
obliged us to be thus expeditious, in order to reach Tabor before it was
dark.

We arrived at Tabor in good time, and without being greatly fatigued.
Tabor, or Thabor, called by the Bohemians Hradistie, is a considerable
town of Bohemia, in the circle of Bechin, about ten German miles,
according to the computation of the Austrian and Bohemian geographers,
almost south of Prague; but this distance is too small, as will be clearly
evinced. It is at present a place of some strength, and capable of sus-
taining a siege, especially if the Emperor would lay out a little money
upoa it. This town stands upon a mowwXaitv, vtV^x^ ^^ Hussites

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 2^3

assembled, to the number of forty-thousand men^ and pitched their
tents, in 1450. As the situation was supposed by them to resemble that
of Tabor, an ancient city of Palestine, they gave it the same name.
This body being joined by Ziska, after his expulsion from Pilsen, whom
they chose for their general, seized, at his instigation, upon the fortress
of Hradistie, demolished the town of Austa, and afterwards -built houses
upon the spots of ground occupied by their tents, which formed a hand-
some town, consisting of several 8tTcj.t8. This is the origin of the town
of Tabor, "the Emperor Sigismund adorned it with many noble privi-
leges, and constituted it a royal city. It was besieged ineffectually by
the Austrians and Bavarians^ not long after it was built j^ and by the
Emperor Albert the Second, in 1438. But it was reduced by Don
Balthasar de Maradas, for the Emperor Ferdinand the Second, in l621.
Notwithstanding Tabor is a place of some note, we found ourselves
obliged to lie upon straw, in a room one story high, at which we arrived
by means of a sort of ladder. We had scarce laid ourselves down to
sleep, when the straw we lay upon took fire, and, had not the person
who wrote this account been providentially awake, we, together with
the house, and every body in it, might have been consumed. He arose
immediately, and, descending the ladder abovementioned, saw the
whole family, men and women, lying together promiscuously in straw^
with a dim lamp burning by them ; who, being presently rouzed, soon
extinguished the fire. Not only the poorer sort, but many of the
midling families, in this part of Bohemia, as we were told, take up con-
stantly with this kind of lodging; which to us seemed pretty extraor-
dinary, as Bohemia is so civilized a country. We found provisions here
both scarce and indifferent, particularly wine; so that our two remain-
ing bottles of Tokay proved a seasonable refreshment to us. According
to advices received here, a detachment of Kiowski's troops lately made
an incursion into Silesia, where they committed great depredations.
Nay, it was said, that a large body of them was advancing towards the
frontiers of Bohemia. Though we found afterwards that this did not
prove true, yet, as for the present it gave some alarm here, we rejoiced
that we had not taken the route of Breslau. We must not omit ob-
serving, that at Zlabnitz there was a very large and exceeding fine map
of Moravia, which the landlord did not care for parting with. Our
expences at Tabor, though we lived but poorly, and used our own wine,
amounted to above twelve florins.

After we had taken our leave of Tabor, the postiglioni conducted us
to a small village called Sudomirzitz. This post seemed a long one,
but the road was good. W^e observed between Neuhaus and this place
a considerable number of ponds, or standing waters, and one of very
considerable extent, which, the postiglioni said, abounded with a great
variety of elegant and delicious fi.sh. We did not stay above half an
hour here.

From Sudomirzitz we pursued our journey to Woiditz, or Wotitz, a
considerable village in the circle of Beraun, whei'e we took in fresh
horses. To the left, between Miltschin and WotUz, we saw several
mountains covered with show. The part of Bohevxv\sL| vi^Vv^LN^VvCsssxXa
tnyerscd, had the appearance of a ferlWe a.wd \\^TvXJil\3X cq>wsX\^ \^

u 5

29i THE TRAVELS OF

general, tho* sometimes mountains and barren spots occurred. Tte
people here, as well as in Moravia, were very civil and obliging, had
an air of great probity and sincerity, and in their manners and dispod*
tions seemed nearly to correspond. We refreshed ourselves for about
half an hour, and then set out for Bistritz, where we proposed next to
stop,

Bistritz, or Bistrzitz, called likewise sometimes Bystrzice, is a small
town of the kingdom of Bohemia, in the circle of Caurzim, two short
German miles north of Wotitz. Here we dined, and found an officer^
with about fifty Bohemian recruits, who seemed tall robust young fellows,
on his route to Prague. Our Swiss servant accosted them in High
Dutch, biit they answered him in Bohemian, which he understood not
a word of. This town appeared to us to consist principally of one pretty
long street, but did not make any considerable figure. As we could
not meet with any thing substantial here for dinner, our expence
amounted only to a fiorin.

The next post, which was terminated by Nesbeck, we passed the
Sazawa. Nesbeck, Nosbeck, or Dnespeck, is a small village of
Bohemia, in the circle of Caurzim, upon the Sazawa> two long
German leagues almost north of Bistritz, in the post road to Prague.
The country here, particularly about the banks of the river, was a fine
verdant plain, and appeared inexpressibly delightful. The Saza^wa,
Zasawa, or Saczowa, one of the largest rivers of Bohemia, has its source
in Morafia, on, or near, the ridge of mountains, separating the circle of
Iglaw from that of Czaslau, and throws itself into the Moldau, at no
very great distance from Nesbeck. We took up our lodging here, and
lay in the same manner as at Tabor. We observed in one of the rooms
of our inn a tolerable good piece of St. Wenccslaus, King of Bohemia;
and in another a small portrait of that prince, under which, on the
same sheet of paper, were printed several theses, proposed, under the
auspices of the abovementioned saint, to be defended by a student of
Prague, on a certain day therein specified. Papers of this kind are
common in the inns and puhlick houses for three or four posts round
Prague; as is likewise the picture of St. Wenceslaus, who is always
considered as one of the greatest Bohemian saints. The order of knights
of St. Wenceslaus is reckoned one of the most honourable in Bohemia.
The high veneration the Bohemians have the memory of this saint in,
appears from hence, that scarce any Christian name is in greater vogue
amongst the Bohemian, Moravian, and even Austrian, noblesse and gentry
than Wenceslaus. Of this Prince Wenceslaus de Lichtenstein, Count
Wenceslaus Wallis, and many other noblemen, &c. bearing that name,
may be deemed a sufficient proof.* The tract throughout this post we
found mountainous, and full of woods of fir trees. A most violent storm
or hurricane, that happened about the beginning of February last, had
made a most dreadful havock amongst these fir-trees, which, generally
vpeaking, stood upon some hill or eminence; insomuch that many of
them were torn up by the roots, some broke in the middle, others near
the top, and, lastly, «)thers within a yard or two of the ground. This
havock manifested itself for above a German league and a half together.
When our High Dutch failed us, tVie avLl\ioi o^ x\i\a \\abtcative mside use

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. igs

of his Latin, which was of signal service to us, almost all of the people
here, both high and low, having more than a sm^ittering in that Ian-
gu£^e, and many of them speaking it with great elegance and propriety.
We found provisions here, though none of the best, pretty dear, which
inay be attributed to the vicinity of the place to Prague, Notwith-
standing we lived very moderately, nay, almost abstemiously, our land-
lord favoured us with a bill, in the momingy before our departure, of
something above twelve florins.

From Nesbeck we advanced to Jesnitz, or, as some call it, Jessenicz,
a small village of the circle of Caurzim, two short German miles almost
iouth 9f Prague, The principal places between Bistritz and Nesbeck
are Beneschau, KonopiScht, and Porzitsch, all on the other side the
Sazawa. The last post, which commenced at Nesbeck, consisted of
two long German miles. The effects of the late hurricane appeared
likewise through this post, which, in some parts, was a little hilly, and
therefore the more exposed to the violence of it. We were told, that in
Bohemia such hurricanes frequently happen.

It has been just hinted, that the post between Jesnitz and Prague ig
a short one; to which we shall beg leave to add, that the road is ex-
tremely good. The ravages, committed by the late hurricane amongst
the firs, $till presented themselves to our view, till we came within a
German mile, as 1 supposed, of Prague. At a small distance froni '
Prague, we passed by a sort of obelisk raised in the highway, with an in-
scription upon it, which we did not stay to read; but it was suggested
to us, that this had been erected on occasion of the murder of oi\e M*
Asfeldt, on the spot whereon it stood, in 1706 or 1707. Between
Wotitz and Prague, we met with several large ponds, like those already
mentioned, and equally, as may be presumed, stored with various v
kinds of excellent fish. Upon our arrival at Prague, we passed two
centries before we were admitted into the town, and had our baggaga
examined with pretty great rigour. Our readers will find, by perusing
what has been already laid down in this section, that the list of posts
between Vienna and Prague stands thus :

From Vienna to Enzersdorf, a short post, 1 J German miles. *

From Enzeisdorf to Stockerau, a long post, 3 German miles.
From Stockerau to Mallebern, one post, 2 German miles.
From Mallebern to HoUabrun, one post, 2 German miles.
From Hollabrun to Naudorf, or Nodorf, one post, 2 German miles.
From Naudorf to Pulckau, one post, 2 German miles.
From Pulckau or Bulkha, to Langau, a long post, 2 German miles*
From Langau or Languenau, to Frating, one post, 2 German miles.
From Frating to Pic*sling, one post, 2 German miles.
From Piesling to Zlabnitz, one post, 2 German miles.
From Zlabnitz to Konigseck, along post, 3 German miles.
From Konigseck to Neuhaus, a pretty long post, 2 good Germa^i
miles.

From Neuhaus to Somosal or Samosol, one post, 2 German miles*
From Somosol to Koschitz, one post, 2 German miles.
From Koschita to T^bor, one post,. 2 GetTOan rnWei.
fronn Tdbor t<ySudomirzitz, one post, % Qeimaxiitti\ica»

v4

tge THE TRAVELS OP

From Sudomirzitz to Wotitz or Woiditz, one post, 2 German mfleit

From Wotitz to Bistritz, one post, 2 German miles.

From Bistritz to Nesbeck or Dnespeck, one post, 2 long German
miles.

From Nesbeck or Dnespeck to Jesnitz or Jessenicz, one post, 2f
German miles.

From Jesnitz to Prague, one post, 2 short German miles.

Total 31 posts, 45 German miles.

Prague, the capital of Bohemia, called frequently in Latin by the
Bohemian and Austrian writers Tripolis, i. e. the Triple City, has for*
merly been the residence of many Kings and Emperors. It received
that denomination from the three cities of whi^i it consists. These are
the New City, the Old City, and the Little City ; every one of which,
' with regard to its extent and number of inhabitants, may be consi-
dered as scarce any thing inferior to a city of the first rank. The last of
these is separated from the two first by the Moldau or Wltava, a rim
that has its rise in the district ofKrumau, on or near the ridge of
mountains separathig Bohemia from Bavaria, and unites its stream with
that of the Elbe near Melnick, about four German miles north dt
Prague. The Little City stands on the western bank of that river, and
the others on the eastern ; but they are joined together by a noble
bridge, one of the greatest curiosities in Prague, 35 foot broad, and
1770 long. This was begun, with great solemnity, by the Emperor
Charles the Fourth, in the year 1357; but, the work being frequently
interrupted by the bloody wars that happened in Bohemia, was not
finished till about half a century after. This bridge supplied the place .
of a more antient one, built, after three years labour, by Jaditha or
Gitka, wife to King Wladislaus, in 1 1 70, and destroyed by an extra-
ordinary inundation of the Moldau, in 134$, whose waters then rose to
a very unusual height. The structure, composed of square stone, is
sustained by eighteen prodigious piles rising out of the bed of the river,
and connected by the arches under it. Each end of the bridge is adorned
and defended by a fine tower. One of* these has, about the middle of
its exterior surface, in much the same manner that the statues of the
Ibunders may be seen in Wadham and Oriel colleges, Oxford, two stone
figures of Luther, and his wife. Luther appears in armour, and his wife
with one of her hands extended towards his privities; which was ^onein
order to ridicule the Lutherans, and perhaps the protestants in generaL
The citizens of Prague, who are, for the most part, bigotted Roman
catholicks, take great care to shew these statues of Luther and his wife
to all protestants that come here. This the author of the present
account collected from our guide, or, as the Italians call that sort of
. sePj'ant, Cicerone, who took particular care to shew us the abovemen*
tioned efiisies of Luther and his wife, and desired us to view them
attentively, assuring us, that no foreigner, especially if he was a catho-
lick, who knew Prague, would believe that we had seen the capital of
Bohemia, if we could not give a description of them.
There are many curious images or statues of saints upon the bridge

Old Towa.

jW

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 297

over the Moldau, 'which very well deserve to be seen by every curious
traveller, and particularly that of St. John of Nepomuck, which con-
sists of brass, and stands on that part of the bridge from whence he was
thrown into the river, and drowned, at the command of Wenccslaus the
Fourth, sirnamed Piger. Upon the spot there is a cross of copper
or brass deaurated, which people are continually kissing from morning
till night, when they offer their prayers to St. John Nepomucene, vvho
is esteemed as one of the principal Bohemian saints. Nay, in Prague
he seems to be more celebrated than any other. Many persons there
wear his picture in miniature on their breasts, hanging down like the
badge of an order ; and most of the women have such a picture, by
way of ornameiit,^ annexed to their necklaces. Many of these toys, in
different forms, are brought by Jews and others, to the strangers that
come to Prague, to be purchased, as one of the curiosities of the place.
The other saints, whose statues are erected on the bridge, have likewise
their votaries, as well as St. John Nepomucene, who may frequently b«
seen performing their devotions to them ; though those of the latter are
by far the most numerous. There is exposed to sale, in the booksellers
and print-shops at Prague, a collection of prints, or cuts, representing
all the statues abovementioned on the bridge over the Moldau, with
the title of MARMOR LOQUENS prefixed to it.

^ In the Moldau there are two little islands, on the largest of which|
according to our Cicerone, stands a sort of inn, whither young people
sometimes go to divert themselves, called by the people of Prague, as
he said, Great and Little Venice, llie breadth of the Moldau here
may be easily understood, from the brief description of the bridge already
given. Great Venice faces the Little Town; and Little Venice lies in
the middle of the river, opposite to the northern extremity of the New
Town. There are, besides these two islands, some others, thai are
imalier, in that part of the Moldau which divides Little Prague from the
Old and New Towns.

The New City is larger than the others, touches the river in two
places, and encompasses that part of the Old City which is not washed
by the Moldau. Both the Little City and the New City, on the land-
side, or that side facing the adjacent tenitory, opposite to the river, are
surrounded with a fosse, and a wall, though they are places of no great
strength. Prague, according to Ricciolus, stands in 50 deg. 40 min.
north latitude, and 37 deg. SS3 min. longitude. Its distance from Vienna,
according to our computation, which may be depended upon, is about
forty-five German miles, tho' some of the Austrian geographers will not
allow it much to exceed thirty-six.

Some believe that the city, where Maroboduus, King of the Mar-
comanni, called, as should seem, by Ptolemy Marobudus, resided,
stood on a spot occupied at present by part of the city of Prague.
Bojohaemus, or Boviasmus, is the name given this city by Lipsius.
But this seems to have been the name of a province, not of a city, as
has been very justly observed by Cluverius. Hagecius thinks that
Maraboduus's capital stood upon a mountain, or hill, about a German
mile from Prague, opposite to the monabtory of Sb\as\«L\i % NiwV >^clv^
situation seems rather to correspond with tbatoC a casVVe, ^\«.e^^\^^^
neighbourhood of this city by Tacitus. Otbeis b«YveNc^ X\\"aX>\!k& ^^&>i«^^

«98 THE TRAVELS OF

of Ptolemy was formerly situated there. But to leave these, and other
conjectures, which must be allowed very precarious, we shall give our
readers a short and succinct account of the origin of Pi-ague, extracted
from the most authentic of the Bohemian historians.

Of three cities of which Prague consists, the Little Town is the raost
antient. It was built in the year 723, by Libussa, the daughter of
Cracus or Crocus, the second Prince or Duke of Bohemia; and deduced
its name from the Bohemian word prah, which signifies a gate, or entry,
according to Hagecius. But, supposing the Little City to have been
built by Libussa, it must be older than the year 723> as will hereafter
fully appear. Tlie same author asserts this part of Prague to have been
first surrounded with a wall by Nezamyslus, or Nezamyslius, the son of
Libussa; which, if the former notion be admitted, is probable enough.
Notwithstanding which, Lupacius attributes the foundation of Prague
to Mnatha, the son of Nezamyslus, and the first erection of a wall about
it to Wogenus, the former prince's grandson. But these jarring
accounts seem to be reconciled by Hagecius, when he affirms, that thie
Old Town was first built by Mnatha, about the year 795, and enlarge^,
as well as encompassed on the landside with a wall, by Wogenus, in the
year 830. Udalricus, Duke of Bohemia, who died in 1037, likewise
added many new buildings to it. However, according to Balbinus, as
yet Old Prague was composed only of wooden buildings, more resembling
soldiers tents than citizens houses, after the manner of all the antient
towns erected in the northern parts of the world; till Sobieslaus the
First, Duke of Bohemia, who died in 1140, caused all those houses to
be pulled down, and rebuilt of stone, and, by improving the symmetry
of the streets, greatly beautified the place. Charles the Fourth, Em-
peror of the Romans, and King of Bohemia, annexed New Prague to the
Old Town, called it at first Carlovia, and fortified it with a ditch and
a wall, about the year 1348. Lastly, the Little City was strengthened
in the same manner, in 1560. Within the wall of the New Town several
eminences are inclosed ; and within that of the Little Town a pretty noted
hill, called Mount Petrzin. The castle, or cittadel, denominated the
Wischehrad, stands upon a high mountain, and commands, in a great
measure, both the Old and New Town. It was built, according to
Merianus, in the year 6S3, and at first received various names, viz*
Psary, Libice, &:c. As the first Dukes of Bohemia held their residence
in this place, it was, for a considerable time, esteemed the principal
part of the city of Prague, but they afterwards removed into the Old
Town. Wischehrad, in the Bohemian tongue, signifies a castle, fortress,
or high cittadel. This place now seems in a mean condition, scarce any
traces of its former grandeur at presenl remaining. Such another castle
commands Little Prague; which, for many ages, has gone under the
appellation of the Castle of St. Wenccslaus.

Prague was taken by Henry the Fowler, in 930, when that prince
obliged St. Wenceslaus, then Duke of Bohemia, to pay him an annual
tribute. Boleslaus, King of Poland, after he had treacherously put out
the eyes of Boleslaus, Duke of Bohemia, whom he invited in a seemingly
amicable manner to Cracow, under the pretence of entering into an
aJJJaace with bim, laid siege also U> ^ia;^Me, \iLbo\it the ^q9x 1000, bj^

THREE ENGUSH GENTLEMEN, &c. 2fl9

in two years time starved it to a surrender. However, he could not
reduce the Wischehrad ; which eluded all his efforts, till Udalricus, the
son or brother of Boleslaus, by a singular stratagem, overthrew the
Polish army, in 1004. Wladislaus the Second, Duke of Bohemia,
and Conrad, Prince of Znaim, having beenintirely defeated in a bloody
battle by Otlio, Prince of Olmutz, and several other princes of the
Przcmyslasan family, Prague was again besieged by the victors, in 1142 ;
but I'heobaldus, brother to Wladislaus, bravely defended it, till the
Emperor Conrad advanced with a powerful army to its relief; at whose
approach the besiegers thought proper to retire. The city sustained no
other damage froin this siege, than what happened to the churches of St.
Vile and St. George, which were set on fire by some flames conveyed to
them by the enemy's arrows. John, King of Bohemia, having some
dispute with Elizabeth, his Queen^ who, with Charles her son, retired
to Melnick, and suspecting that the nobility 9f Prague espoused her
interest, he laid siege to his capital city, with an army raised in Moravia,
A. D. 1319* But William of Hasenburg, the commandant, defended
the place with great valour, till the arrival of Peter de Rosis, who came
with a formidable army, to the succour of the besieged ; and, after he
had almost driven the King out of the field, restored peace to Bohemia.
The citizens of the Old and New Town joined the Hussites, and, after
a vigorous action, entered the Little Town, in 1419. Neither could
the Emperor Sigismund, King of Bohemia, attended by Albert, Arch-
duke of Austria, afterwards Emperor, the Electors of Saxony and
Brandenburgh, &c. retake Prague, though he assaulted it from four
different quarters at once, with an army of 140,000 men. The besieged
having thus, under the conduct of Ziska, repulsed the Emperor, soon
made themselves masters of the Wischehrad ; which, till then, had been
occupied by that prince's troops. This city espoused the interest of
Frederic Count Palatine of the Rhine; but returned to the "house of
Austria, after the fatal battle of Weissenberg near Prague, in 1 620,
The Saxons seized upon it, in l631 ; but it was soon after recovered by
Wallenslein, the imperial general. Lastly, Count Konigsmarck, the
Swedish general, making an irruption out of the Upper Palatinate into .
Bohemia, possessed himself of the Little Town, and took the castle
appertaining to it, at the first assault, in l648. But the Old and New
Town repulsed him in every attack, till the treaty, then in agitation,
was signed. These are the principal events, in which Prague has been
more immediately hitherto concerned.

The city is exceeding populous, containing, according to the most ap-
proved and authentic accounts, five-hundred-thousand souls; of which,
if some may be credited, near fifty-thousand are Jews. Be that as it
»■ will, for at least four-hundred years past, its citizens have been extremely
numerous, as we may find attested by the best historians, who have
treated of the Bohemian affairs. Nay, we are told by Matthias Lauda,
a celebrated writer, who lived at that time, that in the year 1419, not-
withstanding the troubles the kingdom was then involved in, fifty-thou-
sand idle men, of more, might have been drawn into the field in tVv^
day-time, without being missed, or any stivsibVe 4viavu\>>AJMv ol^ ^^

300 THE TRAVELS OF

inhabitants. A thing, which^ notwithstanding the authority of Landa,
wijl to many of our rtTtders, appear absolutely incredible !

Prague, with its territory, for above two hundred years, made up
part of the dioctse (if Katisbon. But, at the desire of Boleslaus Pius,
Duke of Bohemia, and his sister INllada, then a nun at Rome, by the
consent of St. Wulffgang, Bishop of llatisbon^ Ditmar, a member of the
Benedictin convent at Magdeburg, was declared the first Bishop of
Prague, by Pope Jolin thel'hirleenth, and consecrated, as his suffragan,
by Hatto, or Robert, Archbishop of Mentz. Ditmar was succeeded by
St. Adalbert in SG^y according to Hagecius ; or, as Balbinus will have
it, in 979* St. Adalbert, or Wogticchus, nephew to Boleslaus, was
destroyed by the Pagans, in the mountainous part of Prussia, whither
he went, as a missionary, to propagate the Chnstian religion, and suc-
ceeded by Theadagus, who belonged to a monastery in Saxony, A.*D,
997' After him came Helilvardus, Izo, and Scvitus; the last of whom,
at the request of the Moravians, though his diocese was alread< very
much diminished, gave his consent, that a new bishopric should be
erected in Moravia. Which was accordingly done, Pope Alexander the
Second giving a sanction thereto. Severiis dying in 1 067, Gerard, or
Jaromir, succeeded him, and re-united the sees of Olmutz and Prague,
the Emperor Henry giving his consent thereto. After Gerard's death,
King Wralislaus agarn separated the diocese of Olmutz from that of
Prague; appointing one Cosmas to preside over the latter, in lOQl.
Ernest de Pardubicz, the twentieth prelate from Cosmas, was declared
free from all jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Mentz, and consecrated
Archbishop of Prague, the next Sunday before Advent, 1343, in the
usual manner. This is said to have been foretold by St. Wolffgang to
Boleslaus Pius, near four-hundred years before it happened. The Bishop
of Prague was not only thus dignified by Pope Clement the Sixth, at the
desire of John, King of Bohemia, and his son Charles, buthad likewise the
privilege of crowning the King of Bohemia transferred to him from the
Archbishop of Mentz. Nay Charles, successor to the abovementioned John,
King of Bohemia, obtained of Pope Urban the Fifth the oflSce of per-
petual legate, in the dioceses of Ratisbon, Bamberg, Misnia, &c, for
the Archbishop of Prague, in 1365. After the death of Conrad, in
1431, Prague was destitute of an Archbishop near half an age; th6
revenues belonging to the Metropolitical church there, according to the
Austrian and Bohemian writers, havijig been squandered away and
dissipated by Conrad, whom they scrupled not to accuse of heresy*
Neither could this archbishopric be put upon its primitive footing,
though attempted by Wladialaus and other Kings of Bohemia, till the
reign of the Emperor Ferdinand the First, of the house of Austria, who
richly endowed it, restored it to its primitive lustre, and translated the
Bishop of Vienna, to the Metropolitical church of Prague, in 1562.'
We must not here omit observing, that the title of prince was conferred
on the Bishop of Prague, by King Wenceslaus, in 1315, and confirmed
to the archbishop of that city, by the Emperor Charles the Fourth,
A. D. 1350. This title was, however, for a long time neglected, and,

as it were, lost; but the archbishop, Zb\g;i\aus Berka, happily recovered

it of the Emperor J Rudolphus the S>ccoyvOl.
Though the limits we have prescribed o\xt'idNC&N»\\\.\iQ\.^^\m\.>»X»

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 301

give a minute and particular description of all the principal churches
and religious houses, nor even a bare enumeration of all the others, in
Prague, yet we think it would be unpardonable to omit a short account
of thejbllowing :

1. The cathedral church, in the cittadel belonging to the Little City,
wa$ founded by SL Wenceslaus, in the year 935, and dedicated to SU
Vite. This was occasiened by Henry, King of Germany, then holding
a diet at Ratisbon, who made a present of an arm of St. \'ite to that
prince; which induced him to build a church in honour of that saint,
as a proper place to deposit it in. However, death prevented him from
fully executing his design; he dying before the church was finished.
Some authors affirm, that the church of St. Vite was conBecratcd by
Michael, Bishop of Ratisbon; and others by St. Wolffgang, who presi*
ded over the same diocese. But . these two different opinions may be
rendered consistent, by supposing, that the first part of this church,
built by St. Wenceslaus, was consecrated by the former prelate, and the
whole edifice, which was probably finished in the reign of Boleslaus
Pius, by the latter. Afterwards, about the year 106o, Spitihnaus the
Second, siniamed the Just, observing that a greater number of people
than the church could contain crowded to the tomb of St. Wenceslaus,
he determined to remedy this defect. In order to which he demolished
the chapels, in which St. Vite and St. Adalbert were worshipped, and
erected one magnificent church for the three saints, Vite, Adalbert, and
Wenceslaus ; but death would not permit him to put the last hand to it.
This afterwards going to decay, John, King of Bohemia, and Ernest,
Archbishop 6f Prague, laid the foundation of a much more noble and
august church, in 1343, but the whole fabric was not finished till the
year 1396. The present church was built by the Emperor Ferdinand
the First, in 1555, the former having been burnt in 1641. It consists
of square-cut stones, compacted in the Gothic taste. Within the tower
of St. Vite, which is very lofty, there is a bell, said to be twenty-two
thousand seven-hundred pounds weight. In this church there is a most
sumptuous Mausolasum, in which the bodies of the Emperors, Charles
the Fourth, Ferdinand the First, Maximilian the Second, Rudolphu»
the Second, and the Kings I^islaus, George of Podiebrad, &c. arc
deposited. But the greatest ornaments of the church of St. Viti% in the
opinion of the Bohemians, are the bodies of St. ^^enceslaus, St. Adal-
bert St. Vite, and St. Sigismund, King of Burgundy ; all of which are
honoured in their respective Sacella, or chapels. The finest and most
grand of these is that of St. Wenceslaus, which shin^ on all sides with
precious stones, especially jasper. To these may be added the noble
and stupendous tomb of St. John Nepomucene, secured by a double
chancel, on which if any person carelesly treads, he will inevitably,
acconling to the Bohemian^, soon meet with some remarkable misfor-
tune, or disgrace. This, they say, has frequently been proved; so
that it passes for an indisputable truth amongst them. Upon this tomb
there stands the foot of a candlestick, of unknown metal, brought hither
from Milan, when that place was laid level with the ground, by Frederic
Barbarossa, in 11 62, where it had long been kept as a mo&t. \XiN^^^A2c^!^
treasure. In ine, here is deposited such an iivfimt^ o^ ^jb^x^ vKwsSi*^

sot THE TRAVELS OF

collected from all parts of the Christian world by the Emperor Charles
the Fourth, that nothing like it of the kind is to be met with out of tbe
walls of Rome.

t. The Strahovian church on Mount Pctrzin, and the hill or tract
called Ratzin, or Ratschin, belongs also to the Little Town. This
church may justly be Reckoned aniougst the ornaments of Prague, and
has annexed to it a noble monastery of the White Order of Prajmon-
itrantSy founded and richly endowed by Wiadislaus the Eleventh, Duke
of Bohemia, at the instigation of Henry Zdik, in 1143. Hdving n-ceived
some additional revenues, it was again consecrated by Albert Archbishop
of Saltxburg, by the consent of Valentine Bishop of Prague, near forty
years after its foundation. It was laid in ashes about 1268, but, to
the great surprize and admiration of the citizens of Prague, rebuilt in
a more splendid manner, at the sole expence of John the Abbot, in
about five years time. I'he Austrian writers affirm, that it was de^
stroyed by the Hussites, in 1421, and erected again, wiih the addition
of two Odaea, in honour of the Blessed Virgin MARY assumed into
beaven, and St. ROCH. Here is deposited the body of St. Norbert,
Archbishop of Magd&burg and patriarch of the Prasmonstratehsian
order, which was brought hither from Magdeburg, in l626,

3. The church of St. George, with a religious house, inhabited by
virgins of the rule of St. Benedict, annexed to it, stands in the castle of
Little Prague. This nunnery is one of the most antient religious houses
in Prague, having been built by Wratislaus the First, Duke of Bohemia,
and father of St. Wenceslaus, in the year 912« according. to Hagecius.
Conrad Prince of Znaim reduced it to ashes, in 1142; which obliged
the nuns first to retire to a house upon one of the banks of the Moldau,
and from thence to the church of St. John Baptist : where they re-
mained till their former habitation was capable of receiving them.
Agnes, the daughter of King Wiadislaus the First, the Lady Abbess
here, not only adorned this convent with her virtues and sanctity of
life, but likewise greatly inriched it, in the thirteenth century. The
Hussites expelled these ladies a second time, in 14-21; but they aftei^
wards recovered their former situation. Amongst other privileges, that
these nuns enjoy, may be ranked two, which are pretty remarkable.
1. Their abbess is exempt from all archiepiscopal jurisdiction, and
even subjection to the Benedictin order; being subject only to the pope,
as having been taken under the immediate protection of the Holy See,
by Pope Eugeniusthe Third, in 1 145. 2. The same lady has the sole
right and privilege of crowning, with her own hands, the Queen of
Bohemia. Besides the crucifix, which the Bohemians pretend emits
blood from the foot of the crofcs, when any signal calamity is lo happen
to their country, there are here the remains of St. Ludmilla, the Blessed
Mlada or Milada, and the founder, on whose tomb the title Blessed is
inscribed.

4. The elegant church of the Carmelites, from whence the protest*
ants were ejected in l624, belongs to the hill or tract called Radtschmy
or the upper part of the Little Town,

5. As does the church of St. Joseph^ with the Carmelite nunnery
^Mppertaining toiU •

THREE ENGUSH GENTLEMEN, &e. 303

6. Wenceslaus the Second, sirnamed the Good, added a religious
house appropriated to the Augustines to the church of St. Thomas,
whose first prior Theobaldus, or Dipoklus, was of the royal family.
The church of St. Thomas is a fine edifice, and famous for the fine piece
of painting of the great altar* It stand likewbe in the district above-
mentioned.

7. The church of St. Lawrence, with the religious house inhabited
by virgins of the order of St. Dominic translated to this place from
Olmutz, was built by Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, a little before her
death, in J 330.

8. The church of Sancta Maria de Victoria, with the monastery of
the Servites adjoining to it, owes its erection to the Emperor Ferdinand
the Second, in the year l628.

9. The house of the professors of the society of Jesus, besides a nu-
merous Gymnasium consisting of six schools, has two churches, one of
which is called the German church, the other the Bohemian. The
German church is famous for the singular neatness of its imaj^es, and
the remains of St. Crispus and St. Caius deposited in it; the Bohemian^
which has a pretty large parish appertaining to it, goes under the name
of the church of St. Wenceslaus.

10. The two churches of St. Martha and St. Mary Magdalen belong
to the order of the Pnedicants.

11. Of the two churches appropriated to the Knights of Malta,
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary and St. Procopius, the second was
erected, at the persuasion of St. Procopius in a dream, by Saluslausand
bis wife Dobromila, and consecrated by Daniel Bishop of Pragtie in the
presence of Ottocar the first, King of Bohemia, A. D. 1213.

12. The churches of St. John the Evangelist under the rock, of St.
John at the water-side, of. St. Charles Borromeo in the Italian hospital,
of St. Peter and St. Paul at the ferry, and St. Mary Magdalen in the
vineyards, are not to be passed over in silence. Lastly, the churches
of the Theatines, dedicated to the Blessed Mother of GOD, of the
Barnabites at St, Benedict, and of the Capuchins, with their house of
Loretto, shall conclude our observations, with regard to the places set
apart for religious purposes, not only on Mount Petrzin, and the hill
or tract of Radtschin, but in every part of Little Prague.

13. 'i'hc Parish church of the Blessed Virgin assumed into heaven,
IS famous on account of its antiqtiity, being built by some of the Christian

^ Dukes of Bohemia, and its beauty, both within and without. This
stands in the Old Town.

14. Not far from the former, a traveller meets with the church of
St. James, famous for its height, as well as for its escaping the fury of
the Hussites, by the bravery of the butchers who defended it. In honour
of these butchers, and to perpetuate the memory of this glorious event,
the Minorites erected a sort of trophy over the door of their convent,
adjoining to St. James's church, which likewise owed its preservation to
the valour of the butchers, in 159S.

15. The Church of our Saviour, which is called the German church,
towards the beginning of the seventeenth century, was built b>] IVa '^t^^-
testantS; who were afterwards dispossessed of it, aadiuucciee^^dL V| ^^

504 THE TRAVELS OF

religious of St. Francis de Paula. These last adorned it in a most beau-
tiful manner, after itcamo into iheir hands.

l5« The Blessed Agnos» sister of Wence!<laus the First, "King of
Bohemia, g^ve the hospital at the bridge, together with the church of
the Holy Ghost, to the Crutched Trinrs, who, by the indnlgence of
Pope Innocent the Fourth, carrit-d a red star below the cross, in 1238.
These religious, after the taking of Jerusalem by Saladino, settled them-
selves at St. Peter's church, in the village of Porzirz C()ntis:uou5 to
Prague. There is likewise another order of the Crutched Friars, via.
that of St. Cyriacus, instituted in 12.56, and confirmed by Pope Alex-
ander the Fourth. The general, or chief, of this order has resided in
Old Prague, at the Holy Cross, ever since the first institution of it*

XT' The two churches, and convents, of the Dominicans, one of
which appertains to the nuns of St. Anna, and the other to the i-eligious
of St. Giles, famous for its uncommon breadth, which they took pos-
session pf in 1623, deserve next to be mentioned. This order was first
settled upon the spot where the present academical college of the Jesuits
stands. The first Dominicans that came here were a colony sent by
St Hyacinth, under his brother, thcrBlessed Ceslaus, in 12'22.

l3. 'The churches of St. Clement and our Saviour belong to the
Jesuits, who have likewise a famous college here. These father were
invited to Prague by the Emperor Ferdinand the First, in the year
1553. In the former of these churches the Jesuits preach in High
Dutch ; and in the latter, which was built chiefly at the expence of the
family of Lobkowitz, in Bohemian.

19. The churches of the Blessed Virgin assumed into heaven, erected,
by Peregrine Bishop of Prague, about 1224, and used chiefly by the
Italians, and that at St. Eligius, where the solemnities of the goldsmiths
arc celebrated, occur likewise to a traveller visiting Old Prague. These
churches are smaller than those of St. Clement and our Saviour, and
likewise belong to the Jesuits.

20. Besides the churches and religious houses mentioned in the seven
last articles, wc meet with the following plafes, worthy of notice, in
Old Prague. The churches of Su Martin, of the Benedictines,- of the
Fratres Misericord iae, of the Scrvites, of the Carmelites, of the Prae-

' monstratenses, of the nuns of Santa Clara; as also the dhurches of the
Blessed Virgin born at the Lake, St. Leonard, St. Valentine, St Cas-
tulus, St. Paul in the hospital, St. John Baptist at the Mills, St.
Stephen the Less, the Holy Ghost, which had formerly a nunnery of
the Bencdictin order, founded by Nicolaus Rockanerus, in 1346, ad-
joining to it, and St. Andrew. The Hohemians pretend, that, when
this last church, with every thing else in it, was reduced to ashes, by
an accidental fire, in 1338, the venerable host remained untouched
amidst the flames.

21. The monastery called Em maus, founded by the Emperor Charies
the Fourth, for the Sclavonian nation in 1347, and dedicated to St.
Jerom the Dalmatian, stands in the New Town. The divine service
here is performed in the Sclavonian tongue, by virtue of a privilege
granted this monastery, which belongs to the Benedictines, by the See
of Rome.

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, kc, 30i

23* The college of the regular canons of St. Augustin, in the New
Town, \vith the beautiful church appertaining to it, was begun by th«
same prince, about the year 1351, but not finished before 1377.

23. The church of St. Maria ad Nives, formerly a very grand and
stately edifice, with the convent of the Carmelites adjoining to it,, owed its
erection to the abovementioned Charles the Fourth, in 1347* In th«
place of this, destroyed by the Hussites, was afterwards substituted that
at present belonging to the Mrnores Observantes of St. Francis, who
have likewise another church, called The Church of the ConceptiQn of
the immaculate Blessed Virgin. These religious are known by the name^
of the Irish Religious, or the Irish Franciscans.

24. The Jes^ks College, in New Prague, is a noble and superb
building, adorned with a Gymnasium of six schools, and surrounded
by three churches; of which the first, being a grand structure, is dedi-
cated to St. Ignatius, the founder of the Jesuits order; the second to St.
Francis Xavier, the apostle of the Indians; and the third, which is tha
oldest of the three, being built by the Emperor Charles the Fourth in
136*4, and sometimes assigned to the academical doctors of the Bohe-
mian nation, goes under the denomination of The Church of the Body
of Christ.

25. The parochial church of St. Henry's, in the New Town, deserves
to be viewed by every curious traveller.

26. The church of the Augustines at St. Catharine's, facing a high
tower, was built by Charles the Fourth, who founded that religious
house for the virgins of the rule of St. Benedict.

27. The monastery of St. Wenceslaus, inhabited by discalceated
friars, stands likewise in the New Town.

28. The same may be said of the convent of the Capucliius, called the
convent of St. Joseph.

29. The Ursuline nuns have likewise a religious house here.

30. The Servites also have a monastery in the New Town, built and
endowed by the Emperor Charles the Fourth, in 136l.

31. Besides which, the churches of The Trinity, St. Clement, St.
Peter, St. Adalbert, St. Elizabeth, St. Nicholas, St. Michael, St.
Lazarus, St. Bartholomew, St. Apollinaris, and St. Stephen the Greater,
all in New Prague, deserve to be seen by all foreigners who make any
stay here.

We must not omit observing, that the Hussites destroyed many
churches in Prague, which were never afterwards rebuilt. In the Wis-
chehrad only, according to Balbinus, they levelled fourteen with the
ground. But, tho' the violences committed by them were undoubtedly
great, yet we question not, but they have been aggravated by the Aus-
trian and Bohemian historians.

1 he castle or cittadel of St. Wenceslaus, -which belongs to the Little
Town, is seated in the district or hill of Radtschin, and includes within
its walls several noble buildings. Nay, whether we consider its most
commodious situation, its delightful prospect, its vast capaciousness and
extent, or the salubrity of its air, it may justly be esteemed as one of the
finest, most beautiful, and most august palaces belon^iu^lo vWV^x^"^
of -Austria. It owes its chief beauty to the lLu)^i^tot "^ci^vowxv^^*

VOL, XI. X

aOS THE TRAVELS OF

Third, who re<Kiced it to the more elegant rulei of architectui^
Amon^t the roost remarkable paits of it may be ranked the van!
parlour, or hall, of Wladislaus, catfed the sala, or hall, and the
mathematical house, which stands in the royal gardens. The former ia
two«hundred twelve feet long, and sixty broad ; and the latter cost the
Emperor Ferdinand , the First, who buift it, one hundred-thousand
florins. ThegardenI, in which this is situated, are adorned with many '
rare and select trees brought from Spain, Italy, and even several parts
of Asia, in the reign of Rudolphus the Second. One of the principal
curiosities, to he met with in the castle of St. Wenceslaus, is a cel^
brated equestrian statue of St. George, of bell-metal^ the workmanship
of which is so exqui^tely £ne, that the Bohemians tljfnk it cannot be
parallelled. In this castle the states of the kingdom of Bohemia assemble,
on all publick occasio^is ; and aU the tribunals are held in it. When
the Emperor comes to Prague, he fixes hhs residence here.

The town-hall, or council -bouse, in Old Prague, is eminent for iU
bulk; for the election of George, King of Bohemia; and for ihm
sumptuous banquets, and grand entertainments, given in it, by severaf
£knperors and Kings of Bohemia.

The old town-house, called Rychta, is a very proper place fbt
boxing-matches, wrestling, or any such like diversions.

The two large houses or palaces, where some of the Kingjs of Bohemia
have formerly resided, one of which, from the money coined in it, if
stiled Domus Monetaria, or the Mint, the other still retaining the name
of the Old Pakce, may be considered as some of the ornaments of
Prague.

But, ih our opinion, one of the finest things Prague can boast of, 19
the famous clock in the council-house, or town-hall, of the Old City,
already mentioned. This, or rather the maker of it, deserves a peculiar
encomium. For, besides the Bohemian, or Italian, and German houn,
it presents the whole face of the heavens to one's view at once; exhi-
biting not only the day, month, and year, but likewise the risings of
the sun and moon, the new and full moons, the eclipses, the motiona
of the other planets, the signs of the sodiac, the cycles, and chief festivals
of the calendar. This curious and most admirable machine is not to h%
parallelled in Germany, nor, perhaps, in any other part of the worldL

.The custom-house and toll-booth at the bridge will be esteemed by M
persons, who have any skill in architecture, as fine and magnificent
buildings.

The Little Town, particularly the upper part of it, or the district or
hill called Ratzin, or Radtschin, abounds with noble and superb
palaces, more than any other part of Prague. The Old and New Cities,
however, are not void of magnificent structures. As the limits of the .
present piece will not permit us to enumerate all the fine edifices of this
metropolis, we shall content ourselves with mentioning these that follow,
which are the principal of those that chiefly engage the attention rf
every curious traveller.

1 . The palace of GOunt Czemin is seated in the tract abovementioned*
Thcpe tre many pieces of painting herei done by the most celebrated

THREE ENGtffiH OENTt^lMEK &c. i^

kftftdb of several nations. This palace has likewise a noble gaUofy,
which is generally esteemed as a great ornament to it.

S. In the same tract stands the palace of the Archbk^hop of PragUe|
which is very magnificent, and well worth seeing.

3. The palace of the Prince de Schwartzenburg, in the some part of
Little Prague, must be allowed a very splendid and superb edifice. ■

4. Our guide shewed us a palace, in the district or hill of Radtschinj
which he called the Great Dutchess of Tuscan/s. This, seemed very
stately ; but we were not withrn it.

5. Count Martinitt^s palace, in the upper part of the Little Town*
makes a fine appearance.

6. That of Count Thun, in the Lktle Town, is an elegant and mag*
ntficent stiucture.

7. That of Count Waldstein, in the same town, is admired by moat
ft)feigners.

8. The same may be said of that of the Prince de Lichtenstein, in '
the same town.

•9 The palace of Count Martzin, in Little Prague^ is generally!
allowed to be a fine structure.

10. That of the Count de Collowrath, in the same town, is not in^^
ferior to many of the preceding.

11. That of the Count Wratislau^ in the same town, is a stately and
stiperb edifice.

1^. That of the Prinze de Furstemburg, in the same town, is a splendid
and magnificent palace.

13. The noble palace of Count Gallas stands in the Old City,

14. As does that of Count Kinski, which ought to be seen by all tlie
strangers that come to Prague.

15. The fine palace of the Prince de Piccolomini stands likewise in
Old Prague ; but our guide informed us, that he had a seat much sur-
passing this, about two German miles out of town.

16. The last palace, we shall take notice of, is that of Count Schaf*
gotsch; which ought to be viewed by every curious foreigner, that visits
this metropolis.

According to the author of an ancient Chron icon, cited by Balbinus,
Prague must have been a very antient seat of literature, since he asserts
that the Muses were banished that place, about the year 1248. Wen-
ceslaus. King of Poland and Bohemia, near fifty years afterwards, at
the persuasion of Tobias Bechinius, Bishop of Prague, declared his
resolution of reinstating themt in their power and authority here; but,
as he was opposed herein by the magistracy and noblesse, that salutary
diesign could not be put in execution. But the Emperor Charles tha
Fourth founded an university at Prague, in 1347, settling large revenues
Upon it, and granting it the same privileges as those enjoyed by the
universities of Paris and Bologna; which was confirmed by the Popes
Clement the Si^th, Urban the Fifth, Boniface the Ninth, Innocent the
Seventh, and Nicholas the Fifth. As the clergy of Prague contributed
much to inrich this university, the archbishop of the city was a\j^o\^t^'i
the perpetual chancellor of it. . The year foWoViTv^, n\%. \^^^> \\.^'5ssi _
divided into four nations, ylx. the BbhemianS| NNYiicVcQm^OcvetA*^^ "^^

x2

t

30i THE TRAVELS OF

Moravians, Hungarians, and Sclavonians, the Poles, the Bavariam^
and Saxons. Four faculties were likewise instituted here, viz. Theolor*
fly, la^, physic, and philosophy. The first professors of which were
m. Hermannus de Vintswik, M. Fridmannus de Praga, M. Vigtoldus
dc , Osnaburgo, M. Henricus de Sicha, M. Jenikus de Praga, M.
Kicolaus do Moravia, M. Dytherus de Widena, and M. Henricus
Volerus. The Era peror. Charles the Fourth also erected a large and
DQble college for these, called the Caroline College ; and appointed
them to succeed to the prebends of the royal church of All-Saints, be-
longing to the castle or palace already mentioned, founded by him in
1342, according to their seniority. Besides the Caroline College, that
prince built two others in Prague, according to Hagecius. Amongst
other colleges', here were likewise formerly the Collegium Cassareum, or
the college of King Wenceslaus, who founded it in 1399; Queen's
College, founded by Hedwig, Queen of Poland, for the Lithuanians^,
lately converted to the Christian faith, in 1397; the college of St«
Wenceslaus, founded long before the year 1407, for the Bohemian
nation, but then richly endowed by Wenceslaus de Chotlow, minister of
the royal church, or chapel of All*Saints, who was therefore considered
as its founder; the college of the Blessed Virgin Mary, erected for the
use of the same nation, by John Reczko de Ledecz, chief magistrate of
the Old City, in 1438; the Collegium Nazarathenum, or Nazareth*
College, founded by one Crux, a sort of factor, in 1412, near the
church called Bethlehem, sacred to the Apostles St. Matthew and St.
Mark ; and lastly, the college of the Apostles, or the college of Lauda,
built by M. Matthias Lauda deChlumczan in 1407, according to
Hagecius, or, asBalblnus will have it, in 1451.

The number of students at Prague is not near so considerable now as
it was in the time of John Hus, if any credit may be given to the Aus*
trian and Bohemian historians. Hus, being in great favour with the
Queen, by her means obtained of King Wenceslaus a decree, which
gave the Bohemians the same privileges in the university of Prague, that
the French enjoyed in the university of Paris. This so incensed the
German students and professors, that, in about eight days time, forty-
thousand of them are said to have abandoned Prague. The universities
of Leipsick, Ingoldstadt, and Rostoch, accordmg to t&e Bohemian
writers, oued their origin to this secession. Hagecius asserts, that,
before thisfatal accident, which happened about the year 1408, there were
at least forty-four thousand foreigners, who studied in Prague; whereas
the highest accounts, we received of the number of students at present
seated here, did not make them to amount to ten-thousand, even includ*
ing the boys instructed in grammar and rhetoric. Nay, some accounts
reduced them to little more than half that number. We were told that
the scholars had frequent skirmishes and engagements with the Jews, to
whom they bear a mortal aversion ; and that one-thousand of them had
lately taken on in the £mperor*s service. The Emperor Ferdinand the
Third united the academies, founded by his predecessors Charles the
Fourth and Ferdinand the First, in the Clementine college of the Jesuits;
so that at present the principles of tUeolo^ and philosophy are explained
JJ2 the latter, and those of law a^d pVi^sicVxiXk^ Wm«c* 1\i>&caVlft^

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 309

frequently ealled the Carolino-Ferdinandean college, is extremely nobler
stately, and grand^ and posseted' by the Jesuits, to whose care the ed^*
cation of youth here is chiefly committed. The doctors in all faculties
are created, and take their degrees, and all solemn acts of the university,
as in our convocation and senate houses at Oxford and Cambridge, are
performed in this college. We were told, that the quarrels between the
scholars, who are divided into Humanists and Facultists, as our guide
informed us, and the Jews were sometimes attended with such fatal coni^
sequences, that- the imperial troops in garrison found themst^lves obliged
io interpose.

Prague being" a place' of no great strength, and of a very large extent^
requires a garrison of at least thirty-thousand men tb defend it, if
attacked by a numerous and weW-disciplined army. The walls may be
easily scaled, except defended by a>sufTicient body of troops, by soldiers
•endued with a common degree of resolution ; neither can the Wischchrad,
the only part of Prague capable of making any tolerable resistance,
hold out long againbt a powc*rful enemy. The garrison of Prague, at
present commanded by General OgiWy, of Scotch extraction, is said to
consist only of a single battalion of regular troops, though uponany*omer*
gency a body of militia might eaisily be thrown into the town. Our guide
informed us, that Col. Montgomery and Col. Mackawly, the first a
Scotchman and the latter an Irishman, two officers in the Emperor*s
service, resided here; but we did not see either of them. Some skilful
engineers, after viewing the place, are said to have declared, that Prague,
though possessed by h numerous garrison, can never be so fortified as to
make a vt-ry long dt^fi'nce against a much superior force.

The noble college of the Jt-suits, already mentioned, has a fine library ;
where, as we were informed, the works of Luther, Calvin, and some of
the other first reformers are deposited. But these, as we likewise leanied,
are not to be looked into by any, except some few of the senior fathers.
The college is exceeding large, both with regard to the extent of its
buildings, and its foundation. The number of fathers belonging to it,
according to some authentic accounts we received, amounts to between
two and three- hundred, mcludin^ those imployed in the missions. We
were two or three times to see this college, and were always received by
the fathers with great affability and politeness.

Some of the churches here are adorned with tolerable good paintings,
though, in our opinion, none of them can be deemed exquisitely fine;
The best we saw was one representing the Immaculate Conception of the
Blessed Virgin Mary, in the church of the Capuchins, on the hill or
tract called Radtschin; and some in the churcU of the Crutched Friars,
in Old Prague, done by Rayner a German. The church of the Car-
melites of St GalUis has likewise some internal decorations of this kind,
which deserve to be seen.

In several of the churches, where the bodies of saints are deposited,
may be seen hanging up printed papers, with the theses defended by
some of the students of Prague, under the auspices of some saint, and
cuts or devices, representing the subjects of these theses, or that saint^
upon them. To omit others that might be pioduceA, we «aw wv^yci
tbe church ofSt^ Vite, were St, Johp l^epomucexk^, >nVio >j«* ^^ ^swswS

x3

510 THE TRAVELS OF

of the piece, had the most pompous titles ^ven him. The saint geaecalljf
used on these occasiopBy in Prague, is the famous St. John Nepomucene^
canon of St. Vite, and confessor to the Queen of Wenceslaus the Fourth,
who ordered him to be drowned in the Moldau, because he would not
discover the particulars of her confession. The theses in this papec
were proposed to be defended by one Paul us Wolocaka, a learned Bobei-
mian youth, as is therein insinuated. Papers of this kind may likewist
frequently be met with in the public houses of the villages and towns for
eight or ten German miles round Prague, as has been « already
observed.

Amongst other places, we visited the convent of the Irish jFranciscans,
who received us with great civility and respect. They have a good libwy,'
keep their rooms exceeding neat, and live in a very comfortable manner.

Dr. Smith, to whom we were recommended by Mr. Robinson, has
exceeding good practice here. He is much esteemed by people of| fdl
ranks and degrees, and is physician to most of the noble families in
Prague. He seems to have great skill, and to be very erointrnt, in hit
pro£e8sion. We were greatly obliged to him for the kind reception he
gave us, and for the many curious particulars relating to Prague, and
the great families in it, that he communicated to us. These it would
b^ too tedious at present to recite, neither will the limits we have here
prescribed ouriselves permit it. One thing, however, that he related of
^ General Mercy, who now comm&nds the Imperial army in Italy, with
whom he had the honour to be very intimately atquainted, we cannot
pass over in silence. That general, though now far advanced in years,
is still extremely choleric ; and whenever he falls into a passion, which
frequently happens, he loses his sight, and is affected with an apoplectic
disorder, as long as it continues. This is more or less violent, in pro-
portion to the intenseness or excess of the fit of choler he labours under.
This weakness sometimes has been attended with no small inconve-
niencies ; but, in other respects, he has the character of an able and
experienced general.

Prague being the capital of Bohemia, before we resume our march, it
will be proper to say something of the kingdom it which it stands.

Bohemia, called by the Germans Bohcim, is bounded on the east by
Silesia and Moravia, on the south. by Austria, on the west by the Upper
Palatinate and Voigtland, and on the north by Misnia and Lusatia. It
is almost of an oval figure, and in a manner circumscribed by the
Hercynian forest, so celebrated amongst the antients. Its greatest
length, exclusive of the county of Glatz, is about thirty-eight German
miles, its breadth about thirty-four, and its circumference above an
hundred such miles. Its air is salubrious, though, by reason of the
northern winds, pretty cold. The soil produces all things necessary to
the support of human life, except wine and oyl, in vast abundance.
The crops of wheats barley, and hops here are, for the most part, ex-
ceeding copious; and no small quantity of gold, silver, tin, copper, lead,
iron, mercury, sulphur, and alum comes out of the Bohemian raoun*
tains. The rivers and standing waters abound with fish, the woods with
wild beasts, and game of various kind^ &c. Gems likewise of dideient
forts, Ms ^metbyatSf emeralds, topasea^ «af^\&i^) %;c. ^s^4'a%QHt of

THREE EMOI48H GENTLEMEN, &c. $n

vthe bowek trf'fh^' earth in Bohemia. Saffiron also and other aromatic
herbs, to the great advantage of the inhabitants, are found to flourish
here.

The Emperor Charles the Fourdi divided Bohemia into twelve circles,
or provinces. These were the circles of Caureim, Pilscn, Leitmei*
ritK, KonigingratB, Rakonits, ChrUdim, Prachin, Slaney or Schlan,
Buutelau or Bunteel, Saatz, Czaslau, and Bechin. To which King
Wladislaus seems to have added those of Podbrd and Wltava. In the
years 1 569 and 1 579^ Prague was rendered independent on the govern-
ors of the circle of Caurzim; but had no particular district assigned it.
Some geographers add to the circles or provinces abovementioned the
districts of Egraand Elbogen^ and the county of Glatz ; the last of which
has, lor a long time, been )o<4ced upon a& a part of Silesia. ' Our
readers will not be displeased to find here a brief description of the
abovementioned circles, which will ^ve the^ a better geographical idea
of the kingdom of Bohemia^

The circle of Caurcim, so denominated from ite principal city, is said
to have been formerly subject to its own dukes, and to have been a
considerable state. It is bounded on the north by the Elbe, on the cast
by the circle of Czaslau, on the south by that -of Bechin, and on the
west by that of Wltava. This fine territory abounds with salmon, an4
ivith woods, out of which vast quantities of timber are carried down thfe
Moldau and the Sazawa to Prague. The city of Caurzim is supposed
to have been built by Czech, the founder of the Bohemian nation, soon
after his arrival in these parts, and consequently to be the oldest in
Bohemia.

The circle of Konigingratz is larger than any of the rest. It is limited
on the north by the Cerconossian mountains and the great Silesian woods,
on the east by the county of Glatz, on the south by the circle of Chrudim,
and on the west by that of Bnnztlau. It deduces its naime from that
of its principal city ; and abounds with fish, venison, and pheasants.
It is also reckoned to produce the best horses in Bohemia.
, The circle of Chrudim, so called froin Chrudim its chief city, is
termitiated on the north by the last circle, on the east and south by
Moravia, and on the west by the circle of Czaslau. This circle, which
is none of the largest, is said to abound with fish-ponds and standing
waters more than any of the others.

The circle of Czaslau, which assumes its name from the city of
Czaslau, is surrounded on the north by the circle of Konigingratz, on
the east by that of Chrudim, on the south by that of Bechin and
Moravia, and on the west by that of Caurzim. It is said to produce
a good quantity of silver, which is of considerable advantage to the
Emperor.

The circle of Bechin is bounded on the north by the circles of Wltava
and Caurzim, on the east by that of Czaslau and Moravia, on the west
by that of Prachin, and on the south by Austria. It receives its name
from Bechin, the capital city, about twelve German miles from
Prague.

The circle of Wltava, so called from the Wltava o\ tW "^cX^-scq.^ w\
tbejpQTtJi Mnd eatt h contiguous to the ckcU ol C«at«vvft| o\i ^^^ vafvc^

x4 "

St« THE TRAVELS OP

to that of Bechin* and on the west partly to that of Fodbrd, and partly
to that of Prachin. This is the least of all the Bohemian circles or
provinces, and is washed by the Moldau or the Wltava. • '

The circle of Podbrd, so denominated from the Brdian mountains, at
the foot of which it is situated, on the north is adjacent to the circles of
Slangy and Rakonitz, on the east to those of the Caurzim and Wltava,
on the south to that of Prachin, and on the west to that of Pilsen. It
abounds with iron, and is famous for the vast numbers of sta^ it
produces, which far excel those to be met with in any of the otfact
circles.

The circle of Prachin, do denominated from the antient castle of
Prachin or Prachn, that now lies buried in its own ruins, on the north
is joined to the district or circle of Podbrd, on the east to those o^
Wltava and Bechin, on the south to Austria, and on the west to the
circle of Pilsen. This district is said to abound with ^oniS; and a par*
ticular species of bmall sheli-fish, that produces the pearl called union.
It is remarkable, that, though these pearls are found in great numbers,
not any two of them are alike; from which circumstance their name
seems to be derived.

The circle of Pilsen, so called from its primary city, on the south is
connected with Bavaria, on the west with the Palatinate and the district
of £gra, on the north with the circles of Saatz and Rakonitz, and on the
east with those of Podbrd and Prachin. This province consists chiefly
of spatious pastures, and abounds with sheep more than any other part
of Bohemia.

The circle of Saatz, so denominated from the city of Saatz, the chief
town in it, has for its northern limit Misnia and the circle of Leitmeritz,
for its eastern the circles of Slaney and Rakonitz, for its southern that
of Pilsen, and for its western that of Elbogen. This province produces
the best hops in Bohemia, and its. crops of wheat equal those of the circle
of Slaney itself.

The circle of Rakonitz is bounded on the east by the districts of Slaney
and Podbrd, on the south by those of Podbrd and Pilsen, on the west
by that of Saatz, and on the north by those of Saatz and Slaney. This
province is full of woods and mountains, and is of the least extent of
any, except that of Wltava, in Bohemia.

The circle of Slaney, or Schlan, which some call the granary of
Prague, is limited on the south by the circle of Rakonitz, on the west
by that of Saatz, on the north by that of Leitmeritz, and on the east by
that of Caurzim. It is commonly called Slansko, from the royal city
of Slaney, Schlan, or Slana, and Zrzitsko, from Mount Zrzit, or Zrzito,
which is situated in it. The appellation just mentioned may be con-
sidered as a proof of its great and surprizmg fertility.

The circle of Leitmeritz is of a pyramidal figure, and seated, for the
most part, at the foot of the Montes Sudetes. Its limit on the east is the
circle of Bunztlau and Lusatia, on the West Misnia and the circle of
Saatz, on the south Misnia and Lusatia, and on the north the circles of
Rakonitz and Bunztlau. This province is famous for its baths, and
}is mines of tin, from which the Emperor reaps considerable advantage.
Tlie circle of BunzdWf orBunUd, to\ic^es&oxit^^^^X'>Sckstc\\ckQ(

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 315

Konigingratf, on the south that of Caurzim^ on the west that of Left*
meritz, and on the north Silesia and Lnsatio. It receiv(*s its name from
Alt Buntlzau, or Old Buntzel, the chief city seated in it, and is famous
for the great number of gems it produces. It h one of the largest pro^
vinces in Bohemia.

The circle of Elbogen, or Elcnbogen, called by the Bohemians Loket,
is in a manner surrounded by Vbigtland, and the circle of Saatz. £lbo-
gen, or Elenbogen, is its German name.

The circle, or district of Egra, so called from Egra, its principal
city, has its limits defined by Voigtiand, the cifcles of Saatz and Pilscn,
and the Upper Palatinate. The county of Glatz, as already observed^
has, for a long time, belonged to Silesia.

But notwithstanding this division of the provinces of Bohemia, ob«
served by the more accurate Bohemian and Austrian geographers, the
country we are now upon is generally considered at present as divided
into the twelve following circles: Caurzim, Pilsen, Leitmeritz, Kunig*
ingratz, Rakonitz, Chrudim, Prachin, Buntzlau or Buntzel, B( raun,
Sadtz, Bechin, and Czaslau. These geographers make the district of
Slaney orSchlan to be a part of the circle of Rakonitz, and the provinces
of Podbrd and Wltava to compose the circle of Beraun. The district
of Egra, according to them, belongs to the Upper Palatinate, and that
of Elbogen to the circle of Saatz. And let this suffice for a general
geographical description of the kingdom of Bohemia.

The first migration of the Boii from Gallia Comata to this country, a
considerable part of which was then covered with the Hercynian Forest,
under the conduct of Sigovesus, nephew to their King Ambigatus, hap*
pened, according to Livy*, in the reign of Tafquinius Priscus, about
six-hundred years before the commencement of the Christian aera. The
tract they possessed was from them called Boiohaem, or Boioheim, i. e.
The Habitation, House, or Seat, of the Boii; which by contraction
became Boheim, the present Gei-man name. This is countenaiiced by
Ptolemy f, who calls the B^mi a great nation, and places them near
the Quadi^ making their territories to extend from the Hercynian Forest
to the Danube ; and by Tacitus |, when he fixes the Boii at the Her-
cynian Forest, and affirms, that the name of the region they inhabited
was called in his time Boiemus, or Boiem, The testimonies of ptolemy
and Tacitus receive likewise some accession of strength from Strabo ||, to
whom, for farther satisfaction on this bead> we beg leave to refer our
curious and inquisitive readers.

. It is probable that, before the abovementioned migration of the Boii,
some small colonies of the Celtes were dispersed over this tract. But
who they were, or how they came there, we cannot determiiie, for want
of sufficient light from ancient history, which supplies us with no par-
ticulars at all relating to them.

About six-hundred years after the settlement of the Boii in these
parts, the Marcomanni, a people of Germany, having either expelled
or subdued the former inhabitants, seated themselves here according to

• T. Liv. Pec. i. Lib. 5. Veil. Paterc. Lib. ii. i Ptol. Oeo|;r. Lib. ii. Ci;^. Si, \*\.v&X. ^%
Kor. Omrmwa* N Strab* apud CluTer. in Germ* A nUq. lAb.m* C%^. V^.

314 THS TRAVELS OF .

Tacitus *; which 18 confirmed by Velleius % Rufus^ {, «md Stn^ \\.
It likewise seems to appear from Tacitus $, ^^ ^^^ Hermundori oc-
cupied one part of Bohemia.

The Marcomanni did not keep possession of Bobemia so long as their
predecessors the Boii. 1 hat nation, together with several othenB, seated
on the Elbe and the Danube, >vere in a manner swallowed up at once
iyy an inundation of the Huns, who came into these parts from Scythia,
tinder their leader AttHa, about A. D. 440, insomuch Uiat we find no
mention made of the Marcomanni, Quadi, or Herraundurii by any
Writer after that period. Perhaps these nations, in order to avoid the
Airy and barbarity of the Huns^ took refiigc in Noricum, and other
neighbouring countries, and left the region, called Bohemia, in a
manner destitute of people; which, if it be .allowed, will acoount for
Czech's finding this tract, upon his arrival here, almost desolate and
ttmnfaabited. He was a Sclavonian, born in lUyricum, or, at it is now
denominated, Croatia; and, either through dislike of his own country,
Or by reason of a murther he had committed, or for some other cause,
came into these parts at the head of a vast colony of Sclavonians, in
Company with his brother Lech. Czech settled in Bohemia, and Lpch
in Poland. Some writers however maintain, that Caech came directly
from Sarmatia, the original country of the Sclavonians, after having
traversed the territories of the Get89 and Daci, into Bohemia; but,
tfith ** Hagecius, Dubracius, ^neas Sylvius, and many others ff, we
are inclined to embrace the former opinion. With r^ard to the time of
this migration, authors are not agreed; {^ some placing it A. D. 1$,
t78, 407, 451, 454, 437, 496, 550; and others A. D. 583, 600, 6ll,
659» <^44, &c. But, from Procopius, and Paulus Diaconus IHI, it seemi
probable, that Czech entered Bohemia, some time between the years
548 and 595. According to Ptolemy, Tacitus, Amraianos Marcellinus^.
and others, the Vendi or V^nedi, a tribe of Sclavonians, advanced into
Bohemia, long before the time of §§ Czech ; which probably induced
that leader to settle in the same country. Be that as it will, he must
have behaved himself extremely well amongst the people he conducted
hither; since they dropped their antient name, and stiled themselves
Czechites or Czechians, which is the appellation the Bohemians go by^
amongst themselves, even at this day.

Czech, the first Duke of Bohemia, was an idolater, as were all his
successors to the year 864. Radislaus, King of Moravia, then invited
Borzivoius, Duke of Bohemia, to VVclehrad, in order, to draw him into
a confederacy against Lewis, King of Germany. He there met with St.
Cyril, and St. Methodius, who converted him to the Christian faith.
This established the Christian religion in Bohemia, where it had been,
before, but faintly introduced. W^nccslaus, BoTzivoius*8 grandson,
lived so holy a life, that, after his death, he was honoured with the title

• Tacit obi sup. i Vel. Paterc. Lib. ii. t Ruf. in Epit. tl Strab. Lib. vM. ^ Tacit. «bi
tap. " Hactec. Cliron. Bohem. ad Aaa. 644. DubraT. Hist. Bohem. Lib. i. \£n. Sylv. de
Bohem. Oest. Cap. xiii. -H Piasecius, Codicillus, WelMlaviaas, Vapvvius, Reaftneraa, MaC^ias
■ Sudetis, Spandenberg. Car. Cuttien. Chyhraeas, &:c. 4^RhenaD. Rer. Ger. Kov-ant Lib. i. Balbin.
Misce). Bohem. Dec. I. Lib. ii. Cap. 9. Velser. Hagec. ad Ann. 644. Calvis. &c. DH Pracop.
40 Bell. Goth. Lib. viii. Paul. Diac. de Oest. Longobard, Lib. vti. Cap. 4. H Balbin. Waml*
Met, Vee,I, Lib, ii, Oi^>* 6. Dubnv. Hl»t. Bohem. lAVt-i.

\

THREE ENGUaH.iJPNTLEMEN, &c. 315

of St Wenceslaus, and isat this day looked upon as one of the principal ,
Bohemian saints. He was declared the first King of Bohemia, by the
Emperor Henry the Fowler, in 9^5^ and was inhumanely murdered by
lus brother Boleslaus, in 938. The title of King did not however
descend to his successors. But Wratislaus the Second received that
title and the royal diadem from the Emperor Henry the Fourth in IO669
and was crowned by Jaromir, Bishop of Prague, assisted by the Arch-
bishop of Triers, and Benno, Bishop of Misnia. In the year 11 fit,
the Emperor Frederic th^ First declared Duke Wladblaus the Second
King of Bohemia; but hi^ successors were not adorned with that title
till 120fi, when the Emperor Frederic the Second not only conferred it
lipon Przemislaus, but Ukewise extended it to all his successors. The
crown was however elective, at least for some time, since after theassassin-
atipn of Wenceslfius the Third, the last of the Przemislasan family, in
.1306, the Bohemian, nobility elected Rudolph^ Archduke of Austria^
son to the Emperor Albert the First, King of Bohemia, in opposition to
Henry, Duke of Carinthia, who was the oth^ candidate for that crown.
The throne was afterwards filled by princes of several families till the
year 1527, when Ferdinand the First, Archduke of Austria, ascended
it ; and since that time Bohemia has made up part of the hereditary
dominions of the august House of Austria.

We must not omit observing here, that the crown of Bohemia is ren*
4ered more illustrious by the electtHul dignity added to it, as well as the
office of chief cup-bearer of the empire. This appears from the Golden
Bull of the Emperor Charles the Fourth, which greatly distinguishes
the prince that wears it, and confers several singular prerogatives upon
him. The principal of which are, that he shall always sit on the right
hand of the Emperor, or the King of the Romans, whenever either of
them appears at the head of the Imperial court, or the diet of. the
empire, immediately after the Archbishop of Ments, or Cologn ; and
that, at the election of an Emperor, the elector of Ments shall call his
vote as soon as the electors of Triers and Cologn have given theirs, at
being the first of the laic electors. The King of Bohemia may,, as chief
cup bearer of the empire, if he pleases, claim the privilege of first
giving the cup to the Emperor, or the King of the Romans ; though he
is by no means obliged to do this. In all processions, the King of
Bohemia is also, by the Golden Bull, to be preceded by none, but the
Emperor and the King of the Romans.

The weather was excessively cold whilst we were at Prague ; though
milder in this climate might then have been expected, the spring being
pretty far advanced. All the time we staid upon Mount Petrzin, and
the hill or tract called Radtschin, from whence we had a noble view of
the city of Prague, we found the air extremely sharp. The same night
we saw an Italian opera, which continued till near twelve o'clock ; but
the scenes were nothing near so fine and magnificent as those exhibited
in Italy. The author of this narrative was so affected by the cold weather
here, that he was confined to his bed a day or two by a rheumatic
disorder, and could scarce get into the chaise, when we set out for
jSaxony. In fine, Bohemia has a sharp and piercing air , iU%Xm<^\NS^

31« ^niE TRAVELS OP

being loaded with cold moist vapours, and docs not at all agree wiA
many foreigners, especially -at certain seasons of the year.

As Bohemia is a very fertile country, it is no wonder that there
should be so vast a supply of all kinds of provisions continually brought
into Prague, and that the market there should be one of the finest and
most plentiful in the world. Venison, fowl, both wild and tame, feh,
and all kinds of butcher's meat are very cheap, though not near so cheap
as in Hungary. Amongst the vast vanety of provisions, with which
the citizens of Prague are constantly furnished, the thighs of frog^ at
certain seasons of the year, find a place. They are then brought in very
large jars, and seldom fail, as we are informed^ of being soon bought
up. Though it has been already hinted, that wine is not so common in
Bohemia as in many other parts of Germany, yel we ought to observe,
.that this liquor is far from b^ng scarce here. But, in its fine qualities,
it does not come up to the Austrian wine, much less to that of Hmi*
gary*

Our guide informed us, that some of the Bohemian nobility were
immensely ricb^ and had very overgrown estates. He said, that the
Prince de iichtenstein had five hundred-thousand fiorins per ann. the
Count de Czernin three hundred-thousand, the Prince de Schwartzen-
burg five hundred-thousand, the Count de Gallas three-hundred thotf-
sand, and the Count deCzcrnin's younger brother two-hundred thousand*
Several heads of noble families, according to him, are proprietors ctf
tracts of land six or seven German miles in extent. In the Little Town,
if he may be depended upon, they generally speak High Dutch ; but in
the Old and New Towns chiefly Bohemian. The extensive language,
of which the Bohemian, Polish, and Moravian are dialects, is called
Ratz. 'Tis the old Sclavonian, and is at present spoken in a good part
of Hungary, Sclavonia, Croatia, Ratzia, Servia, Dalmatia, Camiola,
&c. The Poles and Moravians, as is said, understand the Bohemians
perfectly well; but the latter, we are assured, do not so well under-
stand the former. Nay the Moravian dialect, if any dependence may be
had upon the same authority, differs very considerably from those used
both in Poland and Bohemia. The Jews here have long beards, wear
rufis, hats covered with coloured silk, and have some other peculiarities
in their habit, in order to distinguish, them from the other inhabitants*
Not only the students but the citizens of Prague have a great aversi(m to
them. They are entirely addicted to trade, and deal chiefly in the
jewels which are the produce of this country. As they bring a good
deal of cash into the Emperor's coffers, they have, for a long time,
been protected, and even encouraged, by the House of Austria.

Though the greatest part of the Bohemians are Roman-Catholics, and
even bigots, yet there are many secret protestants amongst them. Nay,
we were told that many Hussites might still be found here, who have
the Hussite liturgy and confession of faith. But, as this intelligence
came from Roman Catholics, who are seldom disposed to give a true
representation of the principles of those they difter from, perhaps these
Acatholics, as their adversaries sometimes atfect to call them, when
discoursing with protestants, are all of them eilher Lutherans or Ret

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c.

SIT

formed. Be that as it will, we saw none of them, and therefore can
say nothing, of our own knowledge, concerning them.

Before we conclude our imperfect description of the city of Prague,
it will be proper to inform our readers, that many of the particulars it
contains were related to us by our guide, and therefore depend intirely
on his authority. However, as he seemed to us an honest man, and
copld have no end to serve in imposing upon us, we ourselves are very
well satisfied as to the tntth of them. Tis true, hd seemed not a little
inclined to bigotry; but, as the abovementioned particulars bear no
relation to religion, this will not in the least affect their credibility.
Besides, as he talked and understood Latin tolerably well, had a good
share of common sense, was versed in the history of Bohemia, appeared
to be well acquainted with every thing in this cit>', and was even a
native of it, we see no reason to doubt his veracity on this occasion.
Aniongst the fine monuments in the church of St. Vite, may be
reckoned that of Count Schlik, erected in theyear 1723. At the tomb of
St. John Nepomucene here, on which is this inscription, Diws Joanneg
Nepomucenvs^ Canomcus hujua Eccleaictf et Reginos Joannce ConfessariuSf
there are generally an infinite number of people performing their devo*
lions. In this church there is a Madona with two Jesus's, one in each
arm, which we remember not elbcwhere to have met with ; as likewise
a very good head of our Saviour. We were told, that the number of
churches in this city amounts to an hundred and seven. All, or, at
least, the greatest part of the rich furniture of the Imperial palace here
has been removed to Vienna, if our guide deserves any credit. That
quarter, inhabited by the Jews, goes under the name of the Jews Town.
Prince de Lichtenstein, besides his palaces in Vienna and Prague,
already mentioned, has a noble country seat at Crumau in Moravia,
where he frequently resides. It stands in the circle of Znaim, and has
a very considerable tract of land appertaining to it. As the author of
this narrative conversed with our guide altogether in Latin, he some-
times found it a difficult matter to express the modern terms made use of
by the Bohemian in uur language; especially, as these related to customs,
posts, (ifiices, places, &c. to which we have nothing in England that
intirely correspojids. An inaccurate expression, therefore, or such a
one as does not clearly enough exhibit the idea it is intended to convey,
may now and then possibly occur; though we hope, these will prove
so rare, that they will be easily pardoned by all our candid and
ingenuous readers.

L. 1 ...» V<

.U

<31&)

THE CONCLULION

OP

Tht TRAVELS of THREE ENGLISH GEtTTLEMElf, $c.

MS. •

To the Readers of the Harleian Miscellany*
Gentlemen^

9

Being obliged^ by necessary business^ to reside, a great part of ihc
summer, in a village, above an hundred miles from Oxford, wheie
all my books and papers have for many years been deposited, I found
it absolutely impitesible to attempt preparing far the prtos the follov^
ing sections, before the beginning of September. Neither would s
severe cold and ktverish indisposition, under which I have laboured
since the middle of October, with little intermissioR, permit me \Kk
put the finishing hand to them before the beginning of this month*.
- However, this delay will be abundantly compensated by the preamt
situation of affairs in those parts of Bohemia, Saxony, and Brandes*
burg here described ; which renders the publication of thia descripdoii
mudi more seasonable and a froyos^ now, than it would have been:
in May, June, or July. As many of you have expressed a great
desire of seeing the conclusion of The Travels, &c. and some authais
of note have already had recourse to that part of thia piece about a
year ago published, I thought it proper to conmunicate to you and
the publick the reasons why the remainder could not sooner see the
light. These, it is hoped, will have -their due wei^t, and prove
satisfactory to you; and consequently clear Mr. Osborne, tis injustice
they ought, from the imputation of having, with sinister views, re^
tarded the publication of it. I anv^ with great respect. Gentlemen,

Tour most faithful, and

Ozfordy Dec* 5, 1745. Most obedient, humble servant,

THE AUTHOR, &c.

SECT. VL

A Journey from Prague to Dresden^ the metropolis of the Electorate

of Saxony.

ABOUT two hours and a half after our departure from Prague, we
came to Tursko, or, as Vidaii calls it, Tursklo, a small village,
H'/VA a church, between two and t\^teeGe£Taaxv miiVR&liwxi^\»jgiR* '^^

THE TRAVELS OF, &c. . Sig

greatest psrt of this road was moimtainous and bad. Tehnitz, Podhabai
and some other small places stand . between the extremities of this post.
The western bank of the Moldau, corresponding with it, is, for the
most part, mountainous. At Podhaba, not far &om the Moldau, near
a German mile north of Prague, we passed a rivulet, which is a small
branch of the Moldau. As Tursko is a place of little note, we did not
stay there much above half an hour. This village is in the circle of
Rakonitz, though upon the borders of that ofCaurzira.

The next place we stopped at, in order to take fresh horses, was called
Wei warn. This post is a short one, the road good, and the country
appeared fertile and pleasant. Welwam is a small walled town of
Bohemia, in the circle of Rakonitz, about two German miles north-west
of Tursko. It is seated on a rivulet that discharges itself into the Moldau,
and consists principally of one street. The houses, of which it is com*
posed, made a tolerable good appearance, and the inhabitants seemed
clean and neat. We observed some ponds, or standing waters, between
Tursko and Wfelwarn, such as those formerly mentioned. The villages
we passed through this post were Minitz and Mikowitz. Minitz stands
upon the bank of a rivulet, but is a small and obscure place. Mikowilz
IS seated at a small distance from the opposite bank, and has a castle;
but, in other respects, it is very inconsiderable.

The following post, which is a fine verdant plain, ends at Budin,
Budein, or Budyn. Budin is a little walled town of Bohemia^ in fha
circle of RakonitZy two long German miles north-west of Welwam, and
about the size of that town. It is not far from the southern bank of the
river Egra, upon the confines of the circle of Leitmeritz. The country,
in which Budin stands, abounds with corn, as the postiglioni informed
us ; and indeed this sufficiently appears fVom the present face of it.
The principal, if not only villages that occurred this post, were Czemo-
iwitz and Martinowitz; the first of which is situate trpon a rivulet that
empties itself into the Moldau, and the other a little to the south of one
that may be deemed a small branch of the £gra. The road was good,
but the post something longer than the preceding.

From Budin, we advanced to Lowositz^ or, as some call it, Labasitz,
two good German miles north-west of Budin. Lowositz is a pretty town
of Bohemia, in the circle of Leitmeritz, at a small distance from tho
Elbe. This post is good road, and a fine open country, throughout.
There are two villages between Budin and Lowositz, called Brzesan and
Dolanek; of which the former stands about a quarter of a German mile
from Budin, and the latter in the post-road, at almost an equal distance
from Brzesan and Lowositz. We passed the Eger, or Egra; one of tha
principal rivers of Bohemia, this post. This river runs between Budin
and Labasitz, which stands upon the banks of it. Wc did not stay abova
an hour here.

The postiglioni next conducted us to Aussig, a post and a half, ox;
three German miles, north of LowositSs. Aussig,. in Latin Austa, or,,
as Dresserus will have it, Austia, is a considerable city of Bohemia,^
upon the Elbe, in the circle of Leitmeritz, tvith a dastle of pretty great anti*
quity . According to .£neas Sylvius, the Emperor Sigismv^d. ^n^W. Vcil--
the Marquiases of jUhma usA the Dukes of S«i&Qii^| U) >>« M^iA<^ V]

S20 THE TRAVELS OP

thein as a frontier. It was besieged by Ziska^ who was repulsed with
great loss, in an assault he made upon it; notwithstanding which, ho
continued the siege, and defeated an army of a hundred -thousand men,
raised by the Elector Frederic, in Franconia, Thuringia, Saxony,
Misnia, Voigtland, and Lusatia. After which, it immediately sur-
rendered to him. The Austrian and Bohemian writers affirm, that
halberds were first used in this engagement by the Germans; and a
crooked instrument, then of a new invention, by the Bohemian infantry,
to strip the enemy's cavalry of their horse-harness and accoutrements.
After this blow, Aussig remained three years in a ruinous condition;
but thei\ revived, and was ranked amongst the royal cities of Bohemia.
It was almost intirely laid in ashes, in the 3'ear 1538. The Saxons
made themselves masters of it, in 1031, as did the Swedes, in 1639.
The antieni monastery of the Prsedicants here was destroyed by the
Hussites, but in the room of it was substituted another, within the
walls, dedicated to St. Adalbertus, in 16I8. At present, it seems to be
no very considerable town, though the market-place is a toleiable good
square, and « the town -house new, and built upon pilasters* Here we
lay all night, but theaccommodations we met with were very indifferent,
and the bill handed to us in the morning pretty extravagant. The post*
house was the inn we put up at, as do most other English gentlemen who
come this way. We passed by Czernusek, Kwalen, and some other
small villages upon the Elbe, before our arrival at Aussig, There is a
pretty high and extensive hill, a little to the left, at a small distance
from Lowositz ; and another on the ^ame side, about a German mile
nearer Aussig. The greatest part of this post, we rode along the western
bank of the Elbe, and found the road there, in some parts, mountain-
ous and bad ; besides which, nothing remarkable occurred.

Peterswaida, Peters wald, or, as some called it, Veiderswalda, ter-
minates the following post, which is a pretty long one, being near three
German miles. As the road here is, for the most part, mountainous
and bad, we were above four hours upon it. Peterswaida is a small
inconsideiable place, upon the borders of Saxony, and the last village in
Bohemia. It stands in the circle of Leitmcritz, on the post road to
Dresden. Here is a defile, which it is pretty difficult for a body of
troops to pass. Not far from Aussig, on the left-hand of the post-road,
there is a'village upon a hill, the name of which we did not learn. We
were very hungry, when we came to Petei^walda; but could meet with
nothing there, except a few eggs and a little small white wine, which
scarce deserved that name. The people here were clean and neat, and
some of them talked Latin, though they appeared extremely poor. We
must not omit observing, that the air, through the two last posts, was
very culd and piercing, and the hills or mountains in that tract covered
with snow.

Soon after we left Peterswaida, we entered the Marquisate of Misnia,
and the Electorate of Saxony. The first village we passed through ia
this electorate was called Hellendorf; and this seemed to be but a poor
inconsiderable place. From thence we advanced to Gishubel, or
Gishibel, which is a town that made a better appearance* Sehist, or
Zietst, a villagd only remarkable toi \)e\Ti^ ou t.\i^ ^Qi&v-\Q^d^ received us

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c- 321

next. This is something above two German miles north of Peterswalda,
and supplied /Us with fresh post-horses for Dresden. We must here
remark, that, from Sehist, travellers pay a florin a horse, for every post
through the empire, and that sixteen grosse ohly in Saxony go to a
florin. The Imperial postilions have strings over their right shoulders,
striped with yellow and black, and a horn at the bottom ; whereas those
of the Elector of Saxony use strings striped with yellow and blue. In
the hereditary dominions of the House of Austria, three Karantani make
a gross, and twenty grosse a florin ; but, in Saxony, a florin consists of
sixteen grosse, and a gross of four Karantani. In the territories of the
Emperor, an Ungaf , or Hunger, is composed of four Austrian florins
and three grosse; but, in Saxony, an ungar goes for four Saxon florins
and two grosse. After a short stay at Sehist, we resumed our march for
Dresden, by the route of Pirna.

Pima is a large town, containing four or five-hundred houses upon
the Elbe, about half a German mile north of Sehist^ Here is a fine
bridge over the Elbe, which is an ornament and advantage to the place.
Between this place and Dresden, at a small distance from the Elbe, is
a village called Leuben. This last post, from Sehist to Dresden, may
be considered as three German miles. The road is, for the most part,
good, but the latter part of it indifferent. At half a German mile's
distance from Dresden, a traveller has a good prospect of the town.
The King of Poland's officers were very civil and obliging, and examined
our baggage with great lenity. ITie catalogue of posts between Prague
and Dresden stands thus :

From Prague toTursko, two German miles and a half.
From Tursko to Welwarn, two German miles.
From Wei warn to Budin, two German miles.
From Budin to Lowositz, or Labasitz, two German miles.
Prom Lowositz to A ussig, three Germ an miles. ^

From Aussig to Peterswalda, two German miles and a half.
From Peterswalda to Sehist, or Ziehst, two German miles.
FiX)m Sehist to Dresden, three German miles.
Total eight posts, nineteen German miles.

Dresden, in Latin Dresda, is a fair, large, and strong city, in the circle of
Upper Saxony, the metropolis of the Marquisate of Misnia, and the
seat of the Elector of Saxony, It is about nineteen German, or seventy-
six English miles, north-west, or rather al. north of Prague, in 51 deg. '
8 min. north lat. and 13 deg. 40 min. east of London, It consists of two
parts, called the Old Town, and the New Town, which stand on the
opposite Banks of the Elbe, and are joined together by a fine stone bridge
supported by seventeen arches. Though it seems to be well fortified,
after the modern way, yet many people doubt, whether it would be
able to make a defence, if attacked by a powerful and well-disciplined
army. , Be that as it will, this whole electorate found itself obliged to
submit, without making any resistance, to the victorious arms of Charles
the twelfth, King of Sweden, in 1706. The streets of Dresden are
wide and clean, and the inhabitants extremely neat. 'VVv^'^^e^ ^\V5^'vcv.

vol,. XJ, Y

3i2 THE TRAVELS OP

which is the electoral palace, is much stronger, being fortified, and
more beautiful than the Old Town, or Alt Dresden, as it is ^rmed by
the natives. As this city was formerly denominated Dresen, some
imagine, that it derived its name from three lakes (in High Dutch, von
den drei/en Seen) at a small distance from it ; but this etymon must be
allowed to be a little precarious. Be that as it will, Dresden is, un-
doubtedly, a place of considerable antiquity, and an exceeding fine
(own. The houses appeared so neat and clean, that the generality of
them seemed to be new. Every evening, upon the approach of the dusk,
most of the houses have a candle or lanip lighted over their doors ; which
renders it easy to walk in the streets all night, prevents many disorders
that might otherwise happen, makes the city appear illuminated
throughout, anc^ consequently enables it to exhibit as fine a nocturnal
appearance, as any city in Europe.

The Saxons are all Lutherans, and so strict and rigid, that the Roman
Catholick religion, though the religion of the court, is scarcely tolerated
amongst them; the people of that persuasion having no place of worship
to resort to, but the King of Puland*s chapel, in Dresden, and that of
the castle of Pleissenburg, at Leipsick. Near the market-place^ which
is large and spacious, and serves the soldiers of the garrison, who are
frequently exercised there, for a parade, a fine new Lutheran church is
erecting, which has been along time in building, and is not yet finished.
The principal church here is fair and beautiful, and the others suffi-*
ciently neat. We did not however observe many pictures, or internd
decorations of that kind, in them; the Lutherans not being so fond of
such ornaments for churches, as the Roman Catholicks are. The Roman
Catholick religion seems to be fixed in the electoral family, by the union
of that family with the house of Austria.

We were several times at court, whilst at Dresden, and found it
brilliant and shining enough. The King of Poland, Elector of Saxony,
was returned hither, some time before our arrival from ^Cracow, and
that in so great a hurry, that his subjects here, as well as his friends at
Vienna, and the Imperial court, were exceedingly alarmed at it, or at
least appeared so to be. The Queen of Poland, the Emperor Joseph's
daughter, is a little woman, has a red face, the Austrian lip, a pretty
large mouth, and none of the finest features; so that she cannot be
looked upon as a beauty. However, she has a piercing eye, and, by
reason of her good qualities, though of a difierent persuasion, is beloved
by the Saxons. The King is a tall lusty man, pretty corpulent, and of a portly
and majcstick countenance. He ha^ a fiorid look, and is about thirty-eight
years of age; he seemed to be very affable and gracious, even to some of
the meanest of his subjects, who were admitted to kiss his hand; and, to
speak the truth, he is generally esteemed as a prince of a very humane
and benevolent disposition. I had seen the King's picture at Rome, in
Cardinal Albani's palace, which being extremely like his Majesty, I
knew him at first sight. He was dressed in red cloath, covered with gold
lace, and the Queen in black velvet. We saw the whole royal and
electoral family performing their devotions in the chapel belonging to th«
palace, where they appeared very devout. This chapel seemed to have
jQTy few internal ornaments and decorations, which is agreeable enougji^.

THREE ENGUSlI GENTLEMEN, &c. 3a)S

to the taste and genius of the Saxons, and which consequently demon-
strates the King of Poland to be a wise prince. The palace is large, but,
in our opinion, neither grand nor elegant. However, the court is very
polite, and the King gives all strangers of distinction here a very gracious
reception.

In this palace, however, there are many fine apartments; but the
most splendid part of it, if we regard the furniture it contains, is the
gallery, wich is one of the greatest curiosities in Dresden. This furni-
ture consists of antique busts, vessels, pictures, and other curiosities.
The hall is noble and spacious, and adorned with many draughts of
cities, f&c. which have been more than once taken notice of by travellers.
There are likewise here several chambers full of rarities and treasure,
not in many places to be parallelled. These consist of images, and
curious devices cut in ivory; a vast quantity of plate, and vessels,
adorned with granates, amethysts, topazes, emeralds, &c. a great variety
of Saxon porcellan^, most beautiful to behold, and rich snutf-boxes set
with gems and precious stones of various kinds, &c. Some of the
rooms, where these are deposited, seem, if one may use the term, to be
wainscotted with a surperfine large glass ; and one of them has three or
four glass pilasters in it, which make a very beautiful and grand appear-
ance. Amongst other curiosities in these chambers, we saw two ex-
ceeding ferge onyxes, of an oval figure, extremely beautiful, which,
according to the person who attended us, cost the elector several thou-
sand fiorins. We likewise met here with swords, scimitars, watches,
&c. adorned with diamonds, emeralds, rubies, opals, sapphires, topazes,
and other kinds of precious stones; as also with a vast number of dia-
mond buttons for coats, waistcoats, breeches, &c. and several rubies,
emeralds, sapphires, &c. of an uncommon size; so that, with regard to
his personal estate, the Elector of Saxony may be considered as one of
the richest princes in Christendom. In one of these chambers, is a piece
of the great Mogul, walking in state, with all his attendants, which,
vre were assured, cost King Augustus the Second thirty-thousand fiorins.
The chambers, or apartments, above-mentioned, shining with jewels,
and things ornamented with them, are called the Treasury.

The Turkish palace, or Turkish house, so called from the furniture
within it, is seen, with great pleasure, by every foreigner of taste ' who
comes to Dresden. This is adorned with pictures representing the civil,
military, and ecclesiastical officers of the Turks, all in their proper
habits. Here are likewise portraits of the Turkish, Greek, Armenian,
Persian, Georgian, Circassian, &ۥ women in theirs. In one room
of this house, or palace, we saw part of a tea equipage, set with several
kinds of precious stones, made, as we were told, at Ispahan in Persia;
and others that came from Constantinople, according to the information
we received, which were exceedingly curious. Here we likewise saw a
variety of Turkish, Barbarian, and Persian pipes, of difierent forms,
one of which went upon wheels, that a person might make use of, either
walking, standing, or in any attitude whatsoever. We were likewise
shewn here a Persian small vessel, holding about a quart, which the late
King of Poland frequently drank off to the friend he introduced into
this place, and obliged that friend to pledge him iu l\x<& tdSDx^« T\!l\%V%

Y 2

iH 'rtiE tfiAVtLS &f *^

did in drdef to v^elcome him; but We were told, tbat Ah IMcticehad',
for some yfeats, been discontinued.

The new bridge over the Elbe is extremely curious, is is likewise tbd
Palais d'Hollande, where the porcelane is kept. The garden belongiAg
to the Palais d'HoIlande b adorned with man^ fine statues of whittf
marble, and extends as far as the Elbe. The arsenal also coutainft a
gireat number of curiosities, but, as a catalogue of these has been pub*
lished, it would be impertinent here to give a detail of them.
We must not omit taking notice of &e King of Poland's wild beasitk,
' whi^h are numerous and various. Amongst others^ we saw ^sevefiU
monkies and baboons, tthich seemed to have something very peculiar in
them. One of the baboons was of a very large size, laughed or grinned
at us, in a remarkable manner, and frequently farted whilst we stood
gazing upon them. One of the young lions here was so tame« that the
keeper played with him, as if he had been a pup^. The Hungarian
wild cats appeared to be the fiercest creatures here, though leopards,
lions, ti^er^, &c. mad^ up part of the collection. This collection hal
. been inriched by the gentlemen sent by the late King Augustus the Second
t& Africa, ,lvho brought with them home to Dresden several African
foxes, and other creatures, before unknown in Germany. The two
principal penons attending Dr. Hebenstreit into Africa were M. Ludowick
and M, Evefsbach* We were told that these gentlemen, whom we had
nbt the honour to see, made honourable mention of Mr. Shavir, chaplain
to the English ^toiv at Algiers, from whom they had received great
civilities. This gentleman I had the honour to be acquainted with,
above a year ago, in Italy.

The people of Dresden are very polite, and seem to have much of the
French taste. They have a vast regard for their prince, and royal
family, thougli of a different persuasion. The King of Poland, Electot
of Saxony, has at present six children: 1. Frederic Christian, the
prince royal and electoral, bom September the 5th, 1722. 2. Maria
Amelia, born September the 13th, 1727* 3. Maria Anna, bom August .
theSgth^ ITZ9. 4. Xavier Augustus, bom August the 25tb, 1730. 5.
Maria Josepha, bom November the 4th, 1731. 6. Charles Christian,
bom July the 13th, 1733. The King of Poland's eldest son has the
title of Royal Highness, and his Royal Highnesses eldest son, as #fe
were informed, that of Piast, which, we were likewise told, descended
to all -future generations.

According to the most celebrated authors, who have treated of the
affairs of Germany, the best High Dutch is spoke in Saxony. The
women here are likewise reckoned, for the generally, to be more beau*
tiful than those in any other part of the empire, ^ut, with regard to
the last article, we must own ourselves to differ from the most common
and received opinion. The women of Austria and Bohemia, both in
their persons and dispositions, come up at least, as we imagine, to ttkost
of Saxony.

It is well known, that the Elector of Saxony is one of the most

potent princes of the empire. He has now on foot an army of twenty*

eij[ht thousand men, nineteen-thousand of which are in Poland. The

troops wc sgw. were in exceeding |jCK>d coudiUoU) and perfectly well

THREE EI^GLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 325

%

fer^d in the military art. His Popish Majesty, however/ in ca^e of
peed, ean make a considerable augmentation to his forces; and this,
it is said, he will do, as finding it absolut^y necessary, in the present
conjuncture.

We lodged at Zimmerman's in the market-place, an inn frequented
by the English gentlemen that travel through Saxony, and one of the
best in Dresden. Here we lived elegantly enough, but, at our departure,
were presented with a most enormous bill. But this we were not sur-
prised at, since most countries, even our own, love to prey upon
foreigners. The landlord, however, to do him justice in all respects,
was very complaisant and obliging. Having gratified our curiosity
in Dresden, we made the necessary preparations for our Journey to
Berlin, where we proposed some time to stay.

SECT. vn.

A Journey from Dresden to Berlin^ the residence of the King of Prussia,

Elector of Brandenburg*

THE first place we stopped at, after our departure from Dresden,
was the town ot Meissen, in Latin Misna, or Misnia, which gives name
to the marquisate in which it stands. It is about a post and a half, or
three German miles, north-west of Dresden, and was formerly the
capital of the marquisate of Misnia, though it now makes no great
figure. It is seated on a small river of its own name, on the western
bank of the Elbe, over which it has a very good bridge. Its situation is
partly in a valley^ and partly on the declension of a hill, on the top of
which are the antient palace, or castle, and the cathedral. Here was
formerly a monastery, which, since its becoming subject to the Elector
of Saxony, in 1581, has been converted into a publick school. We
were told, that there were formerly here some indecent pieces of painting,
representing the intrigues and debaucheries of the Monks. The manu-
factuie of porcelane at Meissen renden that place famous all over
Europe. This porcelane is much more beautifully painted and ena-
melled than that of China and Japan; and asuiteof it, as we were told,
sometimes went off at auctions in Holland for above twelve-hundred
florins. The elector, into whose coffers this porcelane brings very con-
siderable sums, frequently makes presents of great quantities of it to
foreign princes in alliance with him. Some people here affirm, thai the
art of making this fine and beautiful ware was accidentally discovered
by an adept, in] his attempts to find out the philosopher's stone. Be
tiiat as it will, we were assured, that the artificers, or operators, were
>a sort of prisoners, being confined to this place, for fear this art, so ad-
Tantageous to Saxony, should be communicated to other nations. The
•foad, this post, we found mountainous and bad. There are. many fine
vineyards on the banks of the Elbe, between Dresden and Meissen*
The chief villages between those two places are Niderwarte and Scharfen-

Y 3

Sfff THE TRAVELS bF

l)erg on tbe western, and Ketzchen on the east^n bank of the Elba.
The place wherb the porcelane is made at Meissen cannot be seen
without an express order from the veldt-marshal Count de Wacker-
barth.

From Meissen our postiglioni conducted us to Stauchitz, or Stoschitz,
where we were suppli^ with fresh horses. Stauchitz is about two
Grerman miles axid an half almost west of Meissen. This is a village of
no great note. Here we stopped about half an hour, and refreshed
ourselves. The wine was very indifferent, and the other accommodations
bad ; sq that, including the greasing of the wheels, we did not spend
here two florins. The country made much the same appearance this as
the preceding post.

Hubertsburg, or Hubertsberg, the next place we arrived at, and
which terminated the following post, is a village that makes no consi-
derable figure. However, the King of Poland has a palace, or hunt-
ing-house, here, which he visits several times in a year, and particu-
larly when he goes to the fai|r of Leipsick ; and this a little distinguishes
the place. Hubertsburg stands about two German miles from Stauchitz*
The tract between these two villages is, for the most part, a coio,
■country, though woods sometimes occur.

From Hubertsburg wc aidvanced to Wurtzen, which is a long posl^
consisting of about two and a half German miles. This post throughout
' we found' good, and met with a village or two in it. The countij
appeared open, and had several young woods. Wurtzen is a smaO
village, though seated in a pleasant country. The inhabitants seemed
to be very neat and clean. Here we saw a stork's nest, with four young
ones, and were told, that these birds were pretty numerous in this part
of Saxony. We took up our lodging at the post-house in Wurtzen,
where yre met with wety good accommodations.

The distance between Wurtzen and Leipsick, or, as the Germans call
it, Leipzig, is about three German miles. The road we found very
indifferent. The country, however, appeared agreeable enough, espe-
cially as the spring was now pretty far advanced. The King of Poland,
Elector of Saxony, keeps his roads in very good oider and condition;
and travellers, to their great satisfaction, frequently meet with a sort of
column> having an inscription upon it, exhibiting the number of miles
to the next considerable town, as in many parts of England. Many of
these, that we met with, were erected in the years 1722 and 1723.
About two English miles, or half a German league, from Leipsick, we
had a good prospect of the town, and thought it made a very fine appear-
ance. Leipsick being one of the most celebrated cities in Germany,
our readers will expect a short description of it here."*

Leipsick, or Leipzig, in I^tin Lapsia, or, according to some, Lipsur-
dum, is the capital of a circle, or district, of the same name, in the
marquisate of Alisnia, and electorate of Saxony, It stands about ten
German miles north-west of Meissen, and thirteen almost west of
Dresden, 51 deg. 21 min. north lat. and 12 deg. 48. min. east of London.
As the country round it is a charming, beautiful, and fertile plain, difer-
^ifie^ yf }tli woods, orchards, corn-fields, meadows, &c. and it stands af
the coflOux of the Elster^ Fleisea^ and Barde, its situation must b^

THREE ENGLISH GE«TLEMEN, &q. 327

allowed very delightful ; especially, as it is at no great distance from
the Saa) and theMoldau, two extremely Hue rivers, and the tract apper*
tailing to it abounds with all the necessaries, and many of the elegan*
cies, of life. Some assert it to have been built by the Vandals, about
the year 700, and to have derived its name from Lipzk, a lime-tree,
with which sort of trees the same persons suppose the country it stands
in to have formerly abounded.

It has been already observed, that the university of Leipsick owes its
origin to the departure of a great body of German students from Prague,
about the year 1408,. or 1409; so that it may justly be looked upon as a
colony of the university of Prague. The four colleges, of which it consists,
are adorned with twenty-four professors, who are generally very learned
men. The nations, of which this university is composed, are the Mis*
nians, Bavarians, Saxons, and Poles; though under some one of thes^
they will admit, as we were told, the students of most other nations.
The university is said to be subject to the town, and not to the elector ;
which we thought pretty extraordinary.

The library of the university, or rather of the senate, of Leipsick ,
which must be allowed to^bea very good one, is inriched with a great
variety of MSS. taken out of the monasteries at the reformation. Here ^
is likewise a considerable collection of curiosities, a catalogue of some
of the principal of which, as well as of the most valuable MSS. we may
perhaps hereafter oblige our readers with. The very worthy and learned
librarian. Dr. Mascou, made me a present of a small piece, containing
the catalogue aboyementioned, and an elegant description of this library,
wrote in Latin; which has prefixed to it the following title:

Q. D. B. V.

BIBLIOTHECAM

MAGNIFICI. AMPLISSLML QVE

SENATVS. LIPSIENSIS »

EX. PECRETO. EIVS

BONAE. MENTI

lAM

DEDIGANDAM. ATQVE. APEU^EKDAM. VORE

INDICIT ,
GOTTFRIDVS. CHRISTIANVS. GOETZIVS
PRAETOR. ET. BIBLIOTHECARJIVS.

LipSIiE,
MDCCXL

The city of Leipsick is very populous, and the houses therein, espe-
cially those about the market-place, very stately and grand, and built
of free stone. Some of these are, at least, six or seven stories high.
The roofs of some of the houses are exceeding steep, and even approach*
ing to a perpendicular to the horizon. The streets appear beautiful
enough, being jbroad, clean, and well paved. Near the market-place
are two extremely fine houses belonging to M. Appel and M. Heuman,
both merchants, as we were told. M. Bosen and M. Appel, both
«teichantS| have likewise most beautiful gardens near the g^t^ q( Lrv^-

y4

SJ8 THE TRAVELS OF

sick. That of -M. Bosen is full of exotic plants, and managed by M^
Hebenstreit, or Hebenstreet, one of the gentlemen tent by King Augusttu
the Second into Africa, who is the director of this garden.ngM. Bosen
has likewise a very fine collection of natural curiosities, he being a man
of great substance, and having a passionate fondness for everything rare
and uncommon in this branch of literature. The number of students
here, as we were informed, amounted to above a thousand.

I must not omit observing here, that I was extremely obliged to M.
Maurice George Weidmann, bookseller in Leipsick, and counsellor,' as
he informed me, to the late King of Poland. He was so good as to f»ive
me a full and ample account of the town and university of Leipsick ;
and to introduce me to the very learned and famous Dr. Mascou, whom
I found a gentleman of uncommon erudition and politeness. Dr.
Baudisius and Dr. Oebauer gave me the meeting one evening at Dr«
Mascou's, where, in all respects, I was entertained very agreeably.
All these gentlemen, to do them justice, expressed the highest regard
for the English nation, and allowed it to be inferior to none in the world,
in point of literature. However, they seemed a little too much preju-
diced in favour of M. Leibnitz, and spoke, Mn my opinion, rather tea
coldly of Sir Isaac Newton, of whom yet their character ran in a very
high strain. -This a little warmed me, so that I could not forbear saying
some things, which I found the company did not perfectly relish* . But,
by mutual agreement, we dropped this subject ; and spent the evening,
not only in perfect harmony, but in perifect friendship, neither did
I ever in my life meet with any company that appeared to me more
agreeable.

Dr. Mascou is certainly a gentleman of most profound erudition, and
intimately acquainted with the whole circle of literature ; though he
seems to shine most in antient history, particularly that branch of it
relating to his native country. All the other gentlemen of this univer-
sity, that I had the honour to be in company with, I found likewise to
be very learned, polite, and ingenious men. In short, no one can wish
better to the learned university of Leipsick than I do, as no one can be
more fully convinced of their learning and politeness. Neither can any one
more heartily desire, that a good understanding between the members
of the universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Leipsick may be always
preserved ; and that they may always, if any disputes betwixt some of
them should happen to arise, behave towards one another with candour,
charity, and good-nature ; which, I am firmly persuaded, will be for
mutual interest and advantage.

The literary journal published here, intituled at present, Nova Acta
Eruditorum pvblicata Lipsice, is the most famous and most universal
literary journal in Europe. It first began to be published, under the
auspices of M. L. Otto Menckenius, in l682 ; and was continued by
his son, M.Joannes Burchard us Menckenius, who died in April I731«
Its title, from the beginning to the death of this poly historian, as the
jgentlemen of Leipsick stile him, was Acta Erudkomm^ 4*. But his
son, M. Frid. Menckenius, who succeeded him in the direction of this
monthly paper, has given it the titld of Nova Acta Eruditonm. Ti%
published the first day of every mouth, and dispersed over every part of

THJIEE ENGUSH GENTLEMEN, Sec. 83»

the learned worldL The title of Nova Acta EriK^t^arum cosunenced ia
January 1732. This journal comprehends all subjects, giTes an account
of .the productions of the most celebrated authors of every nation^ and
contains a considerable number of small polemical pieces not elsewlH^re
to bo found. I bought here the Noroa Acta Eruditorwm for the months
of the year 1734> elapsed before we arrived at Ileipsick, the last of
which £rst saw the light, just before our arrival there. Not only the
editors of these Acta, but all the other academicians of the university
of Leipsick, that I had the honour to be in company with, expressed a
great desire to keep up an epi&tolaiy correspondence with me. The
principal of these were Dr. Mascou, Dr. Bauaisius, Dr. Gei»auer, Dr.
Rechenberg, and M. Jocher, professor of philosophy. I was told like^
wise, that M. Plattner and M. Walthery whom I had not the honourXo
see, were very learned men.

We were informed, that there is here a high court of judicifture inde^
, pendent on the elector, and before which he himself, if^ summoned, is
obliged to appear. This seemed to us very strange, considefing that the
elector is generally looked upon, in England, ^m an absolute and des^
potic prince. But, as several German authors have set this affair in a
true light, we must beg leave to refer our readers to them for « farther
account of it.

The fairs at Leipsick, towards the beginning <^f the new year, tSt
Easter, and Michaelmas, are very celebrated and vemairkable. ^dk
Y^t quantities of valuable merchandize, and rich curiosities, •are ^theft
brought hither by the principal merchants <of all nations, (hat perhaps
the like is not to be seen in any other city. This induces sometimes «
great number of persons of distinction, and even many princes and
princesses of sovereign families, to honour the city of Leipsick with their
presence on these occasions. ^

Leipsick is a place of no great strength, thou^ fortified with ram»>
parts and a ditch. The castle of Pleissenburg, however, seems eapabte
of sustaining, at least, a short sic^ge. Notwithstanding which, it sui>
rendered to Charles the Twelfth, King of Sweden, without making any
defence.

Though the town is not large, the streets are very regular, and some
of them even grand. The town house is a noble structure ; as is like-
wise St. Nicholas's church, abounding more with internal ornaments
and decorations, than perhaps any Lutheran church in the empire.
The ground-floors of most of the merchants houses are warehouses, as in
the cities of Lisbon, Genoa, Leghorn, &c. It must not here be foigot,
that the merchants, who frequent the fairs of Leipsick, are, by the
elector's order, exempted from tolls.

Most of the young women here have fine complexions, and appeared
to us extremely beautiful. Such vast numbers of them walking in th»
streets seemed to be pregnant, th-at we remember not to have seen any
where the like. We heard a minister preach at St. Nicholas's church,
who had an hour glass placed by him, and saw it tiear twice out.
The congregation, during the time of divine service, appeared veiy
devout.

M. Linckius, an apotiiecary here, fellow of the ro^lsock^ <€

830 THE TRAVELS OP

London, has a noble collection of curiosities, and is a veiy great Tiiw
tuoso. We did not see him, but take him to be a man of note, as ha
bears a high character amongst the principal members of the university
of Leipsick. In the garden of M. Bosen may be seen a plant, supposed
to be a species of the musa of the Arabs, the pala of Pliny, and the
pisang of the Javanese. This plant, being then three years old, and six
feet and a half high, in ten weeks time^ arrived at the stature of sixtem
feet, and had a considerable quantity of fruit upon it, in 1733.

The chief inn in Leipsick is Joachim's Stall, which is a house of very
good note. Here we met with exceeding good accommodations, though
the bill handed to us, at our departure, was pretty extravagant* The
physic garden of Leipsick is full of exotic plants, some of which are of
a very extraordinary nature. Having taken a view of every thing worthy
of observation here, we set out for Berlin, #hich was the next place we
proposed to visit

From Leipsick we advanced to Hogelheim, a village of no great note,
wHere we took fresh horses. This post consisted of about two short
.German miles. The country, through which we passed, appeared open
and pleasant, and, as we were told by the postiglioni, is very fertile*
We staid about an hour here. '

The next place We arrived at was called Duben, and stands^ at least,
two eveeeding long German miles almost north of Hogelheim. Duben
kt situate in such a country as that just mentioned, and may be con*
sidered as a very pretty town. We did not stop above half an hour
here. Both . Duben and Hogelheim appertain to the electorate of
&ucony.

Gamberg» or Kemberg, which terminates the next post, is three good
German miles north of Duben. It is a place of no manner of note,
consisting, as we supposed, of not above fifty houses. The tract her
tween Duben and Kemberg seems to abound with firs. As notlang
curious presented itself to our view here, as soon as^ we could be ac? '
cpmmodated with fresh horses, we set out for Wittenberg, which is not
above a German mile from hence.

Wittenberg, or Wirtenberg, in Latin Witemberga, Witeberga, Witr
temberga, Vilemberga, Vittemberga, Vitenberga, Viteberga, or Vi-
turum Mons, stands on the eastern bank of the I^lbe, in 51 deg. 58.
min. north latitude, and 13 deg, 10 min. min. east of London, about
thirty-eight German miles north east of Leipsick. It was formerly the
seat of the electors of Saxony, and is at present very well fortified both
by nature and art. We observed that Wittenberg consists chiefly of one
large street. There is a strong castle here, built by the Elector Frederic
the Third, who likewise founded here an university, in 1502. St.
Ursula's church, the principal one in Wittenberg, ip the castle, was
founded by the Elector John Frederic, in 1518. The castle itself liket
wise, and the bridge over the Elbe, are inlirely owing to his munifi*
cence. This town and university are famous on many accounts, a$
will, appear to every one in the least conversant with the German his-
torians. Before we entered Wittenberg, we passed the Elbe* which if
very broad and rapid at this place. The streets are broad and clean,
and the houses well built. We were told that the university at present
docs flot make near so con5iderablea&©iTeaftX\vaafco^H«Al^ ^u^ Leipsick.

THREE ENGUSPf GENTLEMEN, &g. 5dl

The post house here, where we lodged, is very much frequented bj
travellers. The Elector of Saxony's garrison in Wittenberg does not
exceed four-hundred.

Our postiglioni conducted us from Wittenberg to Crobstadt, a village
of no repute. This post is two easy German miles. The road is good,
and in it we met with a tolerable plenty of fir-rtrces. Crobstadt does not
seem to consist of above thirty houses.

The next post, terminated by Trevenbrietz, or Treuenbritzen, is an -
exceeding short one, and the road very good. Though the tract is a
little mountainous, yet it seems pretty open. Some woods of firs likewise
here occurred. Trevenbrietz is the first town, on the borders of Saxony,
in the electorate of Brandenbourg, and, as we imagined, is composed,
at least, of three-hundred houses. The inhabitants seemed more robust
and large than the Saxons; especially the women, who were v^ry mas-
culine and strong. Treuenbiitzen stands upon the river Niepelitz, and
not far from its source.

From Trevenbrietz we went to Belitz, a considerable walled town on
the river Ada, two German miles north of the former place. We found
the road this post exceeding good. The women here appeared extremely
handsome. We were told, that the King of Prussia's garrison in Belits
did not exceed two-hundred men.

Our postiglioni carried us from Belitz to Potsdam, a place, at
present, of great note. Potsdam is a fine new city of the marquisate of
Brandenburg, on the river Havel, about four German miles almost
Borth of Belitz, and above three almost west of Berlin. This city, in a
manner, owes its being to the present King of Prussia, since before his
time it was a poor inconsiderable town. He has a noble palace here,
lately built, that h'as a fine saloon, which, for its extraordinary height,
is scarce to be parallelled in Europe. The King, when here, entertains
the foreign ambassadors, and other persons of the first distinction, in
this saloon. In the middle of the town is a new beautiful canal, on
both sides of which stand several magnificent and superb hotises, be-
longing to some of the Prussian generals, and other persons of quality.
We saw the King exercise two battalions of his tall grenadiers in the
gardens of his palace, and afterwards in a plain at a little distance from
the town. They made a surprizingly fine appearance, and performed
their exercise with the utmost regularity and exactness. In fine, they
fLTe the finest troops we ever saw. The third battalion of these grena-
diers is quartered at Brandenbourg. We put up at the city of Hanover,
which is a very good inn, where we were very well used. Since the
beginning of the present King's reign, the inhabitants of Potsdam have
received an augmentation of some thousands of families. The King is a
short squat man, very &t, and extremely bloated. All his Hitrats that
yre have seen are very much like him. His face seemed almost as blu«
as his coat; he, as well as the prince royal, and all his generals and
officers, wearing the uniform of the tall grenadiers. As we made s6me
short stay at Potsdam, we picked up a great many curious particulars
relating to the King, the royal family, the court, the army, and th^
place; all of which we hope to have an ot)portunity of communicating
to the publick in a short time.

$$t * THS; TRAVELS OF

From Potsdam io Berlin, the road was fine and'pleasant. We net
with many fir-trees this post, several of which l^ad been blown dowi^ by
tempestuous weather. The same thing we observed between &elitz and
Potsdam; as we had before done, in. the tract between Bistritjs and
Dnespeck, in Bohemia. The prospect of Berlin, at about the dis-
tance of an English mile, is noble and grand. The principal villages,
in the post-road, between Potsdam and Berlin are Stolpe,^ near the
fjoiot where the Saar dischargcth itself into the Havel, Zehlendorf,
fiteglitZy and Schoneberg ; none of which can be deemed very consider-
mble. But Charlottenburg, which stands between those two places, not
'fur from the point where the Havel and the Sproe unite their streams, is
a fine tcrwn, and, on many accounts, not a little remarkable. There is
a fine palace here, called at first Lutzenburg, from the little village of
Lutzen, near which it stands. Frederick the First denominated it
Charlottenburg, in honour of his Q^ieen, mother to the present King;
and built a town near it, which has always gone by the same name.
Of thirthat prince was pleased to declare himself burgomaster, or
mayor, and the margraves, or princes of the blood, principal ministens
cf state, and generals, aldermen and common-council. He ^Aso ap-
pointed two ne^lemen of the court to execute the office of bailie^.. Jiis
Majesty expended immense sums, in beautifying and increasing tl^e
Iniidingi of the palace, which contains several wings, grand apartments
•nd a fine orangery. Before the Dorotheastadt-gate, there is a park,
dirough which a fine road has been made from Berlin to Charlottenbui|;;
«Bd contiguous to that end of this park, near the latter place, a charm-
nig pleasure^garden, appertaining to the palace there. In the late
JCing's time, the road between Berlin and Charlottenburg was adcqrned
.with two rows of lamps on each side, which appeared like two columns
4)f fire. We stopped, this post, at a small village called Seldano.
Tlie catalogue of posts between Djresden and Berlin stands thuf :

From Dresden to Meissen, one post and a half, three German miles.

From Meissen to Stauchitz, one post, two German miles.

From Stauchitz to Hubertsburg, one post, two German miles.

FromHcrbertsbuigto Wurtzen, one long post, two German miles and
Almlf.

From Wurtzen to Leipsick, one post and a half, three German
miles.

From Leipsick to Hogelheira, one short post, two short German
miles.

From Hogelheim to Duben, one long post, two exceeding long German

miles.

From Duben to Kemberg, one post and a half, three German miles.

From Kemberg to Witteni)erg, half a post, one German mile.

from Wittenberg to Crobstadt, one short post, two easy German
miles.

Prom Crobstadt to Treuenbritzen, one short post, one German mile
•nd « half

From Treuenbritzen to Bclitz, one post, two German milqs.

THREE ENGLISH GENHfiMEN, &c. $$$

From Belitz to Potsdam, two posts, four German miles.
From Potsdam to Berlin, two posts, four German miles*.
Total, seventeen posts, thirty-four German miles.

Berlin, the residence of the King of Prussia, is one of the lai^esi
towns in Germany. It stands upon the river Spree, in 52 deg. 28 min.
north lat. and 33 deg. 48 min. long. Though this 'city now makes the
greatest figure of any in the King of Prussia's dominions, Brandenburg
has always been esteemed the capital of the marquisate and electorate (^
the same name, Berlin was built by the Margrave Albert, in the year
ll63, but has, since that time, been greatly enlarged, and consists at
present of eight parts : 1. The city of Berlin, properly so called, on
the eastern bank of the Spree. 2. Coin on the opposite bank, wherd
the Margraves had formerly a palace. 3. FrederickVWerder, built by
the Elector Frederick William the Great. 4* The Dorothean Town,
or New Town, erected likewise by the same elector, in honour of his
second wife Dorothea, of the house of Holstein Glucksberg. 5. The
King's Town, formerly called the Town of St. George, terminated by
the King's-gate, known antiently by the name of St. George's- gate. a.
New Coin, into which travellers enter by the Copenick-gate. Adjoin*
ing to New Coin is a suburb, which has the appearance of a pretty
handsome town, and a church of considerable note. 7* The Sophian
Town, or Sophiastadl, formerly called the Spandau suburb, because
fronting the Spandau-gate. It was greatly augmented and enlarged by Fre-
derick the First, King of Prussia, in 17 12, and then denominated Sophia-
stadt, in honour of that prince's third wife, and the present Queen, then
princess royal, whose name was Sophia. 8. Frederick's-street, or Fre-
derickstadt, bounded on the side of Saxony, by the Leipsick-gate. This
street, which seems to be one of the most famous in Europe, was begim
by the present King in 1730, and has now, though unfinished, above
eight-hundred houses, many of which are palaces, appertaining to JJeu-
tenant-General Schwerin, Lieutenant-General Schulemburg, the Privyy
councellors M. de Happe, M. de Marshal, &:c. Frederickstadt is said
to be al present above a German mile long. The houses, for the most
part, are built of free stone, but some of them of brick. This street is
likewise very broad, and makes an efxceeding fine appearance. The
King being now at Potsdam, there is no court at present there.

Though every one, in the least acquainted with the present state of
Europe, must have a tolerable good idea of the royal family of Prussia,
we believe our readers will not be displeased to find the following brief
account of it here: 1. Frederick William, King of Prussia and Elector
of Brandenbourg, was born August the fourteenth, l688, married
Sophia Dorothea of Brunswick Lunenbourg, November the twenty-
eighth, 1706, and succeeded his father, as King and Elector, in J7l3*
2. Sophia Dorothea, Queen of Prussia, was daughter to George "Lewis,
Elector of Hanover, and afterwards King of Great Britain, bora March
the sixteenth, l687, and married, as aforesaid, November the twenty-
sixth, 1706. 3. Charles Frederick, prince royal of Prussia, and
Electoral of Brandenbourg, Prince of Orange, iic. was bom January
the twenty -fgurth) 171^9 And married HuabetbaCbxV^xVcs&ol^ivi'^o^'

434 THE TRAVELS OF

wick-Bevem, Marcb the tenth, 1732. 3. Elizahetha Christina^ spoQse
to the hereditary prince, &c- was born November the eighth, 1715,
4. William Augustus, Prince of Brandenbourg, born August the ele-
venth, 1722. 5. Frederick Henry, Prince of Brandenbourg, bom
January the eighteenth, 1726. o. Augustus Ferdinand, Prince of
Brandenbourg, bomMay the twenty-third, 1730. 7* Frederica Sophia
Wilhelmina, married to the hereditary Prince of Brandenbourg- Bareith,
was born September the twenty-eighth, 1709. 8. Philippina Charlotta,
Princess of Brandenbourg, married to the hereditary Prince of Bruns-
wick-Bevern, was born March the thirteenth, 17 16. 9» Dorothea
Sophia, Princess of Brandenbourg, born January the twenty-fifib,
1719. 10. Louisa Ulrica, Princess of Brandenbourg, born June the
twentieth, 1720. 11. Anna Amelia, Princess of Brandenbourg, bom
November the ninth, 1723. 12. Sophia Louisa of Mecklenbourg,
Dowager of Frederick William the First, born May the Sixth, 1685,
To enumerate all the princes and princesses of the different branches of
the house of Brandenbourg would render us too prolix.

The King's character is not to be easily described, as containing^ a
contrast of good and bad qualities ; and the odd stories we heard of
him in Berlin, his metropolis, however absolute he may be, were
almost innumerable. Some of the principal of these we have an inten-
tion to publish hereafter. At present it may be sufficient to observe^
that he is short in stature, has a stern martial look, is very fat and
bloated, eats much, ahd drinks to great excess. AH the accounts we
received of him agree in this, that he has something extremely brutal
in his deportment; which may be attributed to the vast quantity of
English strong beer he daily drinks, as well as to the ferocity of hit
nature. The highest pleasure he seems capable of, as we were told by
some of his own subjects, is to get drunk with his general officers, md
to vent his spleen and resentment against a prince, with whom he ought
to be in the strictest manner united. The difference betwixt these two
princes is certainly a very melancholy affair, if we consider the pro-
testant interest in general, but particularly in the empire; and this
difference, it is said, has been greatly increased and fomented by Count
Seckendorf, the Imperial minister. That gentleman, though a pro-
testant, being a favourite of the King of Prussia's, has created a thorough
aversion betwixt the houses of Brandenbourg and Hanover, in order, at
the instigation of the Jesuits at the Imperial court, to weaken the pro-
testant interest in the empire. This, if we may be allowed to give our
opinion, is a very impolitic point of conduct in the court of Vienna,
and may hereafter prove of very ill consequence to the House of
Austria.

The Queen is a lady possessed of many amiable qualities, and greatly
b^oved by the Prussians, but said to meet frequently with ill treatment
from her husband, of which, were it proper, we could produce several
instances. She has a good affection and esteem for her brother, the King
of Great Britain; but of late years has not dared to express.it. Her
spouse was so polite as to tell her, in the year 1729, when he had
assembled an army of forty- thousand men, to invade the electorate of
Hanover, that; before his return to Berlin^ he intended to lay in ashes the

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, tec. BZ5

city where she was born. Neither the many children she has had by
him, nor the sweetness of her disposition, nor her dutiful deportment
towards him, have been able thoroughly to engage to her the King*g
affection.

The prince royal and electoral was neither at Berlin, nor Potsdam,
when we were there; but with his regiment, according to the information
we received, at Custrin. He is said to have been a most charming and
amiable prince till of late, 'when, in order to recover his father's favour,
he found himself obliged to comply with the most disagreeable foibles,
the worst and most vitious inclinations, of that prince. This has so
altered him, that many of the Prussians fear he will one day turn out a most
ambitious, perfidious, avaritious, and cruel tyrant; though others,
it must be owned, expect and hope for much better things from him.

With regard to the King's other children, the people we converseii
with were almost intirely silent; though several persons seemed to
promise themselves no great matters from them, especially the princes,
on account of the bad example shewn them daily by the King, who very
frequently, as was said, whilst we were at Berlin, both by his words
and. actions, expressed little regard cither to virtue, decency, or reli*
gion. Notwithstanding which, we were told, that the had given fre-
quent proofs of his zeal for the protestant religion, and of his aversion to
popery ; as also, that 'sometimes he seemed to be acted by a true spirit
of devotion. He is likewise said sometimes to be very impartial in the
administration and distribution of justice ; though it is notorious, that he
has, on many occasions, demonstrated himself capable of the greatest
-partiality in this particular.

It is well known, that the King of Prussia has on foot an army of, at
least, seventy-thousand effective men ; and these, perhaps, the best
troops in the world. They .are undoubtedly better disciplined, and
more frequently exercised, than the forces of any other potentate ; and
made by much the finest appearance of any troops we have lither to seen.
The King is extremely fond of his tall grenadiers, which he has collected
out of almost all parts of Europe. These, or rather two battalions of these at
a time, he reviews most days, whilst at Potsdam, in his gardens there,
from five till nine of the clock in the morning; and afterwards on a
plain, on the other side the Havel, till eleven. Though these grenadiers
are the King's greatest favourites, yet, as most of them have been
either forced or decoyed into the service, they take all opportunities to
desert ; neither are his other forces over closely attached to him. This
disposition of the Prussian soldiery enabled a certain French minister,
at the court of Berlin, to rally the Baron D' llgen, with a good deal of
poignancy. That minister having expostulated with the baron, on
account of the King of Prussia's failing in the execution of a certain
treaty, and expressed his master's disapprobation of that prince's conduct
with some warmth ; the latter said, .That more decent terms ou^ht to be
used in a conference with the prime minister of a monarch, who kept on
foot an army of seventy-thousand men : To which the Frenchmaa
replied, That these men were not soldiers, but slaves, and required an
army of at least seventy-thousand soldiers to keep them firm in their
duty. The King, every time we saw him, appeared in the uidCowsL ^1

is* THE TRAVELS OF

his tall grenadiers, esteeming it the greatest honour to be conaidered 9m
the head of that corps.

His Prussian Majesty sometimes takes delight in hunting, though be
is rather too corpulent and unweildy for that sort of exercise. He has
a very short neck, his face is often of the colour of gunpowder, and^
with regard to his features, most of his Ritrats pretty much resemble
him. He is capable of sustaining toil and fatigue to a tolerable d^ree,
and of using rather more than moderate exercise ; which he actually
does, and which, with rising early in the morning, probably keeps him
alive. But, as he is dropsical, eats and drinks immoderately, is fond
of the strongest kinds of liquors, which he frequently intoxicates himself
with, has of late had repeated twitchings and convulsive motions,
cannot sleep in any other posture than sitting, is lethargic, ^nd, upon
the least cessation of exercise, often falls asleep, it is generally believed,
that he will not be long-lived. Aiid this seems the more probable, as
he has already been attacked once by an apoplectic fit, which had like
to have carried him oflf.

We met with no wild beasts^ appertaining to the royal palace at
Berlin, as at Vienna and Dresden, the King not having a taste for such
creatures. . However, we saw at Potsdam an eagle, and seven or ei jbt
vultures, of avei^y large and uncommon size. In )ieu of wild beasts,
his Prussian Majesty keeps several jesters, or buffoons, who, on many
occasions, afford him a most agreeable entertainment.

The principal places, in and about Berlin, worthy the attention of
a curious traveller, are the royal palace, the arsenal, and Mon bijou.
Every gentleman of taste, who peruses this narrative, will expect a short
description of these.

The royal palace stands in the Frcderickstadt, and consists of two
large courts. Every thing belonging to it, particularly the windows
and entries, appear sufficiently grand. It has a noble prospect towards
the grand parade, where formerly were the royal gardens. That part of
the palace, to the right of the parade, contains the royal library, the
royal apothecary's apartments, the royal confectionary, the royal
laundry, and several other rooms occupied by the domcsticks of the
court. To this adjoins the grotto-work, made of shells ; contiguous to
which, is the fiheorangery, in form of a half moon. The library con-
tains a noble collection of printed books, all bound in red Morocco,
and gilt on the backs. Near to^this, is a large chamber, full of MSS,
and books that may pass for exceeding great curiosities. Some of the
principal of the latter are several Chinese books, and the Koran in the
original, sent, as we were told, about a century ago, by the Grand
Siguior to Mecca. This, according to the same persons, was seized by
the wild Arabs, and sold by them to some merchants, from whom it
came into the hands of the Elector of Brandenbourg. It is rolled round
a pretty large piece of solid gold, resembling a short stick, or staff. It
is adorned with precious stones of various kinds, and has two knobs of
gold, at each end; but the workmanship seems clumsy and rude, at
least, far from being elegant. The library of the late learned Baron
Spaiibeinx was purchased by Fxed^ivck tVve First, and annexed by him

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 337

to the royal library, though it stands in a room by itself. It is opehed
only once or twice a week; though the King's library is opened twice
every day^ once in the forenoon, and once in the afternoon, except in
the Dog Days, when it is shut every afternoon. In the palace, we like-
wise meet with a bed adorned with pearls, which is much admired.
We saw many things in the chamber of rarities, which ,were extremely,
curious. The principal of which were a figure in wax Of FVederick the
First in an easy chair, adorned with a red coat, star, and order of the
garter ; many tables, bureaus, &c. of amber, with the figures of leaves,
insects, &c. upon them; a piece of ^mber weighing an hundred pounds^
a piece of amber, with the fish, called Barbatula, in High Dutch,
Schmerling, inil; other pieces of amber, with beetles, horseflies, fish-
bones, shells, sea* weeds, moss, &cc, in them ; and lastly, a most invalu*
able collection of ancient Egyptian, Persian, Phoenician, Punic, Greek,
and Roman medals, of which M. de la Croze, the King's librarian, has pub-
lished a complete catalogue in qulrto, with a great number of plates
exceedingly well donq. Other chambers of the palace are remarkable
for the great number of large tables, locks, and almost all sorts of fur-
niture of massy silver, they contain. In the royal chapel there is an
organ, likewise, whose pipes consist of silver. The greatest part of the
amber-curiosities abovementioned came from Prussia, particularly, the
district of Koningsberg, the capital city; though several of them were
the pro<luce of his Majesty's German dominions.

In that part of Berlin, called Frederick's-Werder, the King has two
armories, or arsenals, known by the names of the Old Arsenal and the
New Arsenal. The Old Arsenal is contiguous to the wall, between the
Leipsick or Frederickstadt-gate and the New Town or DorOtheastadt-
gate. It is a long low building, that makes no grand appearance ; but
it contains a vast quantity of arms, and has always twocentinels posted
before the door. The New Arsenal, by way of eminence, called the
Arsenal, stands near the Dorotheastadt-gate, opposite to the palace,
which formerly was the governor's house, but now belongs to the prince
royal ; and is one of the most superb and magnificent buildings in
.Europe. It forms a square, is built of free stone, has large sash-
windows, and on the top a stone gallery. This gallery is adorned with
statues, trophies, and ^vcral historical figures, all of stone. Several
statues, trophies, and figures of the same kind are likewise placed in
nitches round the building, all done in an elegant taste. From the
New Arsenal, you have a delightful prospect of the royal palace.
Before this edifice, opposite to the grand parade above-mentioned, a|
the distance of about ten paces, may be seen an immensely large ,
cannon, carrying a ball of an hundred pounds weight, and called
Europa. The reason given by some for this* name is, because the
cannon is the largest piece of artillery in Europe; but this does not
appear to us altogether satisfactory. Round this arsenal are placed
immense quantities of bombs, cannon balls, and grenadoes in a pyra-
midal form. Here are arms more than sufficient for an army of twx)-
hundred thousand men, all beautifully polished, and kept in the nicest
order. Canncms likewise, of vafious sizes, mortarS) fitc. Sx. v& vwsi?^
plentifully furnished with. In theteigu o^ Yt^dmck \}t\^ Y\\%x.v ^^si^*^
roL. XI, *

I
I

338 THE TRAVELS OP

>

arsenal was looked upon to be the largest in Europe, and since that
time it has been continually increasing. In the year 1? 17 1 ^^^ present
King cast a new train of artillery, consisting of ninety pieces of cannon
and twenty-four mortars, and placed it here; and many additional
trains of field-artillery have since been cast. An infinity of cuirasses^
helmets, and all other offensive and defensive instruments of war, and,
in fine, all kinds of military accoutrements, are likewise to be met with
in this arsenal. Parties of the artillery company keep guard .here
alternately. They are besides employed, in filling the patronen, or
charges, and in casting leaden balls for carbines, musquets, pistols,
&c.

Monbijou is a small delightful summer-palace, with very beautiful
and magnificent gardens, and several buildings round it, appertaining
to the Queen. It can scarce be deemed an English mile from tl^
Spandau-gate, and is visited by all travellers that come to Berlin. Yhe
name is French, and equivalent to my jewel, or my delight, in English ;
the reason of which no one, who has seen this palace, will be at a loss
to discover. The Czar Peter the Great, with his consort Catharina,
had the curiosity to see the palace and gardens of Monbijou, and was
most magnificently entertained there, by the Prussian court, in 1717*

The King has no taste for literature, nor is he an encoiirager or patron
• of learned men. There are, however, at Berlin several persons of great
erudition, of whom Mr. Cbristfried Kirch, the King's astronomer, and
member of the academy of sciences, M. Alphonse des Vignolcs, and
M. Maturin Teyssiere la Croze, the royal antiquary and librarian, are
the most celebrated and considerable. M. Kirch I was not in company
with above once or twice; but his character is so well known, and
established, in the learned world, that it would savour of vanity to
attempt it here. JSlr. des- Vignolcs is a most venerable old gentleman,
being, as he informed me, eighty-four years of age. I was several times
in conipany with him, at M. La Croze's, when he discovered an im-
mense fund of learning. He is now publishing a learned and curious
piece, inti tied Chronologie de Histoire Sante et des Histoires Etrangeres qvila
concement, depuis la Hortie d' Mgypte, jusqu* a la Captivite de Babylone^
to which he did me the honour to invite me to be a subscriber. M.
La Croze is a very great critic in anlient learning, and the oriental lan-
guages, particularly Coptiq and Arnienian. The celebrated pieces he
has obliged the republick of letters with will eternize his name. He
entejftained me several times with his curious researches into antiquity
and discoveries, for which 1 held myself greatly obliged to him. He
affirmed, that Dr. Wilkins was a novice in the Coptic language, and
that no European had sufficiently applied himself to the Armenian
tongue. The Armenian, he said, was nearly related to the old Persic,
as he had found by comparing Dr. Hyde's piece, *De Religione veterum
Persarum,' with all the best authors treating of the subject, andhisowb
observations. He affirmed, that he had drawn up a dissertation, which
jiroved this to demonstration ; and that he had composed Coptic-Latin
LatW'^opiic, and Armenian-Latin Latin- Armenian Lexicons, that
formed two very large volumes in c\\iaT\jQ, viVi\e.Vi, %& he said, he never
, intended to publish. This so excVleA m^ c>3Lrio«v\.^^ \!a.^V.\twi\.^Tsft\.W

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 339

easy till I had seen them; and, upon his shewing them me, I used
all the arguments I could think of to persuade him to make them pub-f
lick, but without eflfect ; he persisting in his resolution to the contmiy, *
He told me, the King of Prussia had the finest collection of bibles, in
different languages, to be met with in the world, and that his Majesty
was still augmenting this collection. He was turned of seventy-six yean
of age, and in a very infirm condition. He assured me, that he wished
for nothing more than that we should keep up a constant and regular
correspondence, and that he should always retain a great ;regard and
friendship for me.

Though we have postponed several odd and unaccountable stories of
the King of Prussia to another -opportunity, yet we have been prevailed
upon to insert one or two of them here'. Mr. Guy Dickens, the Eng-
lish resident, with whom we several times dined, and who is a very
obliging and accomplished gentleman, assured us, that he had waited
above six weeks in vain for an audience, though the King had granted ,
audiences to all the other foreign ministers, as soon as desired ; and that '
his Majesty scarce ever used him as a gentleman, much less asapublick
minister, though the King of Great Britain, his master, and that
monarch were in friendship arid alliance. But Mr. Pickens added/
that this happened to the extreme regret of all his subjects. We our-
selves likewise are witnesses of the saviige and brutal disposition of this
priiKe. For, when we went one morning at five o'clock, to see him
exercise his tall grenadiers, in his gardens at Potsdam, just as he went
off, he set an officer to the author of this narrative, to enquire who we
were ; who answered, three English gentlemen, on their return to Eng-
land, who, having frequently heard of this celebrated body of his Ma-
jesty's troops, tvere extremely desirous of seeing them. To which no
reply was made. But when we followed hij^ajesty over the Havel to
the plain, where he constantly reviewed his gredadiers after the exercise
at Potsdam, we were surprised to meet with an officer, who told us,
by his Majesty's order, that the King never suffered any foreigners to
attend him over the Havel, and therefore we were enjoined to return to
our inn at Potsdam. But as we were returning, in compliance with this
order, Mr. Wentworth, a near relation to the Earl to Strafford^ in the
King of Prussia's service, met us, and, upon hearing our story, placed
us behind a large overgrown oak,, where we could easily see the King
exercise his grenadiers. But the same gentleman informed us, that we
ran a considerable risk, since, if the King discovered us, he could not
tell what might be the consequence of a non-compliance with the order
abovementioned.

The same Mr. Dickens informed us, that the King of Prussia and all
his ministers drank extremely hard, and were frequently guilty of very
odd pranks. But the most unaccountable instance of hard drinking,
according to this gentleman, was General Jagosinski, the Russian am*
bassador. He once or twice a week dined with Mr. Dickens, who went
to dinner about one o'clock. From that time till twelve, the bumper
went incessantly round, and Mr. Dickens's company, except M.
Jag6sinski, were generally tWjice overpovweied befoie \Xv^\. Xvwv^, ^^ ^
h»lf'pwt glass of wine was circulated wiibout VuXrtoa^voi^. "^^^^^ ^*

2 2

M0 THE TKAVELS OF

JagpstnsU took Us bvmpen, without soUcication ; foiled the rest iDf tim
g^ntlenoen twice; and then left them, seemingly, as cool and uocqop^
Oerned as w4ieiih he first came amongst them. What renders this |lie
*iiiore strange and surprising is, that M. Jagosiuski, every morning, ap
toon as he arose, dnmk ofif a full half-pint of brandy, and sometimes jfi
much larger quantity.

Froiii what has been already observed, it roust plainty appear, that
3^1>n is one of the larg^t, finest, and most populous cities in Grerlnany*
Kay we may venture to affirm, that in some respects no otl^er town of
Germany can vye with it. Since the revocation of the edict of Nanti»
vast numberJB of French pmtestants have settled here, as well as in
many other parts of the King of Prussia's dominions. We were told«
that they make up near one third of the inhabitants of this city. Thaw
inbabitantsr are said tq amount to eighty- thousand souls.

The prince royal, where we put, up is an exceeding good inn, aeither
was the IhII brought us by the landlord at our departure very extravar
flant ; since the whole expence we incurred, by eating, drinking, and
Ipi^ing, did not amount to above fifteen fiorins.per diem. We gave as a
gfftfuity to the servant, who shewed us the palace, an hungar or ducat}
|o him who shewed ua the armory or arsenal, six florins; and to bins
who shewed us the house and gardens of Monbijou, two florins. Hav*
ing satisfied ourselves with the sight of every thing curious at Berlin,
we next proposed visiting the city of Hanover, and viewing whatever
occurred to us worthy of attention there*

.^SECT. VIIL

A Joumeff/rom Berlin^ iht residence of the King of Prussia, to Hanovetf
this capital of the Electorate of BrunsxDick^Lunenkurg.

THE road to Spandau, the first place we arrived at after our da*
parture from Berlhi, appeared pleasant and agreeable enough. Theie
ire, however, some woods in this tract. Spandau is a considerably
walled town of the Marquisate of Brandenbourg, upon the western bank

. of the Havel, about two German miles north west of Berlin. Prison^
of distinction, as well aa.others <)fan inferior rank, are frequently sent
to the castle here ; insomuch that it is scarce ever without some of them.
There are at present here, as we were told at Berlin, betwixt forty aad
$ilty soldiers, who some time since came to a resolution to desert in a
body, and, m. order to facilitate the execution of this design, proposed
to dispatch every person they met with in their route. But one of tlM
party discovered the whole aflair to the King, who immediately ordered
their ears and noses to be cut off, and then sent them to the castle <tf
Spapdau, where they are to be confined with chains about their legSi
A>r Jife.^ At a small distance from the town, we saw a gallows, and

9owe wheels^ erected for the execulVoxi of criminals and male&ctMS.

THREE ENGUSH GENTLEMEN, &c. Ml

Berlin, the King is for the most part his own prime minister. However,
he permits his ministers of state and privy-councillors to deliver their
opinions upon any scheme he forms, and even to offer to it whatev^
objections they think proper twice; but, if any one of them presumet
to attempt invalidating the King's answers to these, he is presently sent
to the castle of Spandau. Nay, as the same persons assured us, when
his Majesty is in an ill humour, which pretty frequently happens, after
he has answered the first objections urged against his project, he draws
upon a piece of paper the castle of Spandau, a gallows, gibbet, wheel,
or something of that kind, and orders it to be posted over the objector's
door. This is very well understood, and not one of the ministers of
state dares afterwards offer any arguments against what the King has
been pleased to advan<?e.

From Berlin, through the King of Prussia's territories, we paid three
grosseper post, for each of our post-chaises. This Jie allows the post-
masters, in order to compensate the loss they sustain by their post;-
waiggons, or brouettes, lying idle; which our readers will allow tOibc
a great imposition. *

From Spandau we proceeded to Wustermarok, or- Woostermart, a
small inconsiderable village. Woostermart staiKls about two German
miles north-west of Spandau. Nothing remarkable occurred this peat.
The road was sandy, and for the most part an ascent. We must not
forget observing, that the people at Wustermarck, as well as at Spandau,
were very civil and obliging. The pQst-office at Spandau seemed a
tolerable good house.

We found the following post, terminated by Barnovitz, or BamewitsK,
tihout the same length as the preceding. The road likewise betwixt
Barnewitz and Woostermart continued sandy. As Barnewitar is a place
of no note, and nothing worthy of a traveller's attention presented itseff
to our vit?w, we did not stay above half an hour there.

The next place we arrived at was Ratenau, or Ratenou, about three
German miles almost west of Barnovitz., Ratenau is a pretty consider-
able town upon the Havel. We found some Prussian foot in garrison
here. - We took up our lodging at Ratenau, and met there with very
good accommodations.

Setting out early the next morning, we breakfasted at Tangermiinde,
or Tangerminden. Tangerminden is a large town, on the western bank
of the Elbe, about two German miles West of Ratenau. This post we
crossed the Havel and the Elbe*, and passed through a sort of morass.
We found several Prussian companies of foot in garrison at Tanger-
minden.

Gardeleben, the place we next visited, stands about four German
miles almost west of Tangermiinde. This post the road was sandy and
heavy. Between this town and Tangermiinde we passed through a.
village, called Stendel, There are at present two or three compani*es
of foot posted here, but the worst' Prussian infantry we have hitherto
seen.

From Gardeleben we advanced to Steincfce, upon the frontiers of tKe
Duchy of Lunenburg. This is a small viWu^e, taiXio^V Vyvtcfc Q>«r«\«ei
miles almost west of Gardelebeti. The road bem^ v^t^ \j%.^ >(>ci>& ^^x.>

z 3

Ut THE TRAVf^ OF

we found ourselves a little fatigued, and therefore agreed to lodge at
Steincke. The accommodation^ here were very indifferent; but, as
we Bet out very early in the roomings this was no great inconvenience

to us.

Between Steincke and Brunswick, or, as the Germans call it,
Braunschweig, the road was very bad ; insomuch that we ,were fre«
quently in danger of being overturned. The country, however, «ap-
peared very agreeable and delightful, and not unlike some parts of
£ngland. Steincke stands about five German miles off Brunswick, in
a north east direction. We met with nothing worth any attention this
post.

Brunswick is a very large, strong, and antientcity of Germany, upon
the Ocker, about ope and a half German miles north of Wolfenbuttle,
and about seven German miles east of Hanover. It is subject to the
PukeofBrunswickrWolfenbuttle, and famous for a liquor called mum,
which was formerly exported from hence into several parts of Europe
and particularly England, but is not now in very great vogue. The
Latin names of' Brunswick are Brunopolis, Brunswiga, and Brunsviga*
According to the German historians, this city was built by Bruiio, a
Duke of Saxony, A. D. 86l. U is two miles in compass, and sur-
roiuided with double walls and ditches. Each of the i&^e corporations,'
. into which it is divided, has its proper magistrates, publick hall, and
courts of judicature; but in matters relating to the common interest,
they all unite. It was formerly a npble Hans town, and then in a much
more flourishing condition than at present ; though it may be considered
now as a rich and populous city. * The principal curiosities to be seen
here are the following; I. The Duke of Blanckenburg's palace, a
fabric of very considerable antiquity, and, for the time when it was
built, sufficiently grand. 2. The new palace built by the present Duke
Lewis Adolph, which, is magnificent enough, and of a very large extent.
3. The town-house, which merits the attention of every curious tra-
veller. 4'. The church of St. Blaise, which is the principal one of the
town. Here several of the Dukes are interred. 5. The lion of brass,
in a square opposite to the church of St. Blaise, representing the animal
of that name, which followed Duke Henry, surnamed the Lion, where-
jBver he went. 6. The fortifications of the city, which are so complete,
that it cannot be besieged without a numerous array. 7* The rich
furniture, fine pictures, cabinet of curiosities, &c. in the new palace.
8. The citadel, which is a place of great strength. The Duket)f Bruns-
wick-Wolfenbuttle always keeps a good garrison here.

We put up at the Golden Eagle, which is looked upon by most Eng-
lish gentlemen, that have travelled of late through this part of Germany,
^to be the best inn in Brunswick. The women here did not seem so
modest and reserved in their behaviour, as we found them in the domi-
nions of the Emperor, thie King of Poland (Elector of Saxony), and the
King of Prussia. The mum we met with here Was much inferior, in
fineness of flavour, to the liquor of the same kind we had drank in
London. But this is not to be wondered at; since the mum sent to
London is not only, as our landlord informed us, the best brewed here,
but the Savour of the liquor itseii is \VVwe,v«\»& n^\\>} vc&y^qih^^ V^ \ta

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 343

passage to London. Though Brunswick is a place of considerable note,
the entertainment we met with in it was by no means elegant. They
hfive an exceeding good coffee-house here. The Duke of Brunswick-
^olfenbuttle's postilions have strings over their right shoulder striped
with red and white. Brunswick stands in 52 deg. l^ min. north l^t.
and 10 deg. 44 min. east of London. This post we traversed part of
the Bishoprick of Hildeshcim.

The next place we arrived at was called Payn, Pein, or Pcina. Peina
is a considerable town near the borders of the erectorate of Hanover,
about three German miles ^yest of Brunswick. It stands upon the river
Euhse, in the Bishoprick of Hildesheim, Peina being a place of some
strength, there was a garrison in it, which the postmaster informed us
was a detachment of the Hanoverian forces. We were extremely hungry
upon our arrival at Peiua; but could meet with nothing, except a few
eggs and a little bread, there.

From Peina to Hanover, we found it four long German miles. There
are several considerable woods in this tract, which may be deemed part
of the Silva Hercynia of the antients. That this forest, which was of
such a prodigious extent, consisted chiefly of firs,* seems probable, not
only from what we have observed of the woods in the hereditary domi- .
nions of the House of Austria, but likewise from Hartz-Fore&t, the
modem name of part of the remains of the Silva Hercynia. For
Hartz, in the High Dutch, or German language, signifies the juice,
sap, or exsudation' of fir-trees. The latter part of this post was sandy,
and, consequently, the I'oad tolerably good. The number of posts
between Berlin and Hanover stands thus : ,

From Berlin to Spandau, one post, two German miles.

From Spandau to Wustermarck, one post, two German miles.

From Wustermarck to Barnewitz, one post, two German miles.

From Barnewitz to Hatenau, one and a half posts, three German
miles.

From Ratenau to Tangerminden, one post, t^o German miles.

From Tangerminden to Gardeleben, two posts, four German miles.

From Gardeleben to Steincke, one and a half posts, three German
miles.

From Steincke to Brunswick, two and a half posts, five German
miles.

From Brunswick to Peina, one and a half posts, three German
miles.

Frpm Peina to Hanover, two and a half posts, five German miles*

Total,' fifteen posts, thirty-one German miles.

Hanover, in Latin, Hanovera, the capital of the duchy and elec-
torate of the same name, is situate on the river Leine, in a sandy soil,
about eight German miles west of Brunswick, and seven south-west of
Zell. It is a place of considerable strength, and the seat of the elector,
our present most gracious sovereign. The river Leiiie divides it into
two parts, known by the names of the New and Old To^NW* 'Wxcwl^xX.
cannot be deemed a very grand and stately c\t^^ -^eX. \)ci<i ^\x^^vi» ^a^^

z %

344 THIS TRAVELS OP

Jugular, brotd^ and well-paved, as well as extremely clean and iMcL
There is, properly speaking;, no court here, in the absence of the Kinj
of Great Britain. But the states of the electorate are governed by a '
council of regency ; some members of which reside in London, as long
as his Britannick Majesty remains in England, and the rest at Hanover*
j'or this reason, scarce any thing very magnificent presented itself to oun
view here. The houses in general make no very grand appearance, most
of them consisting (tf timber and clay ; though there are many likewise of
brick and stone. The Leine, that runs through Hanover, being a de-
lightful river, gives the town a pleasant aspect, and renders the situation
much more charming and agreeable. The streets are finely illuminated,
every dark night, during the winter season. We were told, that the sit
hfiie is very salubrious, that the citizens are seldom visited by any epi-
demical disease, and that many of them arrive at a good old age.

Provisions of all kinds the city is supplied with in great plenty, and
the inns, if.we may form a judgment of them from the City of London,
where we lodged^ as good as any in Germany. That inn we take to b^
at polite a one as ever we saw ; though we have traversed the best part ot
Europe. The landlord was extremely civil, and did what he could to
oblige us. We had our dishes served up both in the English and Frendbi
way, with the utmost el^ance. One article the cook was resolved to
oblige us in, whether we were English or French, for we did not at 6rsl
discover to what country we belonged ; and that was the dressing of a^
bare. That we might not fail of being pleased, the hare was roastedf,
one half tarded, and the other plain. We met likewise here with, a
considerable variety of wines, every species of which, that we tasted,
was extremely good. And our landlord, civil and obliging as he was,
in order to be consistent with himself by his bill at our departure,
treated us as persons of the first distinction.

The principal things worthy of a foreigner's notice in Hanover are
tiie following : 1, The Elector's palace, founded upon the ruins of a
monastery, and adorned with a vast quantity of rich furniture* The
tapestry and paintings here are extremely fine. Much of the furnitqre,
as tables, &c. consists intirely of silver; with which valuable metal
the elector is supplied most copiously from the rich silver mines in the
Duchy of Lunenburg. Here is likewise a cabinet of curiosities, and a
noble collection of antient and modern medals. This palace is of a
large extent, has several courts, and a very fine chapel. In this chapel,
under the communion-table, )bis we were informed, the body of Kingr
George the First lies interred^ We must not omit observing, that the
whole is a structure of free stone. 2. The church of Santa Crece, or
the Hofy Cross, which ha& a double row of galleries round it*from the
altar, and upon the first the history of the gospel in fifty-three parts,
painted with exquisite art. 3. The church of St, James, which iir
adorned with many fine pictures of Apostles and Saints, all done by
very able masters. 4. The Roman Catholick church, which the Eia^
peror Leopold obliged the present King of Great Britain's grandfather to
geBM to those of his communion, when he invested him with the elec-
tors/ digpityt in l£()!2. 5. The chutcVv Wilt b^ the Princess. Soptua,
r ibt Fieach lefugees, to whicV Kix% YJWViwsv iV^Ttiw^ ^«i ^\ff»n>^

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, ^&c. MS

factor. 6\ The churches of St. George anjd St. Giles, &c. 7. Th«
printing-press, from whence pieces of erudition are now and then sent
out into the learned world ; as also the hospital, and Orphanotrophium,
every one of which deserves to be seen.

When the King of Great Britain resides here, the court is very bril-
liant and polite. Besides the frequent concerts, balls, assemblies,
festins, &c. they have, as we were informed, for the most part, French
comedies acted several times a week, in the theatre appertaining to the
palace. And as people of all ranks and degrees are admitted gratis to
this last diversion, of which they are very fond, the arrival of his Bri- •
tannick Majesty at Hanover always occasions great festivity and t6»
joycing. Indeed, that monarch is extremely well beloved, and evea
almost adored by all his electoral subjects; insomuch that they iicver
part with him, but with the utmost regret. Operas, we were told, of
late years,, have not been so much in vogue here; though the elector has
u fine opera-house, adorned with paintings, &c. that rei^der it a real
curiosity. Perhaps, in some respects, it is not inferior to any thing of
the same kind in Europe.

Hanover- was formerly a Hans town, and enjoyed a very flourishing
commerce. It has at present four fairs a year, to which many foreign
merchants resort. This brings considerable weaJth to the place, which
is increased by the produce of the silver mines at Lunenburg. In fine,
we saw no signs of poverty here : On the contrary, a plenty of money
is visibh?, and all kinds of provisions, tho' by no means scarce, fetch a
pretty high price; both indisputable indications of a very considerable
share of wealth. Hanover stands in 52 deg. 23 min. north lat. and JO
deg. l6 min. east of London.

The Elector of Hanover is one of the most potent princes of the empire.
He has at present on (oot an army of twenty- two thousand men, all
regular troops; and can augment his forces with a^ body of thirteen
or fourteen-thousand men, without burthening his subjects. The ao*>
cession of the Duchies of Lunenburg, Saxe-Lawenburg, Zeli^ Brenven^
&c«to the patrimonial estates »f the elector, render him above twice as
powerful as he was about forty years ago. His revenues arise not only
from the silver mines abovementioncd, but likewise from several other*
of iron and copper; from taxes on land, cattle, merchandize Cpai^ticu--
larly from Brcwhan, a thick sweet liquor brewed at Hanover, and
exported from thence into all the neighbouring parts) piiiblick bousesg^
and inns; and from the salt-pits, or springs, that rise within the walbr
of Lunenburg. These revenues at present are said to amount to above^
five hundred-thousand pounds sterling per annum.

The King of Great Britain, as Elector of Hanover, is thought to h^
one of the richest princes in Germany. He has some troops of life-guards,
and two regiments of fuot-guards, of one battalion each, clothed: i-n red''
lined with blue ; which made an exceeding fine appearance.' He has
also five or six. courts, or councils ; and officers of state, usuad in courts
of crowned heads. But, for a particular account of thase councils and
officers, we must beg leave to refer our reader&to several modern wfitera^.
who have treated of the German affairs,^ s^ud givea \3y& a T&[vn»XA ^asA. ti\x%
cumstantjal description of them.

346 THE TRAVEU OF

L\\therani8m is the established religion in this electorate, though both
Roman Catholicks and Jews are tolerated here. The latter have a
synagogue at Hanover; and the former arc pretty numerous there.
These are, however, people of low rank ; almost all the nobility and
gently being Lutherans. Before the Emperor Leopold would grant
Duke Ernest the investiture of the electoral dignity in l6d2» he obliged
him to admit of an Apostolical vicar in his dominions, and to permit
him to reside at Hanover. A toleration is not only granted to the Cai-
vinists here, but likewise to people of all other persuasions. We did nojt
hear of many learned men at Hanover, though, we doubt not, many are
there to be found. However, the fame of M. Heumannus soon reached
us, as it will many future travellers who visit this place. That gcntle-
' man has a vast fund of erudition, as clearly appears from the numerous
learned treatises he has already published. A list of these treatises is
inserted in the preface to a learned piece of his, the third edition of
which was printed the last year 4t Hanover, with the following title : .

CdKSPECTUS ReIPUBLICA LITEHAUIAEy

SiVE

Via ad

HlSTORIAM LlTERARIAM
JUVENTUTI StUDIOSAE

Aperta

A

CHRISTOPHORO HEVMANNO D.

Editio tertia hcupletior,

HANOVERAE,

APUP Jo. JaCOBUM FOERSTERtJM.

MDCcxxxrn.

This piece is dedicated to the famous Dr. John Burchard Menckenius,
Aulick councillor and historiographer to Augustus the Second, King of
' Poland, fellow of the royal society at London, and publick professor
of history in the university of Leipsick. Mr. Heuman was born in the
year, l682, and, from the list abovementioned, it appears, that the
books, tracts, dissertations, &c. he published between 1/01 and 1730,
amount tb one-hundred-forty-four.

The two elegant seats in the neighbourhood of Hanover, called the
Fantasy, or the Whim; and Montbrillant, or Mount Pleasant, are
viewed by all foreigners that traverse this part of Germany. They were
built by Madame the Baroness de Kilmanseck, and the Countess de
Platen. But the noblest seat, or palace, out of town, is Hercnhausen,
on the Leii^, about one and a half English miles, as we guessed, north""
of Hanover. The gardens .here are most charming and delightful, and
the wilderness of ever-greens scarce to be parallelled. The orangery
likewise, and theatre cut out into green seats, with arbours and summer-
houses on both sides of it, for the actors to dress in, are justly celebrated
all over Germany. But the greatest ornament of these delicious gar-
dMis; are the large basons, beautiful cascades, and water- works here,
which, by ailgood judges> arc looked \ipoTv X.o \>e V\v<i^t«sxvw E^uro^e. Wc

' THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. HT

found a Yorkshire man, who, as he said, came hither in the beginning
of King George the First's reign, and had the management and direction
of the water-works committed to his care. He gave the highest cha-
racter of that excellent prince; as, indec^d, did all the people we
conversed with at Hanover, but more especially his domesticks. His
Majesty, for the most part, held his residence in the castle of Heren-
hausen, during the time he found his presence necessary in this German
dominions.

When we went out of Hanover, in order to take a view of Heren-
hauscn, some soldiers, posted at the gate we passed through, seemed to
look upon us with an evil and malicious eye, the reason of which we
could never discover. The post-master likewise, to whom we applied
for post-horses the day before we left the place, insisted, at first, upon
our takino an additional horse ta each of our chaises. But, upon our
acquainting him, that we were English gentlemen, and -could not avoid
thinking it hard, that 'people under the same sovereign with ourselves
should treat us more harshly than the subjects of the Emperor, the
King of Poland, and the King of Prussia had done, he permitted us to
pursue our journey with the same number of horses we brought with us
to Hanover : And, in palliation of what he had done, alledged that he
had been informed we were Frenchmen, and consequently belonged tq
a nation then at war with the empire. Whether this was the real cajuse
of his unpolite behaviour, or only a pretext, we will not take upon us
to determine; be that, however, as it will, it was some matter of
comfort to us to find, that, of all the nations in the world, the French,
at this juncture, were the most disagreeable to the Hanoverians.

Having seen every thing worthy of a curious traveller's attention at
Hanover, we made the necessary dispositions for our departure from
that place; proposing to finish our travels in the empire, by continuing
them to Hamburg. To that famous emporium therefore we resolved
next to direct our march, and in order to this, to take the route of
Zell.

SECT. IX.

A Journey from Hanover^ the metropolis of the electorate vf Brunswick'
Lunenburg J to Hamburgh the second of the Hans Towns,

WE arrived at Zell, about four o'clock in the afternoon. The tract
between Hanover and Zell is, for the most part, heathy and sandy ;
though part ol it is very well cultivated and manured. The postiglioni
told us, that it abounded with hares, and we ourselves saw two of those
animals, as we passed the road. There are likewise some woods in this
tract,, which may be looked upon as certain small remains of the Silva
Hercynia of the antients: The city of Zell, at about the distance of an
English mile, has only the appearance of a very large village. ^

Zell, the capital of the duchy of the same tvame, sXaiv&i vci S^ ^^%\

S4i THE TRAVELS Of

43 min. and 10 deg. 17 mm. esst of London, near the conflux of tbe
Allfr and the Eob»e, about seven German miles north east of Hanover*
It is sitnated in a sandy plain, and has some large woods at a smaH
distance from it. The city has a very rural aspect, and nothing very
remarkable in it, but the ducal palace. The terrass round the town is,
however, curious enough, as being adorned with trees planted all ahH^,
and rendpred more deli«htful by the fine gardens, orchards^ and grottoa
adjacent to it. The palage is very largo ; but, there having been no
coart here since the year 1705, when the late duke died, the furniture
in the rooms is gone greatly to decay. None of these rooms, except
that in which King William lay, made any tolerable figure. The
servants shewed us a room, wherein was a bed with curtains of black
veWet lined with damask, which they affirmed to be above two^hundred
years old. In this bed, they said. Lord Harrington Jay, when he
came with the King last into Gern^iny. The palace stands near the
Hanover-gate, and is a square building of a large extent, with a plat-
form at each corner moated round. The houses are all of timber; but
the churches, which are very mean, of brick." The several rows of
tfees ptanted in the streets give Zell the appearance of a large coontiy-
town, in which but little business is stirring ; and this is pretty nmch
the case with the inhabi^dnts, who seem much poorer than the people (rf
Hanover. We put up at the Wine-Cellar, an inn in great repute
amongst the English gentlemen, who have been at Zell; but met with
mn enormous bill and very indifferent accommodations. The printings
press here deserves to be remembered, as sending out into the republick
of lettera now and then a learned piece. Though Zell has been in a
jnunner deserted by the court near thirty years, and is not looked upon
m a place of any great consequence, it is tolerably well fortified, and
has ari Hanovcriatv garrison in ii. The terrass abovementioned is so
broad^ that several coaches may meet thereon abreast. There b a pretty
little theatre appertaining to the palace here, which at present appears
in a ruinous condition.

From Zell we went to Vitzendorf, which is a village of no great note.
The country this post was sandy, and, for the most part, a heath,
interspersed with some spots of cultivated ground. Several large Woods
are likewise to be found in thi^ tract. These woods consist chiefly of
firs, as do most others in the Duchy of Lunenburg, though sometimes
oaks and elms are to be found. Several hares, uith which auiinal this
country is said to abound, appeared this post, some o^ which our Swiss
servant attempted to shoot. We lay at the post office of Vitzendorf,
and met with better accommodations than at Zell. The distance between
these two places is at least four German miles.

tVc advanced from Vitzendorf to Sorensdorf, a small inconsiderable
village. The road and country this post agreed in all particulars with
the preceding. VVe could meet with nothing to dine upon at Sorensdorf,
but a bit of cold a»la-modc beef, which was veVy acceptable to us.
Both Vitzendolf and Sorensdorf are in the Duchy of Lunenburg. That
Duchy abounds in heaths and woods, some remains of the Silva Her-
cynja; and more especially tl\e i\0Yll\eTrv ^art of it. We might here
fnention /nan^ curious parl\cu\^Ts tda^t\o \.oV\«:tviAQt^%\,> vnVv^^wM

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c« 94f

be entertaining enough ; but, as we have already the natural history of
that remarkable forest in our own language, our readers will consider
this as altogether unnecessary. Sorensdorf is above four German miles
north of Vjtzendorf. We saw last night, about half a German mile from
Vitzcndorf, an infinite number of chafers, or beetles, of a very larg^
size, a little after sun set.

The next post was terminated by the town and port of Harburg, and •
consisted of, at least, four German miles. I was informed at Berlin
and Leipsick, that some of the Wenden, or posterity of the antient
Venedi, were seated in the Duchy of Lunenburg. Neither is this to be
wondered at, since their chief seats in this Duchy are Danneberg and
Luchow or Lochow on the river Tetze; but we did not meet with any of
them. The greatest part of the remains of that antient nation, to the
number of 10,000 men, women, and children, is, as they told me al
the places just mentioned, settled in Lusatia. They have an aversion to
the German, are half Catholicks and half Lutherans, partly subject to
the King of Prussia, and partly to the Elector of Saxony ; and occupy
the tract between Lubben and Budissin. They arc likewise a strong
hardy people, and will sustain toil and fatigue to an uncommon degree.
They still use their antient language, have a dress different from that of
Jthe Germans, retain many of their old customs, and in several pointt
agree with their ancestors, who lived in the time of ♦ Tacitus. They
are mo^t of them servants, and remarkable for their singular fidelity to
their masters. But, as we have some years since received a very ample
and particular description of this people from the reverend and learned
Dr. Jablonski, it would be intirely superfluous to expatiate any further
upon them here. The following table exhibits the number of Germaa
miles between Hanover and Hamburg.

From Hanover to Zell seven Gertnan miles.

From Zell to Vitzcndorf four German miles.

From Vitzcndorf to Sorensdorf four German miles. ,

From Sorensdorf to Harburg lour German miles and a half.

From Harburg to Hamburg, about two German miles.

Harburg, or Harborg, is a pretty strong and flourishing town of tht^
Duchy of Lunenburg, upon the river Loze or Lotze, and near its influx
into the Elbe, almost opposite to Hamburg. The streets are pretty
broad, clean, tmd well paved; and almost all the houses are built of
brick, most of them seemed perfectly new. It is a long town, about
twelve German miles and a half north of Zell, and has a Hanovirian
garrison. It has a good harbour, a handsome church, and st^voral
elegant squares. The people, in their air, behaviour, and manner of
dres3, are said to resemble the Dutch more than the Germans; as also '
in their language. This is supposed to retain^much more of the old
Saxon in it than the High Dutch, though the inhabitants and alt the
people of the. adjacent country write in High Dutch. The castle is very
Strong, both by nature and art, and has sluices, which, in case of needy

* Ttfiit 4«Mor. Oernua. «i)»'?m*

350 THE TRAVELS OF

can drown a considerable extent of the adjacent territory. The garrison
consisted of some of the best Hanoverian troops we have seStj. We saw
a vast number of pregnant women here. The town, which consists

' principally of one long street, is perfumed in every part with pitch and
tar, whicf) to me was by no means unpleasant or disagreeable. The
King's Arms is the best publick house in Harburg.

in our passage over the Elbe to Hamburg, we met with several islands
surrounded with 'dikes, which were covered with a most beautiful ver-
dure. It is said, that these islands are so fertile that their owners are
amply paid for their cultivation of them.

The city of Hamburg was reckoned the metropolis of the Duchy of
Holstein, before it became a free state of the empire. It is situate on
the northern bank of the Elbe, in 53 deg. 41 min. north lat. and 10
deg. 11 min. east of London, about fourteen German miles and a half
north of Zell. This famous city, according to the German historians,

,' owes its origin to Charlemagne, who built a fort upon part of the ground
on which Hamburgh stands, before the year 810. It was erefcted first
into a bishoprick, and afterwards into an archbishoprick, by Ludovicus
Pius, that prince's son. It was formerly under the jurisdiction of
the Saxons, but became subject to the empire in 1215. The Danes
took it from the empire in 1220, and sold it to Albert Count of
Orlcmund and his -heirs; and he soon after sold his pretensions to , the
citizens, who then declared it a free and indtpendent city. The Em-
peror Charles the Fourth took it under his special protection in 135^;
though, according to some, that Emperor enjoined the Ilamburghen
to acknowledge the immediate sovereignty of the county of Holstein
in 1375. Others deny that fact. The Kings of Denmark, succeedmg
the Counts of Holstein in their dominions, upon the failure of the
male line of those counts in 1459, succeeded them likewise in their
pretensions to the sovereignity of this city. Those pretensions Still
subsist. But the neighbouring princes, not judging it consistent with
their interest to permit the Danes to make themselves masters of
Hahfiburg, have hitherto preserved its independency. Notwithstanding
which, the Haraburghers have been several times fleeced by the neigh-
bouring princes, since the beginning of this century. They are always,
and particularly at present, exti'einely jealous of the Danes.

Hamburg, by its situation, enjoys all possible advantages of trade,
both foreign and domestick; and has actually a better inland trade than
any city in Europe, except London and Amsterdam. The English
merchants here are the great support of the place, and are very nu-
merous. They have several extraordinary privileges granted them, that
are denied to the merchants of other nations. And this is not to be
wondered at; since the greatest, and almost onlyi protection the Ham*
burghei-s have, notwithstanding they pay eighty-thousand crowns a year
to the Emperor to protect them, is from the English nation.

The constitution and polity of the city of Hamburgh are so very well
understood, and we ^have had of late such full and ample descriptions
of them, that we shall not touch upon them here. Our readers, wci
doubt not. will excuse us, as the present relation of our travels has so far

exceeded the limits we at ftrsl proiposfed coiAvvvv\^'\\. vo, \{ v^e entertain

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 351

them only with some simple observations of our own, that we made,
whilst at Hamburg.

The Ham burghers are most fierce Lutherans, and almost as much
addicted to persecution as the Roman Catbolicks. That incendiary
Erdman Nieumeister, a Lutheran preacher, so well known for his bitter,
furious, and antichristian spirit, is in the highest repute amongst them.
They are said to behave with as muqh rancour to the Calvinists, or
reformed, as totheJewsif Roman Catholicks, or Mohammedans.

The cathedral, with the chapter, and many houses belonging to it,
arc under the protection of his Britannick Majesty, as Duke of Bremen.
It was built abpve nine-hundred years ago. There are five very large
parish churches here, and eight of a lesser size. A branch of the Elbe
separates the Old from the New Town. Hamburg is very well fortified,
but the garrison serves only for a shew. We were told, that two com*
panies of burghers guard the walls every night. The city of Hamburg
contains about two hundred thousand souls. The number of coaches
here amount to above three-hundred ; which, in proportion, exceeds
that of any other city in Europe. The cathedral goes ^nerally by the
name of the Dome.

At present the burghers keep guard day and night in Hamburg,
This is owing to the King of Denmark's feeing encampted at Ottensee,
a small village of Holstein, about four English miles from Hamburg,
with six thousand men ; which he is sending, as his contingent, to the
imperial army upon the Rhine. We saw these troops reviewed, by his
Danish Majesty ; and they made a very fine appearance. The King
of Denmark, at present, resides for the most part in the m^ighbourhood
of Altena. He seems to be of a very thin habit of body. We were
told, that General Morner commanded the abovenientioned corps.

There arc six lofty steeples in Hamburg, some of which are covered
with copper. St. Catharine's, one of these, has a stately front, and many
statues in niches. Round the middle of this steeple is a crown, richly
gilt. In the church of St. Catharine we saw a piece of painting, re-
presenting the crucifixion of our Blessed Saviour between two. thieves,
one of whose souls was carried by an angel to heaven, and the other by
a devil to hell. This is tolerably well done, and seemed to me tp be a
piece of considerable antiquity.

All the churches in Hamburg, except New St. Michael's, are said
to be older than the reformation. It is no wonder, therefore, that they
should abound with crucifix's, statues of the Virgin Mary, &c. It is
said there is an image of the Virgin Mary, in St. Peter's, for which the
Roman Catholicks have offered twenty-thousand rixdollars. The spire
of St. Peter's is by much the highest of any in the city.

From the Lombard Bridge, over the river Alster, a person has a very
good prospect of the town. This river forms a fine ba>on within the town,
which to me seemed to be in the form of an amphitheatre. The source
of the Alster is about thirty English miles from Hamburg. This river,
as it is called, does not seem to be a running water, but to be supported
by imperceptible subterraneous springs.

The walls of Hamburg are said to be between five «iwA ^vk^^yv^v^
miles in circuraference. The walk round thevu *\* n^t^ ^\e^'a»»x wA.

35t -THE TRAVELS CTF

a|;rfeable* The New Town, wo were told, was built in the year l€dt.
The senate-house is adorned, both within an^ without, with statues pf
thembdem Roman Emperors, the nine worthies, &c. The exchange
is opposite to the senate-house, on one side is adorned with several fine
trees, and has a most pleasant situation on a branch or canal of the Elbe.
That river forms several canals in the Old Town, by roe^ns of which the
merchants have their wares brought to the back part of their own houses.
At a sn^all distance from Hamburg stands a Fortezsa, called Horn-
schantz, between which and Hambui^ there is said to be a subterraneous
communication. I'he garrison here does not consist, as* we were in-
formed, of above thirty men ; but, according to the same persons, by
tneans of the abovementioned communication, it may be continually
reinforced, and supplied with ammunition, provisions,, dec. from Ham*
burg. The greatest part of the garrison in this city, iif our friends nay
be depended upon, is composed of the lower kind of mechanicks. The
whole is said to amount to above two thousand men.

It is a common maxim amongst merchants, that no town can enjoy a
flourishing trade, except its inhabitants permit the Jews to settle amongst
them. This maxim as it should seem, has prevailed in Hamburg}
since there are above thirty-five thousand Jews in that city. Many of
these inhabit part of the New Town, towards Altena. The streeb^
occupied by the Jews are pretty large, but consist of very poor houses.
They have here, as in other places, several marks of distinction, by
which they are easily known.

Our friends here informed us, that every person who walked the
streets of Hamburg, between Michaelmas and Lady-Day, after ten
o'clock at night, without a lantern, ran a considerable risk of being
arrested. There is a fine library belonging to the town. In many of
the churches here, which are constantly open, we we surprized to meet
with booksellers shops. The Lutheran nuns here marry whenever they
please. We were told, that few were found amongst them, but such as
have some deformity, or defect. Nay, some of our acquaintance said,
that none but such were qualified to live amongst them. But, tl\is we
know not how to give credit to.

The Ham burghers are the most charitable people in the world All
jeal objects of charity amongst them are provided for; but the sturdy
beggars, that in other places infest the streets, are sent to the workhouse,
that they may be thereby rendered serviceable to the publick. Hence
it comes to pass, that a beggar is scarce ever to be met with in the streets
of Hamburg. But, as soon as we came into the King of Denmark's
dominions, we were accosted by several of them. The Hamburghera
bear a great antipathy to the Danes.

If a native of Hamburg is found guilty of fornication, he is obliged
to pay a considerable fine ; but the English are exempted from this
mulct. We were told of an ^>parition at St.^Peter's church, that fre*
quently alarmed the neighbouring inhabitants. The person, who men-
tioned ^his, is a merchant of great substance and reputation. He assured
us, that scarce any body in Hamburg doubted of the reality of it* But,
aotwitbstAod'mg this is so well attested, we leave our readers^ as we

THREE ENGLISH GENTLEMEN, &c. 35J

feave dofte tipon a parallel occasion, to believe as mucli or as little of it
as they please.

We saw once or twice Dr. Nieumeister, a Lutheran clergyAian of very
intemperate seal. He has great influence in Hamburg^, though all men
of sense look upon him as a most furious incendiary. We were told,
that his works, and those of M. Esardus, professor of philosophy here,
had been burnt by^the common hangman at Berlin. M. Esardus is a
prodigious bigot, and has wrote with great acrimohy against the re-
formed; There is a tun here, which is said to contain sevehty-six
hogsheads ; and a cellar containing above four-thousand tilns of wine.
The academy, or Gymnasium, here has produced many learned men,
and is at present adorned with some persons of great erudition. Of these
JM. Wolfius and Dr. Fabiicius are the chief.

Mr. Thomas, chaplain to the British factory, or Hamburg company,
here, a gentleman that I can never sufficiently praise for his great
capacity, politeness, and erudition, introduced me to Dr. Fabricius.
That venerable and truly learned old gentleman charmed me with his
conversation. The scholar, the gentleman, and the Christian perfectly
shone in him. He has a most noble and magnificent library ; and in it
a vast number of literary journals, in several languages. His librarian '
is a modest, worthy, and learned gentleman; and intirely of the same
disposition with himself. Dr. Fabricius expressed a great desire ctf
keeping up a constant literary correspondence with me.

The clocks in Hamburg strike half an hour before the h6ur expires.
Thus, for example, at half hour past ten the clock strikes eleven, which
the tiamburghers call half eleven; and at eleven it strikes again, which
they call eleven. The sounds of these two pulsations are so different,
that a person may easily distinguish the one from the other.

Hamburg is almost of a circular form, and reckoned near six miles
in circumference. It is a place of considerable strength, a great part of
it being situated upon islands. It is divided into the Old and New City,
by a canal. Besides the abovementioned bason within the town, the
Alster forms another, much larger than the former, just without the
town ; and then, passing by several sluices and canals through the whole
city, falls into the Elbe. The funeral processions at Hamburg, espe-
cially of persons of fashion and distinction, arc very grand, attended by
many of the senators, principal elders, graduates in law, divines, regular
physicians, &c. The bearers appear all in black, and have a very
particular kind of habit. The body, as we were informed, is for the
most part thrown into the grave, without any service or ceremony ;
though the Sunday following, if 'the same authority may be depended
upon, there is generally a funeral sermon, M. Wolfius here bears a very
excellent character; and M. Esardus, professor of philosophy, is
reported to be a man of great learning, but a most violent enemy to the
Reformed.

We were several times at Altena, a large and populous town, subject
to the King of Denmark, and the residence of the governor of Danish
Holstein. It is joined by a row of houses on the Elbe, to Hamburg,
being a little to the north-west of that city. Altona was laid in ashes,
by the Swedish army under Count Steinboch, iu \TV^\ WxV-a&ix^NR*

TOL. XI. A a

3i4 THE TBAVfiLS, &c.

been rebailt, and makes now a finer figure than ever. It has, ftt present,

a very commodious harbour, and enjoys a flourishing trade. The
Roman Catholicks» Calvinists, Anabaptists, Quakers, Jews, &c. are
all tolerated here, the King of Denmark judging this a proper expe-
dient to extend and enlarge the commerce of the place. We were told,
that the town consisted of about two-thousand houses, and contained
near twelve-thousand inhabitants. The King of Denmark's palace here,
or rather that of the Danish governor, makes a very mean appearance.
The streets arc clean, neat, and well paved ; and the houses, for the
nKist part, built of brick. A small part of the town is 'said to belong
to the Hamburghers. We saw several ships in the harbour here, apper-
taining to merchants of different nations. Our friend that conducted us
to Altena, who was a Hamburg merchant, assured us, that, within
the space of fourteen or fifteen years, a considerable spot of ground had
.' been recovered from the Elbe, on which one of the best streets in
Altena at present stands. Some pieces of erudition, elegantly printed,
are now and then emitted into the learned world, from the printing-press
here. M. Wilh. Ern« Ewaldus, a clergyman of Altena, has lately pub-
libhed a book, which has gained him great reputation in many parts of
Germany. Our learned readers will not be displeased to see the title of
it ; which therefore we have thought proper to insert in this place.

Wilh. Erk. Ewaldi, V, D. M. ALTONAViENSiSy
EmblemcUa sacra miscellanea^
Altonavise, apud Jonam Korte,
1732. .

We heard this treatise highly commended at Hamburg, where the
author is considered as an eminent member of the republick of letters.
Altena is, however, more properly a seat of merchants, than learned
men ; as evidently appears from the great number of Jews settled there.
Besides Altena, we saw several other places in Holstein', as Relling,
Stelling, Barnvelt, &c. all in the neighbourhood of Hamburg. The
White Swan in Altena is a tolerable good inn. The six-thousand
Danes abovementioned were assembled at Relling, whilst we were at
Hamburg. «

The cellar in Hamburg abovementioned is a sort of cave ; and the
wine in it chiefly old hock. This cellar may be considered as a kind of
tavern, since it is kept by a select number of the magistrates, under the
direction of a deputy; and strangers, as well as natives, of the best
fashion, frequently take a chearful^lass in it; it is said to bring in a
considerable revenue to the state. The merchants settled at Hambuig,
and particularly those of our own nation, treat strangers with great
elegance and liberality. The streets of this city are generally crooked,
but pretty wide, and famous for their high and stately houses, most of
which are built of brick. Just out of town, we saw a gallows, with
. the skeleton of a woman hanging upon it intire, with all the hair on the
skull reaching down almost to the knees ; which made a very gastly
appearance. The Little English Arms here is a very good house.
Several ingenious and learned pieces are published every year, in

A LETTER, &c. 355

Hamburg ; as sufficiently appears from the foreign literary journals,
and particularly from the Nova Acta Eruditorum Lipsia, which we
take to be more extensive and universal, and consequently better, than
any of the rest.

We had the honour to be invited once or twice to dine with Sir Cyril
Wich, envoy extraordinary of his Britannick Majesty to this state. He
seems to be a gentleman of a good political capacity, and of great afia«
bility and politeness. The late Czar of Muscovy, Peter the Great, as
he informed us, did him the honour once to dine with him. To which
he added, That, some time after dinner, •a Russian Lieu tenant-General,
pursuant to former orders, waited upon his Czarish Majesty, who took
him to a corner of the room, and there had a short confabulation with
with. Which being ended, his Czarish Majesty took the said Lieu-
tenant General, who was a short squat man, with a black curled head
of hair, by both his ears,' knocked his head several times against the
wall, and at last kicked him out of the room. This fact Sir Cyril
urged, as an argument of the absolute and unlimited power of the Czar,
as well as the mean, slavish, and savage disposition of the Muscovites.
He likewise told us, that the daughter of the Czar, that was married to
the Duke of Holstein, was the most amiable and beautiful creature in
the world. The reverend Mr. Thomas, chaplain to thcx factory, was so
good as to accompany us to the envoy's. Sir Cyril's wife is a Danish
lady, and of a most amiable disposition. One James Mac Geoghegan,
an old Irish poetaster, for some time, perpetually infested us here.'
Though we at present conclude our travels at Hamburg, we have an
intention to visit Holland and Flanders, and that by the way of Bremen.

A LETTER

TO

THE RIGHT REVEREND THE LORD BISHOP OF CLOYNE,

By a Gentleman in the Army, in tht year 1739.

The following Letter, which is now first printed from a manuscript,
appears to have been written about the year 1739,^ on occasion of a
dissertation published by the Bishop, on this text, * Gallio cared for
none of these things;* in which he explained the necessity of asserting,
by the secular authority, the reverence due to teligion. The effecti
which his arguments have had, may appear^ in part, from th«L

A.a 2

35tf A LCTTER TOTHE ^

following letter, wbich contuos so many touches of deggnce tfiA
judgment^ that we could not refuse it a place in this collection ; it
which, though it was our original design to recover such piec«9 as
begin to disappear, by their antiquity, we shall not neglect sometimes
to preserve those writings from destruction, which, by accidents or
envy, have been hitherto kept secret. J— — *•

MyLoriy

AT my return from recruiting, in which duty I was employed for
many months, I was informed that the author of the Minute
Philosopher bad published the second edition of an excellent address to
the magistrates against open blasphemy. I was impatient to read it,
and, tho' I am an officer of pretty long standing and service, I cannot
but admire, with some amazement, the courage of a man, not only to
appear openly for things so much out of fashion, but to demand the aid
of laws, and the secular arm of the magistrate, in defence of speculative
opinions, as these gre^ cri ticks afifect to call them; which piece of wit
I.am toidthey borrowed from one Tindall, once a profligate apostate to
popery, and always a disguised missionary for it. It is true indeed|
and you prove evidently that all our actions are directed by our thou^ts,
opinions, and desires; and that the civil peace of the world, and all the
comforts pf social life (the whole of religion and its obligation, accord-
ing to the free thinkeis, who aim at a little reasoning) are <^oncerted in
the principles which men entertain about God, virtue, and even that
ofifensive enemy to their present ease, called religion ; and that, there-
fore, such avowed declarations of war, against all the bands and fences
of society, are properly objects of the magistrate's care, and of his indis-
pensable duty to repel the attack, and punish the actors. I have heanl
all their stock of learning, which consists in chiming three or four words
a thousand times over, with great clamour and insult, '' Freedom of
thought, freedom of sp^h, liberty of the press, are all of them natural
rights, and unalienable from a free people ; the contrary is popery,,
slavery, arbitrary power, priestcraft, and the pretender." But let us
take this even according to the lowest notion of any who are willing
to exclude a divine right in every sort of government and system,
and are therefore most particularly averse from every notion of a
churchy as a regular formed society, with powers, positive institu-
tions, and officers, independent of every man^s own sweet self, in flie
sincerity of his heart, ac5X)rding to whatever principles he is pleased
to prescribe to it; according to which most orderly principle, every
man of every nation (for societies these men's wise schemes will not
allow) has full liberty of thinking, speaking, and acting; but the
rulers, the princes, senators, or other chief magistrates, who being
trustees for the people and their rights, it is plain that they can
fawe n«iK ■ of their own, but are ^and must be the only ultimate
subfects in every coromumty.; yet even such allow our church and
rdigioir the suncliion of acts of parliament, consequently the law of the
land, and to be an essential part of our constitution, to preserve which
no millions of money, or of men, were ever thought too much ; and
iherefore I say, that raagistTates may take cognisance of^ and seven

LORD BISHOP OP CLOYNE. $S7

vengeance for all outrages committed against it, otherwise the whole
frame of the state.ii^ in the utmost danger, whatever the church may be;
aiid, for that very reason, no doubt, many a man has been for helping
her at some critical timcs^ who never understood much of her, or cared
for her ; nay, who derive all government, and consequently all law^
both civil and religious, from the people, who every day of their lrve8
have drank the Litany Health,, as it is called, against her. I will
venture to go even a step lower in moderation, if that can well be done.
I will suppose that Christianity has only a ^hare in that toleration
which is extended to the several sorts of dissenters ; sure an application
may pro{)erly lie to the magistrate lo make good this toleration to it,
and to protect it from being insulted in the very church, and in the
midst of divine service, as wds done in the church of Ooiab, county pf
Tyrone, and diocese of Deny, about twenty mouths ago (if I am rightly
informed) in the most blasphemous and riotous noanner. One would
think that the two acts of uniformity were repealed ; for in<them there
are penalties provided for any thing said or done in contempt of, or
dorogation to any part of the divine service contained in the book of
Common Prayer. And, if these statutes continue still in force, ought
not the magistrate, both spiritual and temporal^ to put them in exe«
cution? Has notour bible the sanction of law; and if so. May not a
bold magistrate appear in defence of it without just imputation oS,
bigotry ? I will ask but one question more, What would the magis-
trate, what would mankind say, but above all, what would the free-
thinker and Latitudinarian libertine say and do to a man who should b^
always railing against the act of toleration, forming cabals against it,
running into co^ee- houses and play-houses to sputter against it, and
breaking into meeting-bouses to disturb and affront .the society, in the
midst of what they call their devotions, with a down with tolerationi,
rumps, .and round-heads ? I should not despair of seeing such a club
in Newgace or Bridewell, sed DtQTvm offtMx Dm euros.

I think nothing can possibly be more plain, than that all our first
notions must be prejudices, received either by the meer authority of
some instructor, or taken up on credit from the publick; and very
many things there are in life, which all mankind must, and the wisest
ought to receive on authority, for hy authority only they can be proved,
as all divine institutions, and all human ones not inconsistent with them.
Vir boiiiis est quia ? Qui consulta Patrum^ qui leges juraque sercat. I
really believe that even very learned men do take up conclusions in
parts of learning that they are great masters of, without examining every
one of them minutely, nay without being able to investigate them
through the whole precedent chain of demonstrations ; as I have heard *
some people say particularly of a book called Sir Isaac Newton's Prin-
ciples, as your Lordship has very clearly shewn, in the instances of all
those professions or trades which depend on mathematical reasomng,
which they can use in work, but never understand in theory. I am far
from being a great engineer, but I am not the very worst in the army.
I can do several things in my way pretty cleverly, but, were your Lord-
ship to examine me as to the grounds and reasons on which my work
depends, you. would be almost as much atnaz^ aX to^ \^j««waRs.'\^

Aa3

9ig A LETTER Tb THE

im^fhematicksy as at that of a fre^-thinker, when he pretends to ch6pr
log^ck about any thing that looks like religion, virtue, honour^ or good
aense.

Without what they call prejudices, that is, early impressions before
they can reason, mankind could have no opinions at all ; because they
could not have any knowledge without education. Pray, my Lord,
give me leave to observe the impudence of these men, in obtruding such
a bare-faced contradiction on us. All prejudices must be excluded,
the young mind guarded from them, that is, no instruction, no inform*
ati^n, no rules prescribed; then, when he is grown up, he is to make a
compleat system of all he owes to God, his neighbour, and himself,
founded on a moral sense, and the fitness of all things, resulting from
the thorough knowledge of their natures, and all the several relations
thereof, eternal and immutable. I really believe, my Lord, that all
created beings, put together, do not know so much of the universe, as
to be able to trace out the various relations, natural and moral, of all
its constituent parts, which yet these modest gentlemen require ntMn
every man, that he should instruct himself in all this, and that what he
€hus discovers is his only rule of action and intercourse with all other
men, and the origin of obligation to God as well as man. So that,
according to this wise scheme, evefy man is supposed equal to every
thing, and able to supply himself, out of his own inexhaustible native
stock, with all knowledge; every man is bom a compleat divine, lawyer,
pplitician, chymist, physician, philosopher; in short, in all its branches^
IS this true! or else all men are equally knowing; what! is there no
difference between the knowledge of the Bishop of Cloyne and Peter
Lens ? Yes,, as much in their understanding and learning, as in their
Virtues and worth. One would think that the word learning should
point out to us how he came by it ; how can any one learn, but from a
person, or a book which teaches him } I suppose that, according to
these men, the original of libraries was, that some odd fellow took it
into his head to invent an alphabet, then compiled an horn book, taught
himself and others to read it, and thereby let them into a knack of com-
posing as many and as large volumes as ever they should have a mind
to. But was it not a silly and a wicked thing in him to do so.? Is it
not propagating prejudices, which no man ought to be fettered with,
before he can judge for himself? No man ought to go into, or so much
as bathe his hands in water, before he can swim perfectly well.

If I am capable of understanding these men and their assertions, for
^ I cannot call them pHnciples, they contradict themselves flatly. They
require from every man a great deal more, not only than any one man
' ever was capable of, but than all mankind, and their abilities put toge-
ther, could effect, and yet will not allow him any previous instruction
%orfi?ludy, for fear of prejudices. Can any Saracen, Turk, orFanatick,
declare himself moi^ a persecutor of learning and learned men, throwing
all libraries into the fire, as contraband goods ? But I suppose this is
what our noble masters of free- thinking would be at; for, if there were a
thorough cessation of all instruction and preaching for a competent
number of years, till the present set of prejudiced folks were gone off
the stage, there would be fineho^ oi uaMXtfix ce«&atioa of all know-

LORD BISHOP OF CLOYNE. 359

ledge, learning, and religion, to the end of the world; and then what
glorious days! the jolly free-thinkers, having rescued the world from
prejudices, and got it all to thi'mselves, might wallow undisturbed in
their mire, and unstinted seraglio, without the importunate din of laws
divine and human ringing in their ears, to no other purpose in nature,
but to intrude upon and soure their diversions. Yet, for all this line
scene of a world, wliich they paint out so agreeably to us, I own, my
Lord, that I cannot see why the discoveries of one man, ac;e, or nation,
in arts and sciences, may not be communicated and descend to another,
as well as estates, houses, or any other kind of property ; and why I
may not procure, by exchange or purchase, a little knowledge from
my neighbour, as well as any other toy to play with. I protest, mj
Lord, I would not be without the. comfort and advantage I fancy I have
received from the very few books that have fallen in my way to read j
fbr, besides the health and frugality of passing a winder's evening agree-
bly with an author, I have received no small advantage in the know-
ledge of my profession, from the excellent treatises on military discipline
(written by some worthy gentlemen justly intilled to the rank they have
in our service) besides Vauban and Cohorn'6 Fortification, Les Travaux
de Mars, &c. And I fancy, that even the greatest genius's, that make
improvements, and carry things the farthest, must have been taught the
first principles of those things, they afterwards so far excelled their
masters in. What profession, what trade, without an apprenticeship f
Captain Millan (who, though an ofpcer, is actually a graduate doctor
of .physick) has declared a thousand times, that a physician's skill is
altogether founded on the experience of other men, and his own grafted on
it ; and that the experience of several thousands must have concurred to
form such a physician as Herman Boerhaave, in all the several branches '
of that voluminous science. How many thousand names Oi plants, of
materials in a druggists, of preparations in an apothecary's shop, in
a chy mist's laboratory, in the dispensary, anatomy school, surgeon's
hall, &CC. When I was a young man, I imagined that great scholar-
ship consisted in Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and such hard matters, but I
had a severe conviction to the contrary, for I fell into a lawsuit, in
defence of a very beneficial lease, which had been long in our family,
by the sale of which, I fiattere'd myself to be one day able to buy a
regiment; but, after several warm campaigns in the courts, 1 almost
carried my cause, but broke my heart, health, and fortune in it ; for
justice was so skilfully barricadoed, and obstinately defended by the
outworks and troops of the law, and it took up so much time and am-
munition, in the necessary methods of approaches and attacks, that,
when we were almost within sight of her, our courage on each side sunk
with our strength, we proposed a truce, at once, and, after a short con-
ference, we saved the meer point of honour on both sides, and abandoned
the field of battle to new competitors; for the invader owned that he
he was sorry, on many accounts, that his ambition led him into a war,
not altogether either clear as to the title, or necessary on any score ; so
yre shaked hands, he withdrew his troops, I sold the disputed premises
in order to discharge mine, and he mortgaged a wing of his estate fbr the
name service ; and ever since we continue a coiuplaisant s^\evkvi\k.V^ ^tA

S60 A LETTER TO THE

of friendship with each other, whenever we meet. I was anmz^dy at
our first hearing (which was within four or five years after the com-
mencement of the suit) to hear as many books quoted, as 1 thought it
possible for any man to retain the names of, and such a capping of cases
pro a^d con, with as many hard terms as the surgeon of our rcgimeat,
or ever an apothecary of them all, many of which they have borrowed
from Jthe military and other profe^ions; to open is common to the elo?
quence of the bar, and the hunters in the field ; we open orders, tren-
ches, and raiiks; the law has its parties, challenges, motions, defences, re*
coveries, engagements, charges, discharges, indentures, investitures^
traverses, conversions, entries, lodgments, possessions, surrenders, forges,
confederates, spies, informers, assaults and batteries, but above all
things contribution and pay, as well as we; and I have been told, that
com bates were once legal decisions in England; both professions deal
much in prisoners and executions, and both, for the most part, leave
them to rot, whether in prison or the field ; and, as we have seijeants
of the halbert, officers of no small comequence, for all the low discip-
line of the army depends chiefly on them, so they have right worshipM
seijeants of the coif, and terrible ones at arms and of mace ; but diej
say there never was a voluntier in the Militia Togata. Nay, not only
the council learned in the law abounded in the specifick eloquence <»
the bar; but I saw half a dozen of books in my attorney's room, with
five-hundred dozen of hard words in them, which he assured me were
bis necessary tools to work with ; precedents and forms, I think he
called them. .

My Lord, there are two books about ancient history which I have read,
• Plutarch's Lives and Rollin, and in those, I find that one Lucullus read
himself into a general, and that a famous Scipio was constantly reading
Xenophon's Cyrus ; and Morrison assures us, that Sir Charles Blount
studied his military skill in books, not in armies; that he vastly out
shone Nor/is, Essex, and all the great Martinet generals ; and there-
fore he always carried his books along with him to the camp, as his most
valuable equipage, and lodged them in his own tent. The late Pridoe
Eugene left an huge library behind him, and his Grace of Argyle and
Greneral Dormer, they say, have choice collections ; and I am told,
that, in France, it is a custom for every officer almost to write his own
memoirs.

But in this assertion, my Lord, that discipline is the life of an army,
I shall have the publick voice on my side ; and that, according to the
several degrees of that discipline, such is the vigour and health of
armies, to so vast a difference, that ten-thousand Athenians might easily
be an over-match for three-hundred thousand Persians at Marathon, as
Rollin assures me they ^ere. I have read the story long ago, and lately
the poem of Leonidas, and with both I am delighted : To what was
that invincible greatness of mind owing ? To their being bred ap
according to Lycurgus's rules, in Sparta, that tamer of men, all whosa
pupils feared more to transgress the laws,, than to attempt to conquer all
the world combined to force them so to do, as Demaiatus said, and as
l^eonidas acted. Thus it was, and thus it continued for six or seven
bundled year»f as Plutarch and RoUiu tell me, 'till one Ly candor's

LORD BISHOP OP CLOYNE. Sfil

ambitious schemes and fatal victories brought Persian, Sicilian, and
Athenian wealth and luxury into Sparta ; which, in about a score of
years or so, annihilated all their former valour with their other virtues.
A most virtuous Theban beat them at Leustra with a much smaller
number, and they became the most dissolute nation in Greece, and the
most litigious i for, such as the polity at home, such is the conduct
and discipline abroad ; such as the citizens, such as the soldiers.

Nor is a good polity to be established or preserved only by advice, and
the reason of the thing ; it can prevail upon no other principles but that
of a rigorous execution of obedience, an early, strict, and constant
discipline, and, if possible, that they should see or know nothing else, .
'till this national education ' become easy and natural; that all virtue
was supposed to consist therein, and all the glory, strength, and happi-*
iiess of the commonwealth, as it was in Sparta. Children cannot under-
stand the reasons and grounds of virtue ; grown persons, who are at
their own disposal, will not pursue virtuous schemes merely from
advice, unless they have been reconciled to them by a long and early
practice; it is authority only and restraint, that can unite a large
number of men in any uniform system of lif^; but above all men, the
infidel and free-thinker are to be restrained with bitt and bridle, lest they
fall upon thee, for they are like horse or mule, having no understand*
ing, or, as is fully expressed in the xxvith chapter of Proverbs, A whip
for the horse J a bridle for the ow, and a rod for the foots back. As I
take it, my Lord, the word fool has a moral sense also, and signifies a
scoundrel as well as a blockhead, in all the writings of Solomon and
David. I profess I never read the 10th verse of St. Jude*8 epistle, but
it brings in full view before my eyes every deist, every infidel of my
acquaintance : But these speak evU of those things which they know not ;
hut what they know naturally as brute beasts; in those things they corrupt
themselves. I shall never forget an observation of my first colonel, now
General Clayton, that, whatever opinion he had slightly entertained of
some smart free-thinking blades in the city, he had none at all of
their military capacity in the camp, unless it were in a sutler's tent or a
brothel; that all of that infidel stamp he ever knew were luxurious^
lazy, mutinous, noisy companions, impetuous in drunken brawls, for
their valour always required a bottle to whet it, and then Dulcinea's
beauty was a sounder cause of war, than the Spanish depredations in
America. I have been assured, that the most noted Breteur, about
London, ran down under hold, in the Dutch war, and roared out all
the time the great guns'did ; but, as soon as that battle was over, swore
he would never go to sea again, and that he would fight any man on
shore, who should but dare to whisper what he had done on shipboard;
and I have been also assured, that a whole hell-fire club was actually
put to flight, and chased out of the house, by a goose dropped down la
chimney that was on fire, within at most twenty mile^ of Dublin, and
about that number of years since.

Your lordship has a very remarkable and melancholy observation in
the seventeenth page, in these words : " And, in effect, for several
years past, while the reverence for our church andi religion haih .beei|
decaying and wearing off from the minds of men, it ma:^ \^ Oqa^t^^^

Sfif A LETTER TO. THE ,

that loyalty hath lost ground in proportion; and, now, the very. woi4
teems quite foi^otten. Submission tor conscience, as well as for wrath,
was once reckoned an useful lesson; but now, with other good laws, u
laid aside, as an obsolete prejudice/'

My Lord, I agree so thoroughly with you, that I do not conceive
how. a bad Christian can make a good subject, nor how a bad sufcgect
can possibly make a good Christian ; therefore I could never be prevailed
on to drink to the pious memory of old Huntington, though, 1 am toldi
some heroes often do it on their bare knees, with great devotion, and.
to the mighty edification of the company ; because I take it to be
ag^nst some express acts of parliament, as well as the gjBueral tenor of
our laws. I have long remarked, that they who hold loose principleSf
as to one kind of government, carry on the same to every other sort,
and no more allow divine institutions and ordinances in the church,
than in the state; and another small observation I have made, that these
men generally exact the most implicit subjection, both in their families^
and evefy other degree of power in their h^nds : All which, I think,
maybe easily accounted fof, that they, whose pride sets them above
{ordinances, should hold all other men indispensably obliged to the
observance of theirs.

. This, my Lord, brings me to the impudent and senseless clamour of
persecution. Atheism implies no religion, it would tolerate, none;
therefore, whatever forbearance the professors of one religion might
expect from those of another, they are all to unite against a commpn
enemy, a ravenous wolf who attacks all flocks alike, as hating the whole
species, not the property only of any particular man, or society. No
man can have any tolerable pretence to speak blasphemy, or treason ;
such discourse must proceed from the propense malice of . the heart,
and, Why should not the petulant tongue be restrained from railing
either at God, or the King? Or punished fordoing it? Mr. Salkeld,
the worthy chaplain of Col. Blakeny*s regiment, who has been at Jeru-
salem, assures us, that a miin would be impaled in Turkey for such
outrageous blasphemy against the person and religion of Christ, as it.
frequently, of late, used with all imaginable safety in these countries of
liberty. I protest, my Lord, I am as much against persecution as any
man living, but as the point, in debate at present, is only. Whether a
negative may not be imposed, a meer silence enjoined on a few topicks,
for the peape of society, without the imputation of tyranny, it is what
I would be gladly resolved in. I would not, had J power, go qbout to
convert Mahometans, jews, pagans, &c. by the sword, croisades, fire and
faggot, wit)) Rome, Spain, Portugal, and Presbytery ; but should any
jew, Mahometan, pag^n, or infidel, thrust himself into the churches
of Christians (which are set apart for, and they assembled together, to
worship their God and saviour therein) and revile him whom they adore,
a|id disturb them in doing it, I tliink, that such an one deserves to die
the death, and that God will not hold that magistrate guiltless, who
does not vindicate the honour of the Lord his God, so far as the laws
impower and require him so to do. Your Lofdship has shewn, that
mat^ematicks are useful to artificers of every sort; suppose then, that
H Jfere xnade penal to rail at Euclid's tlements, to form cabals against

LORD BISHOP OiF CLOYNE. 363

studying them, running into the schools where they are taught, reviling
the teachers, and disturbing the learners ; until such reformer^ conde-
scended to understand them, at least, if not to be capable of demonstrat-
ing their falsjty, and substituting better in their place, pray, my lord,
where would be the cruelty of all this ? Not to insist a little on the
decency of treatment with a little complaisance that which was thought
the wisdom of their ancestors, and is still the law of their country,
I can't help thinking, that the world owes its subsistence to the strug-
gle, which the few virtuous men in it make against the universal pre-
valence of vice. Let us suppose an universal practice of every Christian
virtue, Would not the condition of mankind be much more safe and
delightful, than it is at present ? Let us suppose every man universally
abandoned to every vice. Would it not bring an hell upon earth? Could
^ mankind be easy, could it subsist at all in such a state? Thus, we
see, the infidel is to be restrained from undoing himself, as well as
others, and from tearing down the fences which secure his property,
his own ease and pleasure, as much as those of every other man ; for
your lordship has well observed, that there can be no such thing as
wealth, any more than learning or virtue, in the meer savage state of
nature; so that the infidel would soon find himself the miserable victim
of his own project, were it suffered to go on. The law will condemn
a man for setting fire designedly to his own house; and I knew a person
who was sent to St. I^azare in Paris, for attempting to murder himself,
and, in a few weeks proper diet and discipline, he returned to so sound
a mind, that he found security for his future peaceable behaviour, and
was restored to his liberty.

All, that ever I could hear any of these infidels chatter against reli-
gion, was some indigested stuff about mysteries, and articles of hard
belief, concerning which, and other grounds of credibility, they never
bestowed one serious thought; for, if they had, they could not fail to
assent to the highest reasonableness of receiving for ♦:ruths things pro-
posed to them by the divine veracity ; though all mankind must own,
that they have not faculties to comprehend the whole physical and moral
essence of God: Nay, I have heard learned men say, that no philoso-
pher understands the essence even of the things he is ipost conversant
about, nor what makes continuity, why grass is green, and a multitude
of other properties in those, and every thing else, which we shall never
be able to discover; but let us view his plain rational creed, and, I
persuade myself, that we shall find it composed throughout of unintel-
ligible difficulties, and contradictions in every article of it. The atheist
tells me, that the world and we have been making one another from all
eternity, but that religion and government are of a much later date ;
for that, immediately after the great showers of men, which used to fall
in the Isle of Pines timeout of mind, or that used to start up from the
ground, when it was manured by proper prolifick rains (for their philo-
sophy differs a little in that small circumstance) those same casual, or
upstart, fellows fell a knocking one another's brains out, as soon as ever
they popped up their heads; that this savage custom prevailed a huge
while, till, at last, one wiser that the rest appeared, ^who roared out his
prologue as loud as ever he could bawl, as he visis desc^iy^\ti%^g:^^^S\£\^

364 A LETTER TO THE

in his cloud, or like old Jack Falstaff, rising gradually to mount the
stage (for their historians relate it both ways) O yes, O yes, silence
there, a truce, a truce, and so he laid before them the unconifortable-
ness of that short life of theirs, and the great advantage of society ; that,
man, from his many wants, was plainly designed for a sociable animal,
but that, if they continued to slay each other, as soon as they came
into life, they could never try the experiment how long, and how merrily
they might live; therefore, he advised them to a suspension of arms,
that, for the future, they should chusn to come into the world with the
kelp of a couple of parents, as the folks of all the other nations of animals
did, whom, with a little management, they might make their slaves,
or the instruments of their divcrhion, as we try it with great success in
stags, bucks, hares, foxes, kc, and other nations in wolves, bears, and
wild boars. And I have been told, that the Mogul's court never makes
80 fine an appearance as. at a grand lion-hunting, and the French King
at a grand hawking, or setting. The orator further proposed, that, in
order to this, they should appoint committees to frame languages, that
they might be able to chat with one another, and to carry on their afikirs
by free conferences, rather than club musket, besides the great comfort
of making love in fine speeches to the fair sex : That other coromittect
should be appointed, to invent all the arts necessary for the convenience
and pleasure of life, and, in short, for whatever they had a mind to;
and that, if they did not like it after trial, they might renew the war,
whenever they pleased : That, if they would not all of them come into
this^ for their own sakes, he devised such as were of sounder minds,
and -more comfortable dispositions, to range themselves on his side,
and exert, at least, equal valour in a much better cause, in defence of
the liberty and property of human nature, which the meer heroes were
for overthrowing, only for the pleasure of hacking and hewing, whereby
they would justly forfeit all their pretensions even to life itself. On
this harangue they all put up their swords, shook hands together, signed
the original contract, and fell to execute all the other parts of the
scheme. Hence, pursues the atheist, it is evident, that the state of
nature is a state of war, that the majority is the true decider of right and
wrong, that f^ox Popttli is the only Vox Dei that should be suffered
to speak, and that it ought always to be revered as such. But' the
deist pretends to mend it a little : He says, that a God had some hand
in making the universe, but none in governing it, for that were needless,
inan having reason enough to find out what is fit to be done in all cases;
so that to tell what his reason knows already, is not worth \i bile, and to
tell him what his reason does not know, must never go down. But that
the wise architects of this noble system, considering that there would
be mobs in the world, on the future increase of mankind, for at first
they were all Duke Trinculo's every one of them, whom it would be
convenient to keep in awe, with some shrewd device, invented religion,
and notions of heaven and hell in a life after this: That, in pursuance
of this piece of politicks, they chose Gods to worship, planets, kings,
living and dead, their pictures, and every thing in nature, for emblems
of such; but that none ever thought of making God Almighty one of
ibeajf tiH a despicable peop\e, at \v\^ o^u xw^^l^ chose him on a

LORD BISHOP OP CLOYNE. $65

mountain called Horeb, v(rhere they made a contract with each other,
the people, of course, reserving their original power of revocation or
dislike of the administration, which they often exerted in favour of Baa],
Rimmon, Moluch, &c. This ingenious system was the fruit of all the
studies in divrnity, law, philosophy, and politicks of one Tindall,
who was a furious renegado from religion to popery, in King James*s
time; but, when the revolution, in 1688, had blasted the avowed
design of carrying on that cause by storm, he s(fon went a step further,
and, taking a more silent way, he declared for the rights of mankind
against priest-craft, and proceeded ever after against the church by the
sap, and intelligence with traytors, if he could find or make any such
within her walls. I have heard from a confident of the great Bishop
Burnet, who had it from his lordship's own mouth, that he was credibly
informed, at the very time in Rome, that Innocent the Eleventh had a
most despicable opinion of that prince's understanding, and declared
with much heat. That he should never play a game for him ; he, who
began it by shewing all his hand, and bragging what feats he would do,
and yet threw all the cards up to-^is antagonist, because he lost a trick
or two by his own fault, and then vamped fairly off with himself. I
have really been told by very sober men, and good judges, that thert
are many popish strokes in that same book of Tindall's, called the Rights
of the Christian church ; insomuch that I cannot help having some fears,
that, if genuine Christians were once clearly rooted up, popery, or
fanaticism, might be raised instead of it : I dread the omen, and hc^
that our magistrates will join, to a man, on the Lord's side to avert it ;
for magistrates and parents must be told, that they are not only guilty
of their own sins, but of other men's also, unless they exert their utmost
abilities to prevent or redress them by proper instruction or correction*
Why should the voice of authority be a moment silent in the cause of
religion ? I have heard, that inter Artna silent Leges, but we have had
along calm, so that I cannot see the least pretence for entering into the
shortlist cessation of hostilities against- his infernal mightiness, or having
measures to keep with any of his confederates.

I declare, my Lord, I can meet with no satisfaction in the infidel
schemes, nor can I conceive any more safety in these originals, of what
they call religion, law, or government, than the Trojans found in
bringing an huge wooden horse, with a belly full of armed Greeks,
within I heir walls, to garison the city. So far from any thing of light
or order in their schemes, that they are bound up in chains of darkness,
of darkness that may be felt,^ where they lie fkr exiled from the eternal
Providence. But I easily and clearly understand this, that sin is the
transgression of a law, and that without a law there could be no trans-
gression. I have examined my own nature, as much as ever I could,
and, if by that I can make any estimate what sort of a thing human
nature is, I find it utterly incapable of inventing its own knowledge, as
much so, as of creating his own existence, or forming all its other
faculties and powers. 1 remember who taught me every scrap of that
little I know, and I doubt not, but, in your Lordship's vast reading, you
could name the authors which furnished you with it all. Therefore,
since I find that all nations, in all ages, from the beginning, have placed

366 A LETTER, &c.

all hopes of pardon of sin, in the substitution of some other creature to
suffer in their stead ; and that this could not possibly be the result of
human reason, because it is neither reasonable, nor indeed intelligible,
many other view, but that of its institution, as a type of the death of
the son of God : Therefore, I say, that this universal observance of
expiatory sacrifices, and of a priesthood to offer them up, is an authentick
record of the divine original of both, as also that salvation through Jesus
Christ, the lamb slain from the foundation of the world. Jesus Christ,
the same yesterday, to day, and for ever, is the only rational religion
of human nature, the only one that fits it; for I am sure, that infinite
series of matter and motion, plastick forms, moral senses, fitnesses, and
relations, eternally and immutably going on right, for, according to
these profound philosophers and divines, God himself cannot act con-
trary to, nor break through the unchangeable nature of these relations,
unless when men overturn them, wherein consists all their moral evil ;
•all this stuff, I say, can satisfy no understanding, can quiet no con-
.science, and as to moral evil, however man and it have become ac-
quanitod, I do not see how they can elSer be separated again, by any of
these men's schemes; I see no other deliverance from the body of this
death, but in that victory obtained over sin and death by our Saviour
Jesus Christ. And for any schemes, bui the revealed will of God, I
disclaim them in the words of Moses, .Deut. xxix. 29. The secret
things belong unto the Lord our God ; but those things which are revealed^
belong unto us, and to our children for ever, that we may do all the words
of this law.

My Lord, I have seen a book, called Religio Medici; I have read,
and was well pleased with one, called the Gentleman's Religion, and
have seen the Christian Hero, and I could wish to see a very good one,
with a title of the Soldier's Religion. Our life here is called the Christian
warfare, God is the Lord of hosts, and Christ the great captain of our
salvation, into whose faith I was baptized, and under whose banner I
am sworn, manfully to fight * against sin^ the world, and the devil, and
to continue his faithful soldier and servant unto my life's end :' And
God grant that I may keep this solemn vow, which if I do, now in the
time of this mortal life, while I am a member of the church militant
here in earth, I know that he is faithful and just to forgive me my sins,
and to make me a member of the church triumphant in heaven, which he
lias purchased to himself, by the all-sufficient merits of his blood"
shedding; in which' blessed communion of saints that I may participate,
' I request your Lordship's prayers, though unknown to you.

I am sincere, though inconsiderable,
and very much,
my Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient

4

and most humble Servant.

s.

APPENDIX.

[From peculiar circuniBtaiices, during the progress of the precedingVolumes^ a
yerf few articles have been oTerlooked. It is proper, to render the original
collection complete, to class them at the end, with various others, to which
no specific date could be assigned, either for their being written or published ;
but, as many of these are of a general nature, they may be properly placed
after the others. — Editor,']

The True and Wonderful

HISTORY * OF PERKIN WARBECK,

PROCLAIltIKO UIMSBLF

RICHARD THE FOURTH.

NuUus Mdmilis inpericulis hmnOy quoties ad audaciam ex
metu venerit. Eurip* Iphig. in Tauris.

»

London : Printed by E. G. for Nathaniel Butter, apd are to be sold at his shop
in PauPs Church-yard, at the sign of the Pyed BulL l6l8. Quarto,^ con-
taining one hundred and twelve pages.

Hisioria nihil aliud est nisi annaliwn
f Testis temporum. confectio^ cujus rei memoriceque publicct
I Lux veritatis, retinenda causa^ ab initio res omnes
Historia est < Vita rnemorvz singuhrum annorum mandabat Uteris
I Magistra vitoe. Foniifex maximuSy efferebatque iH al-
\Nuntia vetustaiis^ bum^ Sp proponebat tabulam domiy SfC,

Cicero de Orat. Lib. ii.

To the Right Honourable Thomas Earl (^Arundel, Jirst Earl of England^
one of his Majesty's most honourable Council, Spc.

Right Honourable,

SUCH as my poor self, that am only a looker on of your virtues as a
passenger in a street beholding the frontispiece of some delicate edifice,
but debarred the entrance and search into the inward rooms, must be
contented, or, if you please, indebted to the opinion and report of
others ; which I have found so ample and enlarged concerning your

• Vide the SSSd article in thecaulogue of Fampblets in the Harleian Library;

368 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c.

great honour, and greater worthiness, that I will forbear any further
insinuation, lest I step into a kind of flattery, a vice incident to most
men, refused of none, yet in all fortunes to be disclaimed of a gentle-
men: Only I must add this, that I am proud of mine own assurance,
that you are born to adorn bur country, and illustrate our xourt,
' wherein your industry, loyalty, and immaculate truth shall make your
virtues complcai and triumphant. Therefore, great Lord, have I
chosen out this history, merely for the strangeness, and charactered
- you the patron of my endeavours for the observations, that the remark-
- able passages herein proposed, of which even Scotland had a part, may
serve for all persons in such dignity and eminent places, both for precept
and caution.

For precept, to flourish in their own honours, and move in their
own orbs, sticking close to the glory of their country, and clinging to
the sides of Majesty, that the King may ask, what shall be done to the
man, whom he would honour, and the commonwealth follow them with
panegyrical applauses, who preserve her peace from the ravishing and
deforming of strangers, be the hopes to the contrary iievtr so prcibable
or inducive.

For caution, not once lo put any confidence in deceivers, nor believe
the devil himself, though he promise to give the kingdoms of the world,
which a^ none of his : Yet, I confess him prince of the same, that is,
of the abuses and impieties therein both raging, and reigning: And the
rather, because the end hath ever been perdition of body, soul, honour,
estates, and posterity. Nor can the pleading of simplicity in the
seduction, or ignorance in the credulity, serve the turn : For though
princes many times have been drawn to pardon the offences of subjects,
and refractory delinquents, wallowing or rather sunk over head and
ears in the miry bogs of such convulsions : Yet are they not always to
be presumed upon, nor will the commonwealth end\ire the indignity,
of give way to any person whatsoever in vilipending the government.

I humbly therefore request your honour to read over this true and
strange story, and take in worth my good meaning, which presenteth
the same unto you I protest without any otfier motive, than to see you
flourish, as a supportation of our commonwealth, and jewel of our
kingdom. As for the faults and my presumption, I expect, that that
virtue, and goodness, which must make you famous in this world, and
happy in the world to come, will extend but her own properties to my
jtardon and admission, knowing that, if I have done ill, wisdom is not
■ bought in the market, and yet God bids us come without money ; if
wel]| it is in your honourable favour, and noble acceptation*

Your honours humble observant,

u THOMAS GAINSFORD.

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WAABEGK, ftc. 9^

Destniit ingentc>s animos, Sc vita supefstes

Impt'Ho, nisi summaf dies cum fine bonum

Affuit ^ celeri praevertit tristia letho,

Dedecori est fortuna prior, quisquamne secuiijdis

Tradere se fatis audet, nisi morte parata ? LucaUy Lib. y'uu

A PREFACE.

Nee adulfdori^nique detractori^

TO speak of the commendation of hbtory is not my meaning; nor of
(be necessity my purpose: For, besides the definition, and explanation
of Tully himself, ybu have at least forty several books, v^hich begii*
(as I do) with a preface, as a preparative to the reader, to take their
books within their gentle embraces, merely upon the Commendation of
history. 1 leave all unnamed, i?xcept Sir Henry Savil for Tacitus, Sir
Walter Raleigh for his History of the World, Dr. Haward for the three
Norman Kings, and Henry the Fourth. In whose writings, let us write
what we can, as much is written, as cither delight, profit, or private
respect can extend unto ; so that I say I desist from that general in-
sinuation concerning the credit, or particular satisfaction of history,
and come to -more ft^railiar opening the carpet of the business
proposed. Only this I will add, that I had rather read. one true story
handsomely set upon the frame of precept and caution, than a thousand
fictions diverting my imaginary conceits to think upon, and (as we say)

' spend themselves on impossibilities^ and corrupt my meditation with
▼ain, foolish, beastly, and trivial devices, which are the more ridiculous,
becauise there is substance, and matter enough in verity, to set on work
any humour and invention whatsoever, and satisfy apprehensions even
in their wanton and exotick wanderings.

For in this house of repast, which ray ivy-bush invites you to, wouldest

• thou be made partaker of the attributes appropriated to the divine Ma-
jesty ? Here are manifested his providence, wisdom, mightiness, power,
justice, mercy, prevention, love, goodness, majesty, &c. Wouldest thou
be made acquainted with the secrets of religion ? Here are demonstrated
the vanities of ceremonies, the necessity of adoration, the encumbrances
of superstition, t<he simplicity of times, the darkness of popery, the fear
pf excommunication, the reverence of priesthood, and the folly of
devices? Wouldest thou know the policies of government, and dignity
of a King ? Here you shall see, what the desire of sovereignty can do,
the jealousy of a prince's estate, the revenge of wrongs, the fear of
troubles, and innovation, the inconbtancy of ine people; the danger of
factions, and the several passages of a prosperous, or declining estate?
Wouldest thou be quickened with the remembrance of pleasure? Here are
particulars of delight, courtings of ladies, amorous encounters, triumph-
ant shews, deceitful vanities, and some idle relations? Wouldest thou
iee virtue mounted on a pinnacle of her palace? Here ^xvl vi\^<\wsw^
j;ravity, copstancj, magnanimity, endurances oim\^loxX\x\i<&«^\Avswo^^*
roL0 xi» ' B b

Sro THE fflSTORY OP PERKIN WARBECK, &e.

ration of power and greatness. Wooldest tbou behold vice in her
deformity ? Here are envy, hatred, malice, pride, ambition, desire of
revenge, rebellion, contumacy, stubbornness, and such like. Wduldest
thou be acquainted with passions } Here are joy, fear, sorrow, gladness,
jealousy, mistrust, and all of that sort. Wouldest thou see other
varieties ? Here iare princes deceived, hopers abused, lyars execrated,
traitors punished, and the devil himself confounded. In a word,
wouldest thou hear of strange adventures, painful endeavoun,
heroick actions, dangerous attempts, or military proceedings: Here
is fortune, as we profanely run away with the emblem, set upon •
wheel, and turned round about by the hand of an invisible and invin-
cible deity. Here is the stage of variety, and table of wonders: So
that I am sure, from the conquest to this hour, there is no stoiy mf'
remarkable, and so full of observation, either for the ridiculous bq;i&«
ning, dangerous continuance, or lamentable effects.

For, although the first contentions between the houses of York and
Lancaster began, questionless, from the wrong intrusion of Henry the
Fourth, when the right of the crown was in Mortimer, and his line, by
the daughter of Clarence, King Edward the Third's third son, and f^der,
brother to John of Gaunt ; yet there was some probability and indnco*
ment to the revengers, either mighty armies, strong Actions, many
confederates, or the next of blood powerful in his own possession ana
friends, with such like. But here, besides the fanatical invention, men
were transported against theirown conscience and knowledge, and assumed
arms to do they knew not what, only because they would be counted
fiictious, stirring, and resembling the fish sepia, which, cast into any
water, befroths the same ; and, in the conclusion, the end as the be-
ginning, and both, like a paper castle, quickly set on fire; or, if you
will, a confection of spicery, which, after it is carried round about the
house, is placed upon the table with great wonder, amazement, and
delight, both at the stuff and contriving. But what is the issue ? The
lookers on at last fall to, and pull even the guns and houses a pieces,
and eat them.

In Ireland, I remember, they lay an imputation of baseness and
cowardice on any man that hath not been in action, as they term it, or
hath not had his pardon and protection ; so that custom makes them
traitors, and the vain glory of reputation, many times, brings their
necks to the halter ; yet it is somewhat tolerable tor the generality of
the fault, and enforcement of the motive, being bards, rhimers, harpen,
priests, whom the very women hug in their bosoms, for seducing their
noblemen and gentlemen, and exciting them to revenge. Upon this
ground they must prosecute, first, some things worthy the honour of
their ancestors, and next remember the deplonition of religion, liberty,
and the usurpation of their country, all which the English have, from
time to time, intruded upon, and are not to be endured in their tyranny,
as they make them believe. But, in this our story, there is nothing
savouring true heroism, nor worthy the name of commiseration and
assistance : For the best excuse ariseth from shadows, smoke, vapoun,

't/is/i eoteiprises, and unjustifiable actions, wherein only the power of
k fluwifetted «nd nuide ap^puQaX^ t^tsx, tNM^ v^ vm&\»Qn0Qiii^

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, kc 371

and sknder a fountain, such turbulent streams, and raging rivers, shouU
arise, even to indanger one of the flourishingesc kingdoms in the world;
yea, my heart trembles to imagine, that so great a prince, in the unity
of a right by an unpreventable marriage, should be heaved at, in so
formidable a manner, by an upstart, and, as I may say, ^puppet stuffed
with straw, to scare away crows.

I have read of one Spartago, a fencer, that, taking upon him the
person of Scribonianus, drew a great party together; which as Nero
laughed to *^orn, so, indeed, the commonwealth quickly put to flight.
* Likewise, the other day in Venice, Florence, and many principalities of
Italy, a strange impostor, after thirty years, or thereabouts, made therai
believe he was Sebastian, King of Portugal, slain in Barbary at th«
Battle of Alcazar, as was supposed, but, in truth, recovered, and
obscured for a time, &c. I might also add the cupning of Richard, Duke
of York, who, being in Ireland, animated the Kentish rebel, Jack Cade,
to personate the name of Mortimef, for a trial how the people would
affect that title. But these flourishes were only the rash burnings of a
bavin, as soon extinguished as in a flame, and quickly overthrown, upon
. the first discovery : Only this story, for the variety, the continuance,
the manner, and all, other circumstances, hath made me, as I said
before, amazed, and may, in the reading, produce the same effects in
others. Yet again, when I consider the estate of man's frailty, mutal>le,
troublesome, and full of encumbrances, and overlook the conditioa of
mortality, which, in princes themselves, is subject to inconveniences,
and, many times, fearful convulsions, 1 wondei: the less, because God
will be known unto them, and they have, for the most part, prevailed
in their rights, and justifiable endeavours : For which I also pray,
that they may still hold up the heads of triumphant and unchangeable
greatness, wherein, no doubt, the same divine arm of potency, which
bath protected others, will also support them from all dangerous
enterprizes and fearful treasons, either of foreign, or domestick adver-
saries.

But, amongst other remarkable accidents, this is not t)\e least, that
so many examples, so many heads cut off, so many armies overthrown,
so many honourable families consumed, so much blood spilt, so great
revenges taken (as if all such enterprises were cursed in the womb, and
brought forth like an untimely embryo) could never affright others, nor
be a sufficient warning to succeeding times ; but every occasion of in-
novation, were it never so foolish or exorbitant, still excited one or
other to parts-taking, and brought them to untimely overthrows, either
by their armies, and confederates discomfited, or, by their inditemcnts
r and accusations, enlarged in judicial trial against them. But this is
the cunning of the devil,- who, to fill up the vast dungeon of hell, makes
men so prodigal of their lives and honours, or so covetous of revenge
and vain glory, that, so they may have a name with Herostratus, who
burned the temple of Diana, they care not for the reproach, supposing,
that as many will extol them for brave stirring spiiits, as condemn them
for traitors and disobedient subjects. O ridiculous and abominable
conceits! O hateful and filthy iraaginal\oi\s\ O deccvN^^^ >mA \av*
poiturwg impkty! I^ay, in a word, O hoTittAft mA *»e.^vK& xa^

Bb2

872 THE HISTORY Or PERKIN WARBECK, &c.

t

ness, v^ithout reason, likelihood, or inference of any probable or per-
suasive circumstance.

But, lest my preface extend beyond the bounds of my heart*s com-
mission, I will attend the particulars of my story, with this expostu-
lation to all noble and generous spirits ; yea, I will kneel on my knees
and" hold up ray hands unto them, that they give no way to any de-
ceivable seduction of pope, Jesuit, priest, faction, innovation, repining
at the state, private ambition, corrupted malice, and such like, against
the current of government, or the ebbings and flowings of the world and
times. For the majesty of Kings will not be tied up with the slender
bindings of rebellion, nor taught any lesson against their wills, either
of favouring or disfavouring, whom they please. As for personal faults,
alas ! princes, prelates, officers, magistrates, and all sorts of men will
run the race of mortality ; and, if it were possible to remove offenders at
pleasure, the persons may be changed, but the imperfections continue.
Let them therefore alone a God's name ; for they must stand or fall to
the estate of their lives, which lie hath appointed ; only this I will be
bold to say, I v^ould have no man, for any private respect, run in the
outrageous races of sins himself, or defend any wickedness in others,
bear with great men in their vices, flatter, or temporise for profit or
preferment, yield Unto base or degenerating actions, either for fear or
favour^ or, in a word, do any thing contrary to God's word, wherein^
as in a glass, men may perspicuously behold the way of life and death,
and the infallible positions, which, in the affirmative and negative,
conclude all things either by precept or interdiction.

Parvis enim res magnas quomodo cape^et quis laboribus ? Stultum
etiam velle & conari hsec; quando enim excanduerit populus, ad
iram prolapsus, similis est igni ad extinguendum vehementi ; si vero
pedetentim quis ei concitato quidem cedens obsecundirit, tempus
caute observans, cum autem emiserit flatus, forsan exhalaverit.
Eurip.Orest.

THE contentions between the houses of York and Lancaster are the
subjects of many discourses, and therefore I will insist the less
either upon genealogies, titles, usurpations, wars, factions, encounterSy
revenges, battles, and slaughters, or other accidental outrages, which,
for ninety years, filled the wrinkles of the face of our commonwealth of
England, with the blood and sweat of ten Kings and princes of the race
royal: Sixty dukes and earls; a thousand lords and knights, and an
hundred and fifty thousand soldiers and people. Only I must make
a little continuance and abiding in the wretched and ragged house of
envy and malice, governed and overseen by a woman, who was so
opposite and adverse to the Lancastrian family, that, though King Henry
the Seventh had obtained the crown by a strong hand, and, as we say,
droimtus prcemunitus; yea, debarred all titles, or fuming shadov^s of
titles, by consummating thai m«iTm^e ViVlU the Lady Elisabeth, eldest
iid»gbter of Edward the FouttVv, t^x^ 's^X ^qivXivn^^ ^Vv>^^ ^^^ csjChii

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, tec. 97s

overthrow, and, invitdfortuna, entertained every occasion, which might
add fuel to the fire of her inveterate hate, and blood-thirsty humour of
revenge, as if she had been born like certain antipathies in nature,
which cannpt endure any neighbourhood or commixture; such as the
yew and palm, the fig and vine, the strings of wolves and sheep, which
makes me remember the story of Eteocles and Polynices, the sons of
Oedipus, whose hate was so great in their lives, that, after death, the
bones being burnt together, the fiame of the sacrifice divided asunder.

This was Margaret Duchess of Burgundy, sister of Edward the Fourth,
and a sworn adversary to cast the red rose of England into the black pit
of confusion, who, perceiving her first hopes frustrated and annihilated
concerning the progression of Lambert's enterprises, studied night and
day upon further and further instigations, yea, hovered over and aver
opportunity like a hawk for her prey, to torment and trouble the peace
ot England ; embracing every strange and prestigious illusion, and not
caring with what pullies of ridiculous and impossible actions her malice
and revenges were wound up, so they might be hurried down again upon
the head of the King, whom she cursed on her knees, and hated, even
beyond the tenderness of her sex, many of her own friends, for his sake.
Therefore, to weary his patience a little more, she set up another puppet
like the former, one Peter Warbeck, a Fleming, to act a part of wonder
on the stage of dangerous innovation, and take upon him the title of
Richard the Fourth Prince of England, and white rose of the, same.
But before I play the midwife, or (if you will) physician to her, to
deliver her womb of this monstrous birth of Peter Warbeck, whom
she taught the cunning and audacious impudence of personating
Richard Duke of York, murthered with his brother in the Tower,
by Richard the Third, some eight years before; I think it not
impertinent to our purpose in hand, to tell you what this Lambert was,
and wherein he seemed cozened with the whorish smiles of an adulterate
fortune by the only means and coadjutcment of this Duchess of Bur^
gundy.

The first and second years of Henry the Seventh swelled to so great a
height of joy, blessedness, and contentment from the rivulets of • King
llichard's slaughter, the corroboration of his estate, the amity of the
nobles, the marriage with the eldest daughter of York, the birth of
Prince Arthur, the league and amily of foreign princes, and the applause
of all his subjects, that the divine Providence thought it meet to temper
and allay the excess of the same with some mixtures of fear and displea-
sure, lest mortality might presume too far, and man triumph, that
his own arm of fiesli had contrived his establishment : So that the Lord
Lovei, Humphrey and Thomas Strafford, with Sir Thomas Broughton,
and divers others, attempted a dangerous rebellion, and drew into the
field a great army against the King; whom to prevent, the Duke of
Bedford, with such forces as could he raised on a sudden, made haste
to an encounter. But his fortune was so good, that, with a successful
oratory, not striking a stroke, he prevailed to dissipate those threatening
and thickening clouds of disturbance; for (after he had intimated the
heinousness of their transgression, and nature of their ' offences, which
were capital treasons, and withal inferred the K\i^^^eaX\si^x^^^ hiVvOi^

Bb3

S74 THE HISTO&T Of PERKIN WAaBSCR, Ice.

wif willing to pardon their rashness, and pitiful ovenightf, to they
would desist, and retire peaceably into their countries) ihc whole com-

Eny ceased, and quietly deposed their. arms, whereupon the Lord
^▼el fled,^and the Staffords took sanctuary in a village called Culnaham,
two miles from Abington ; but because the judges of the law alledged
that the towns of refuge among the Jews were ordained for other pur-
pMes ; and that Joab was killed holding by the horns of the altar, and
the places of privileges in England were never meant to suborn traitors :
Humphrey Stafibrd was taken by force from the town, and sent to the
TfMiver, from whence they brought him to Tyburn, and there put him
to execution. His younger brother Thomas was, libt withstanding,
Mnitted. as a man whom consanguinity and brotherhood had rather
deceived, than wilfaTnoss and malice against the King abused. O
Messed wisdom ! that can so temper justice with the consideration of
men's frailties, ^and other malevolent circumstances, to keep her a whilt
from contracting a brow of revenge upon every offender, and had rather
draw some men to a sweet obedience from their penitency, and newness
of lifr, than cut off others by the strong hand of execution. And thus in
other cases of state it many times chanceth, that even accessaries are
eoodemnod, when the principals go free ; yea, in the highest d^ree of
treason, which b displaying of colours, and taking up arms against a
pfince, it is sometimes better taken inaction than in consultation; yet
18 there no presuming on &vour in any of these cases, nor taking hands
with example to trace in the by-paths of any indirect courses.

But as mischiefs, according to Euripides, seldom come alone, and
iMda undam sequkur ; so presently upon the neck of this followed a
strange and wonderful trouble, through the insurrection of one Lambert
Simnel, taking upon him the person of Edward Earl of Warwick, son
of George Duke of Clarence, newly come into the hands of the King,
and committed to the Tower. This Lambert was induced, or, if you
will, seduced, to this enterprise, by the devilish impostures of Richard
Simond a priest, who was so hasty in his accounts, and forward in hii
reckonings, that he presently concluded, that, if Lambert could be
King, he should be an archbishop at least ; 0 manifeita phrenesiif
where, by the way, you may observe, that never enterprise was at-
chieved to the dissipation of monarchies, and translation of kingdoms ;
never mischief set on foot, nor wickedness put on the wings of prevailing;
but from the contrivance and coadjutement of a priest, and such men
as professed the religion of those times, as in histories may appear*
But, if you descend into Europe, and come lower amongst ourselves, I
dare say, that, from the conquest to this hour, all exorbitant actions,
dangerous attempts, terrible enforcements, never heard of projects, and
monstrous commotions, to the effusion of Christian blood, and weaken-
ing the glory of our kingdom, have been atchieved and furthered by tbt
means of popish priests, and Jesuits, and the damnable doctrines
and instructions of their associates, mere hypocrites' both in life i^nd.
doctrine; yea, that monstrous terror of Christendom, the family of
Ottoman, and religion of Mahomet, was blown so big, as you see m
the furnace of Sergius, a counterieit monk, and now, set on Ui« throne of

THE HISTORY OP PERKIN WARBECK, Ac. 97 i

imperiousaess through his supportation and assistance in composing the
Alcoran.

When this our priest, Richard Simond, or Versipellis Sinon, well
perceived and understood the gentle condition and pregnancy of this
Lambert, he wrought most cunningly upon him, and thought him a fit
instrument to hammer out the devilish plots he projected ; whereby, ^
questionless, you may apprehend the cunning and malice of Satan, who
can entangle men with such strange illusions, and all in the end to
destroy them, and bring them to confusion. How else can any reason-
able man apprehend, that a scholar and priest should be so infatuated
as to make a silly fellow take upon him the pei^son of a prince^ laid
long before in his grave, and murthered by the tyranny of an unnatural
uncle? Yet did this novice go forward with these strange disguises, like
a sealed dove flying into the hawk's seizure by her own wilfulness and *
blindness, and as if the poet should cry out,

Medecefadunt ad scelus omne manus :

So was he led by the hands of this priest, who was now set upon nothing
but wickedness, and at the last plunged into the sea of turmoils.

But the chief original of this disturbance arose from a certain fame,
and report, that King Edward's children were not dead, but secretly
conveyed into some other country, as Edward, sirnamed the Outlaw,
had in former times been into Hungary, and that Edward Earl of War-
wick should beshortly put to death. O simple men! and oh vain mul-
titude! that are carried away with every wind, believe unconstant
reports, rely on foolish prophecies, and run along with uncertain ru«
mouis ; which makes me remember one of the foolishest things that
ever happened amongst us, of one Bolton, prior of St. Bartholomew's,
about the fifteenth year of Henry the Eighth, who in a great rain, to
prevent a prophecy, or rather his own atheistical fear, that the world,
or if you will, the country should be drowned again, retired himself to
a house made for the same purpose on the top of Harrow-hill, to the
great amazement of the people, and his own eternal infamy, that being
a clergyman believed in God no better, and understood the scriptures
so weakly. But this was the blindness of those times, wherein men be-
lieved any thing was told them by a cozening priest, and durst report
what they heard, threatening as they pleased, yet daring do nothing,
because, when it came to their own carving, they knew not what to do,
nor how to justify their own speeches, which in the best commonwealth, *
concerning rumour, is i^mediless, and concerning prophecies, with the
best men, is un preventable. For every man is afraid of the mischief,
but never any anticipated the eflfect, or prevented the danger.

These lyes, for I may now well say /ama maiutn^ although they were
frivolous and vain, and out of all likelihood, either of verity, or to set
up any frame of stedfastness ; yet animated and encouraged this priestf
to propose a time of Lambert's royalty, with his own exaltation, if he
could be persuaded to assume the charactei of Edward the Fourth's
child, and so lo lay claim to the crown of England, viV\«t^\«y\» \ife '^^^
tfoofideoW/ led, as it were by the arm oi {oTc\g[i tmix^^v^ ^tA\tfswi%

Bb4

$76 THE HISTOkY OP PERKIN WARBECK, ir«.

coadjutement, partly upon his own experience and knowledge of msnj
wavering hearts in the kingdom, and partly upon a conference he bad
dnce with a Burgonian, who spared not to confess the hate of Lady
JVlargaret, the duchess, against the King now reigning. Whereiipou a
philosophical meditation flattered him, t]iat, where hatred and malice
is once rooted in the heart of a woman, it will ever spring green, and
never leave, till it have produced some fruit of vengeance, unless it b«
prevented by being digged up by the roots, and thrown iijto the firei
whereupon this poor priest was now brought into this foolish paradisey
through his fantastical imagination^ like him that had a brazen target
carried over his head, for fear the sky should fall upon him; and to
instructed his youth both diligently and efifectualiy in Oxford, where he
went to school, that he began to understand from what progeny he wag
extracted, with what titU^ he was to be saluted, and to bow many fami-
lies he was allied, all which he said w^s nothing, without some worthy
actions of his own^ to which purpose he very often xemembered tht
poet :

Nam genus et proatos, tt quct nonfedmus ipri
Vix ea nostra voco,- ■■>

* ^ '

"He could also discourse of his mother's kindred as well as his fath^i^
and tell the lamentable tragedies of both his grandfathers slain in the
wars; especially, how the warlike Duke of York was abused by Queen
Margaret, and that his uncle Gloucester had fulfilled the prophecy im-

I)utcd to George Duke of Clarence. He had also so clerkly and craftily
earned his lesson, that he could by name remember his kindred for*
merly dead, and capitulate his friends now living, and who would stand
as supporters to his lawful and princely claim. To which he added a
compleat manner of princely behaviour, both in gesture, gate, coun-
tenance, elocution, and courage, wnich was many times adorned with
such a natural gravity and temperature, that he wondered at his preg-
nancy and apprehension; yea, his very heart leaped for joy, to imagine
that the people, hearing him in this so wonderful a justification, and
lively setting-forth of himself, must needs believe these deceitful pre-
tences, and allow of so well coloured a falsehood.

While all things were thus enacted in the diabolical consistory of thb
priest^s brain, there was a rumour vented abroad, as true as the rest,
that Edward, the young Earl of Warwick, was broke out of prison ;
whereupon our Sir Simond, even with child again to be delivered of
some prodigy, began to reason of the danger of delay, and benefit of
expedition, and so changed Lambert's name into Edward Earl of War-
wick, all things serving as well to this as the other. The joy whereof
brought him into such an extasy, that he quite forgot the union of the
houses, and how the King had married the eldest brother's daughter,
which must needs be a bar to Warwick's claim, when wise men came to
discuss the ma}:tcr. But, resolved in the error of his illusion, he strongly
conjectured, that any of the house of York were of sufficiency to pull
down the strength of the I^ancastrian family. Besides, he knew that
ifc//o nulla laudata nki perocta, axwilVieKiox^ v>xa^'ODlvKv<^\si\>a^.VA doiMejo

THE HISTOmr OF PERKIN WARBfiCK, &c. Stf

set tbe people on work, though it were with throwing fire-brands of
division and falsity amongst them, even to the dazzling of their eyes
with smoke, and casting the sparks about their ears. Whereupon, both
craftily and audaciously, he put his business to the trial, and sailed with
bis pupil over into Ireland, where his grandfathers and ancestors had
gotten such love and respect, that even the name of Mortimer and York
was sanctified and religious amongst them. For barbarous- nations are
KtroDg observers of ceremonies and customs, and whatsoever hath taken
root and impression amongst them will hardly be removed or extin-
guished ; as it is too lamentably apparent at this hour, wher6 the im*
posturing of priests hath got the upper hand of all religion and piety,
and to swear by O Neal's hand is of more efficacy, than to call God
and heaven to witness.

Here he smoothly made relation of his own and the princess fortunes
and escape to certain of the nobility, especially of Geraldine's, whom
he knew every way transported against the present government, enlarging
his discourse with his miraculous preservation, when, without law, or
other enforcement, he should have been cruelly put to death by the
usurper, and brought in question for never-heard -of treason ; all which,
by God's providencey.apd his assistance, was judiciously prevented;
and he had, from a mere commiseration of a prince's estate, ventured
iiimself in that manner,^lbid to such a place, where he supposed true*
hearted honour was resident, and pare of religion and humanity main-
tained.

Whereupon, Thomas Geraldine, lord chancellor of the kingdom,
defrauded by this illusion, under colour of succouring the distressed,
and performing a work of charity> received him into his castle, and,
adding all the ceremonies of reverence and honour to his very person,
assured him of aid, comfort, and supportation. To this you must
suppose was an answer ready, and such an one delivered with so smooth
and attractive a demeanour, %hat, though he had not been such as he
protested, yet he would have sworn him of high birth and extraordinary
bringing up ; which caused him to assemble together all his affinity and
friends, to whom he related the matter as it chanced^ with intimation of the
glory of the enterprise, and the 'good service to God and the church, for
establishing a prince dejected in his throne, who was the true and only
Plantagenet left to spring up into a spreading tree of royalty ; and there-
fore he requested their loyalty and resolved courages to take his part, that
the right heir of the crown might be restored to England, and themselves
eternised to future memory for so meritorious a work. 'Little needed a
spur, saith our proverb, to a forward horse;' all that saw him believed
it, and such as beard only the report, according to the poet,

Et errorem vocis^ ut omen, amOf

clapped their hands f )r joy. that they should be employed in an enter-
prise of such wondtr and important greatness. Whereupon money,
horses, armour, men, and all things else were promised, which might
be advantageous to such a business. But, alas! Ireland wa&^K^^^^'oSiw^
and of themselves they did only discover lYidt ina\k;^^ c\xx\^^ ^^x "^"^"^

979 THE HISTORY QF PERKIN WARBGCK, &«.

insufficiency, ^ving the King notice bow their wills exceeded-fbeir
power, and that they were ready to entertain every opportunity to do
any mischief. Therefore they sent over into England, acquainting
many discontented persons with the business; but most principally, is
to the life of their actions, they submitted to Margaret D.uchtsss of
Burgundy, sister of King Edward the Fourth, for her directions. This
was a woman of a wonderful composure, so adorned with princely
qualities, and settled in majestical authority, as you shall hear hereafter,
that she was admired of all Europe, and beloved in her own country.
Only, as stinking flies, lying secretly in boxes of sweet ointments,
putrefy the same, an innate malice, and virulent hatred to the Lancas-
trian family, corrupted her other virtues, and, as it were, thrust up her
princely endowments into a mere bog and pool of dirt and filtbiness.
For, although she knew the blood of York extinguished, and that the
Earl of Warwick was in King Henry's possession, as taken forth, tog^
ther with the Lady Elisabeth, now his wife, out of the /castle of tShtf*
rington in Yorkshire, under the custody of Sir Robert Willoughby, ye^
insatiate in her hate, and so consequently in her revenge,

•— — Nam ingentes parturk ira minat^

she admitted of every motion of disturbance, and invented means of her
own to set in combustion the whole stale of England, under a hopefal
pretence to see the King overthrown and supplanted.

Thus did she pile up together the fire of this disturbance, and couib
tenanced the matter more with her greatness and power, than all the
other accomplices besides ; but, if you ask me. How she continue^ in
this authority, being a widow, amongst strangers, and enemy to so
great a prince as the King of England ? I will answer in a word, and
measure out the chief and principal cord that bound her royalty toge?
ther. Charles Duke of Bourgoigne, having married this Lady Margaret,
daughter to Richard Duke of York, and sister to Edward the Fourth,
had yet no issue by her, but left one sole daughter behind him, named
Mary, which he had by hjs first wife, the daughter of the Duke of
Bourbon. This was married to Maximilian, son to Frederick the Em-
peror,, by whom he had two princes, Philip and Margaret; which
children, after the death of the Lady Mary their mother, this Lady
Margaret, Duchess-Dowager, so intirely loved, so tenderly brought up,
so motherly iK)unshed, and so carefully preserved, that she was highly
reputed of and esteemed for the same. To which when she added a
politick ordering her afiairs, both for the maintenance of their honour,
and administration of justice in the commonwealth (so that I may say,,
with the ancient • poet, " Saepenumero jam per subtiliores sermones ivi,
et ad contentiones veni majores, quam conveniat genus foemineum per-
scrutari, &c.'') the whole body of the government willingly consented to
be apparelled and adorned after her fashion; so that, like an absolute
prince indeed, she proceeded in the government both for their benefit
and the illustration of her own greatness.

THE HISTORV OF PERXIN WABBECX; Ice. 919

In tlib orb of reputatioi^ thus moving herself, she still jhined like t
full planet, from whose influence could proceed nothing bbt sweet pre*
sages, till, stepping aside iiito a contrary motion of despight and rancour
against the King, as an enemy to knowledge and her own conscience,
she countenanced this ridiculous and yet unhappy conjuration, which
by her means grew a-pace, like broad and stinking burs, unprofitable in
themselves, and spoiling all the grass about them, until at last they i^ere,
by a politick hand of prevention, pulled up by the roots, and cast under
foot into the dirt. For, when King Henry was certified of all thes«
tumults and comminations, Jind knew the deepness and fulness of thtt
channel, in which the tottered barque of this rebellion steered, he verily
'supposed>the best point of wisdom was prindpiis obstarcj and so at*
tempted, with all care and vigilance, to turn the rage of these troubles
another way, or else to prevent them from flowing over the banks of his
inclosures. And, although the collusion and ^ud of the invention
vexed him more than the matter or substance of such a rebellion, yet
he moderated his anger, and, with Janus, looked both ytays^ smiling
with one face at the ridiculousness and deceit of the project, and marking
warily with the other all the means to reduce the confused chaos of
this molestation to better order and uniformity, desiring only at God's
hands to prevent effusion of blood, which must need^ be spilled in any
settled war and contracted army. Besides, in well-ordered battles the
event was disputable, and many times punishments were ordained, as
well to reduce good men ad correciionem and amendment, as to bring
bad men' to ruinam and destruction; and therefore, if it were possible,,
he would rebate the insolency by other means, and divert it from
handy blows and bloody contentions; whereupon he called his council
together at the Charter-house, beside his royal mannor of Richmond,
and there consulted how to pacify this sudden tumult and conspiracy,
without any further disturbance, or open defiance. This motion of the
King's, so tempered with gravity, mercy, and commiseration, was so
well accepted of the whole company, that they presently applauded
his high wisdom and religious care, and put in practice whatsoever
teemed convenient for their intended affairs.

They first began with a general pardon, published to all offenders,
that were content to receive the same, and remain obedient to the
Majesty of England. For although, at this very instant, Sir Thomas
Broughton, who had obscured the Lord Lovel, a great season, from
the King, was in a manner ready to give him battle, with niany friendly
coadjutors, and a well settled army; yet did the King think it policy to
desist from a forcible overrunning them; because, as desperate of life
or pardon, conwdering their former treasons and abuses, they would
hardly be reclaimed in their rages, but now fight for their lives and
liberties. Again, in shewingexemplary justice upon them, once subject
to accusation or condemnation, he must needs procei^d against many,
yea such, whose offences, in standing out, could admit of no pardon.
And therefore, as' I said, he gently proclaimed the same, which was^
much available to his purpose. For even those, which favouced t<bA

380 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c.

Lord Lovcl most, began to stagger in theit resolutions, when they per-
ceived the King's benignity, and knew, with what lenity and com-
miseration, he was willing to proceed.

Secondly, They thought it necessary and pertinent to their peace, to
shew the son of Clarence personally abroad in the city, and other
publick places ; whereby the rumour might be dashed out of counten-
ance, and the purblind eyes of false opinion extinguished. For such
an impression this feigned relation of his escape, had made, that, though'
they beheld him present, yet durst some of them swear, it was but a
device of the King's; whereby you may observe the danger and incon-
veniencies of idle reports, which if they be not strangled in the cradle^
with Hercules's serpents, and smothered betimes, before they come to
stronger growth and life, will, viper like, after they have received warmth
in one's bosom, fly in his face. Nay, such is the nature of devices in a
tottering commonwealth, that prohibitions, to restrain them, augment
them the more, and .they who would have spoken nothing but truth,
left to their own liberty, being prohibited, divulge more than they
meant.

Thirdly, It was determined, that Queen Elisabeth, wife to Edward
the Fourth, should lose her lands, and be deposed from all manner of
sway in the government, because she had voluntarily submitted hersdf
and daughters to the hands of King Richard, whereby all former con*
tracts and pretences of establishment might have been frustrated,
through the inconstancy of a woman; or as the state pretended a
private ambition, or covetousness to set any loom on work, to weave
the web of her own pleasure and contentment, which although it was a
heinous crime, and very dangerous to the present King's peace and
tranquillity ; yet, questionless, the doom and judgment seemed over
rigorous : Durusfuit hie sermOy and, if ever summum jm proved summa
injuria^ it was verified in this verdict. For, doubtless, thiy forgot the
turbulency of those times, the rage of the tyrant, the fearfulness of
many accidents, the seducings of a King, and the flattering promises of
a whole commonwealth; wherein stronger judgments might have failed,
than a woman's. But it should seem, that God hath a special hand in
the punishment of sins, and disposing of kingdoms. For, without con-
troversy, if she consented to the murthering of King Richard's wife, for
her own case and emolument; if she seemed an adversary to the good
pretended to England, by uniting the families ; or if she projected her
own advancement in the present glory of the kingdom ; forgetting the
loss of her husband, the murther of her kindred, the slaughter of her
children, the odiousness of the incest, and the curse of heaven upon
crying sins: God would never suffer such horrible faults unreveng^,
but, as you hear, inflicted her wavering and inconsiderate timerousness
with this punishment. . For she was presently confined to the abbey of
Bermondsey in Southwark, and there deceased, after she had lived a
while in some calamitous distress, and excruciation both of soul and
body. Such are all human instabilities, wordly chances, and the con-
dition of princes themselves. Ot\xeiW\%e, ^^xJo^aX, Vi^va^^ ^oor widows

THE HISTORY OF PF.RKIN WARBECK, kt, 381

had resisted the King's importunity, and by her chaste and modest
behaviour attracted his goodwill, to marry her: She, that had founded
a college in Cambridge, bearing her name, at this hour, of Queen's
college, for the propagation of learning, and education of children and
students : She, that had loved her husband, and the glory of England,
endeavouring all things to the augmentation of the honour of them both:
She, tha,t seemed proud in works of charity, and to help forward the
petitions of honest complainants, and distressed suitors: She, that
kneeled on her knees, for Clarence's liberty, and importuned the King
to remember his brother, by the example of Richard the First, who
remitted his brother John, a far greater delinquent; bad never fallen so
low into the dangerous pit of a son-in-law's displeasure, and seen herself
generally maligned through the kingdom; or else, as I said, the revealed
things belong to us, the secret to God, who, questionless, blew the
coals of this displeasure, to purge the contagion and infection of her
heart, which was only known to himself.

Fourthly, Because they knew that reward and hope of gain might do
much with corrupted persons, and irresolute men, as all rebels were,
they proclaimed a gratuity of a thousand pounds sterling to any one,
which would present the state, with the body of this counterfeit Lam-
bert; to which they were the rather induced, because, not long before,
the tyrant Richard the Third had prevailed with the like against the
Duke of Buckingham, whom his own servant Banister betrayed, in
hope of recompence from the state; which is also a custom in Italy,
where the heads of the banditti are valued at so many checkinos, or
pieces of gold ; and so the zaffi, or other desperate ruffiani, obtain manj
preys and booties. <

Last of all, it was concluded to have forces in readiness, and an
army prepared, whatsoever should chance, with all provision and fur-
niture belonging to the setting forth of the same, and honour o( such a
kingdom, that neither security or presumption, one way, of their own
greatness and establishment, might make them too confident of them-
selves, nor vilipending and slight regard of the contrary, another way,
too negligent against their enemies.

When all things were thus befitted to the disposing and ordering their
affairs, on a Sunday ensuing, Edward, the young Earl of Warwick,
was brought from the Tower, through the publick streets of London, to
the cathedral church of Paul's,' where he remained all prpcession time
and high mass, having open conference with many of the nobility, espe-
cially such, who the King suspected might have been induced to the
commotion, upon the full assurance of his escape. But, if he h^d asked
them, Why he was imprisoned, or what transgression the King could
impute unto him, to detain him in durance in that manner, and after
put him to death, beihg an infant innocent, without law or reason, I
marvel what they would have answered, or how the council themselves
would have satisfied a judicious questioner in that kind? Yet^ V^>^\^cai
occasion, the imaginations of divers weie sielX\e4^ wv^ ^^2^ \sfcXV£«: ^^'^

9l9 THE MISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, ft*.

believed, that these Irish news were simuUtory, and represented Ixion'i
boasting that be had lain with Juno, when it was but a cloud, 48, by the
monstrous birth of the Centaurs, did appear.

But it was not so with all : for, as it often happens in the stopping
of a violent inundation of water, that it causeth it the more .to rage and
make a terrible noise, whereas, running in a deep channel, it would
quietly go away : So it fell out, in the suppressing of these rumours,
and men's hatred and malice; many were the more exasperated, and,
by this gentle and fair course to reduce them, thought all but tricks of
policy to deceive tbem; proving, like certain kinds of burs and nettles,
which, softly handle<K sting the more violently, but, hardly crushed
together, lose their force and energy. Of this sort was the Earl of
Lincoln, son to John de la Poole, Duke of Suffolk ; and Elisabeth,
another sister to Edward the Fourth ; who, much maligning the ad*
vancement of this Earl of Richmond, far his inferior, as he supposed,
took hold of this open rebellion, as a meet opportunity to beat out his
own ends on such a pestilent anvil, and, therefore, determined to uphold,
fortify, and support this Irish expedition, and take part with 'his new
cousin, who, as he made himself believe, was escaped, indeed, for -all
the pretty conveniences of the state. This Earl of Lincoln, besides bk
blood, experience, and wisdom in great and important affairs, had a
privacy of humour, which many men excepted against, as fantastical
and precise ; for he was so cautious in bis words, and singular io bis
phrases and actions, that he would neither swear nor tell a lye, by
reason his communication was still seasoned with savoury parenthesises
and breakings off, or, if you will, aposiopesises ; as, I will not confident*
ly aver it, but it is so, and so, if men may be credited in their mortali^.
The number amounts to so many, if men fail not in their compUr
tations, I dare not justify it further than one may credit another, with
such like. Yea, in his enterprises, he was both curious and Roman-
like for strictness of discipline, yet valiant enough. To conclude, in a
word, had not the mantle of greatness overcovered his gesture and actions,
the same garb and fashion in an inferior might have been thought ridicu-
lous. But to our purpose in hand.

When he apprehended a kind of fear and jealousy in King Henry,
through this false rumour, he determined, with the same water that
drove the mill, to drown it, and, out of this fiction, to raise a matter of
consequence. Whereupon, he presently repaired to Sir Thomas ^rough-
ton, and others, who, like the thieves of Egypt, lying in the reeds by
the river Nile, breaking out upon any hope of advantage upon the silly
passengers, watched all occasions to be revenged on the King, and yet
could'render no just account of their discontentments, and, after divers
consultations, concluded to sail into Flanders, to his aunt the duchess,
being his mother's own sister, ' and so, without further delay, after the
King had dissolved the parliament at London, put the same in practjce,
whither he was welcomed with all worthy and kind embraces. Not long
^fter, Francis, Lord'Lovel, repaired unto him well accompanied, where,
for the time secured, and assemblings themselves with this position, that
fmata effidt consiHum^ quod et/ernim ^ostt(e efficcre potest, lest the world
\ouldletf^ them to sconvy (ox i^Tosjec>i^xi%\^^ %xA nvccw^\»ok^

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, 4c. 38S

they resolve. That the Earl of Lincoln and Lord Lovel should repair
into Ireland; and add a better countenance to the business by their
presence, in attending and honouring their new King, with all graceful
ceremonies and marks of Majesty. Then, with the pow^r of the Irish-
men, to bring him into England, by which time the Dutch forces would
be ready to join with them. Last of all, to give King Henry battle
wheresoever ; in which, if they prevailed, they might, at their pleasure^
depose this counterfeit liambert, and deliver the true Earl of Warwick
out of prison, in all which they proceeded accordingly, and witk
expedition.

But King Henry, supposing he had settled and appeased the mindi
and unstable humours of his nobility, by the personal presence of
Edward, Earl of Warwick, began to be less moved and disturbed;
yea, as it were, secure and careless of any further malice, and dangeiv
ous attempt, against his estate and dignity, mistrusting nothing lew^
than any man to be so foolish and mad, as to believe that Lambert could
be the Earl; so that he conjectured nothing but the suppressing of those
barbarous Irish, and the appeasing of that trouble, until he heard how
the Earl of Lincoln was fled out of the realm, until he heard how the
Lord Lovel was confederate with him, until he heard ho\V divers were
united unto them, until be heard how the Duchess of Burgoine coad-
juted the enterprise, until he heard they had raised a strong party, and
resolved to give him battle. This somewhat moved him, and exasperated .
his displeasure. For, when he saw no other cataplasm coilld serve the
turn, but that he must cauterise the sore, and sear and cut away the
putrefied flesh of this corrupted and rebellious body, he determined,
with strong hand and martial power, to do the same.

Whereupon, he commanded hi^ musters to go forward, and appointed .
the several captains a rendezvous where the whole army might meet, a*
occasion, and his adversaries, should excite him; and, lest others might
pretend discontentments, wants, debts, devotion, pilgrimages, and such
like, and so go out of the realm after the rest, he gave order to all lieu-
tenants of shires, sheriffs, mayors, bailifls, and officers, to search and
watch the ports and havens, for the gohigout, and recourse of strangers,
or passengers unlicensed and unlimited.

Thus, what he could not with the fox% he was fain to compass with
the lion's skin, and yet knowing, that Victoria est tota dta in bona con*
sultationCf he did not cast away the other ; but, when he saw no counsel
nor policy could either soften their obdurateness, nor divert their offi-
cious intents against him, he resolved, with an equal strength, to remove
the blocks of his peace and quietness, cast thus in his way by flagitious
contumacy and ridiculous innovation. But some fires are not so easily
quenched, as raised or maintained ; for, though all his advices and good
order consorted with success, yet were they not sufficient to s(op the
^nouth, or hinder the passage of the present disturbance, with deputies
or commissioners ; therefore he set forward in person, supposing they,
would arrive from Flanders side, on some of those coasts, and so came
to St. Edmondsbury, where he was certified, that the Lord ThomaS|
Marquis of Dorset, was coming to him, to excuse and purgje hicn&elt
of those crimes inforeed against hiiQ, OTi^a^^asIt, %uc\i oNetvc^^vV^

9U THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c.

which he perfunctorily performed his duty, while he was in France.
To him was sent the Earl of Oxford, by way of anticipalion« to inter-
ceptff at this time, his journey. For the King was too full of troubles
and cogitations about the suppressing his enemies, and new raised
tumults, and so could not attend his business. The Earl had only com*
mission to convey him to the Tower, which, when some of the council
jiupposed a hard doom, he answered them plainly, What need further
words ? If he be my friend, as I am confident thereof, he will be
contented a while to suffer a little reproach and rebuke for my sake ;
yea, peradventure, pleasure and contentment. If he be otherwise, it if
a place of security, and would I had my adversaries as safe there, as
they would have me in the like either mislike, or contention.

From thence the King went to Norwich, where he solemnised the
feast of Christmas, and so departed to Walsingham, under pretence of
devotion, as the supci^tition of those times required ; for, according to
that ancient poet, Ritus tero extra justitiam sunt^ rejicientes c^us
deorum* It was an instinct of nature to confess a deity, and maintain
the sacrifices and o0erings to the same. Now, because the most part
of the world knew not the true God, they invented several idols to k*
present their several deities, to whom they brought their prayen and
oblations, nor durst they enterprise any bt^siness without offertories and
devotion, that their true intents might be acceptable to the God which
commanded them ; yea, such as professed religion, and abused their
knowledge, invented images and devices, to phase the natural man,
because, with the reason of.the idolater, they would not kneel to the
air in vain, which was, and is, the error of Christians, both of the
Greek and Latin church. Now, because our Lady was in these tiroes
the mediator of the papists, and the Lady of Walsingham, the most
famous shrine of our country, as that of Loreito is at this hour for Italy;
the King went thither for the impetration of prosperity in his' affairs, and
overthrow and dissipation of his enemies ; which finished, he returned
to Cambridge, and so to London.

In the mean while, the firebrand and fuel of this contention. Lady
Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, had blown the coals to such a heat,
that there were two thousand Germans in a readiness, under the conduct
of Martin Swart, a nobleman of Germany, and a martial man by pro-
fession-, bold, expert, and daring, whom, after great rewards, and secret
directions from a well contracted oratory, she sent into Ireland, with all
his company, where they arrived at Dublin, and were joyfully wel-
comed by the prince, and other lords the confederates, especially the
Earl of Lincoln, who well knew that no enterprise was to be entertained
without men and money, and good beginnings were the drawers on of
success in the end. Thus they made no more ado, but, in the pride and
strength of their conspiracy, they proclaimed young Lambert King of
England, with all the glorious titles, and glorious manner appropriate,
as the time and country afforded, which ended, with other ceremonies
and some circumstances ; to set as upright tlieir business as they could,
they protracted no time, but, knowing the secret of expedition, which,
as their case stood, must be their best friend, prepared for England,
fbe army consisting as yet, pi\ue\^«\\^, qIVv\^ G^tmaus^ and a muV*

THE HISTORT OF PERKIK VARBCCK, k^ SH

\

titude of beggarly Irish^ which, accorditis; to the Roman saying, were
many men and few soldiers. For ^heir best d( fences were skains and
mantles, and here and there a slender dart, fitter for a may-game, and
to move wonder, than to oppose against good defences, and well order^
troops. Of these the Lord Thomas Geraldine was captain, and, with
these and the rest, they landed for a special purpose (or, if you will, to
/ unite themddves with Sir Thomas Broughton, one of' the chief com-
mander^ in this unhappy conspiracy; at the Pile of Foudray, within a
little o{ Lancaster.

These affairs, so notorious, and so publick, could not have so secret
A passage and contrivance, but the worthy and wise Kmg must heeds b^
made acquainted with the same; whereupon he dispatched certain hors^
■pd scout*ma8teri, through the west parts of the realm, to attend the
arrival of his enemies at>road; yea, peradventure, to oterwatch the
actions of his frtmds at home, as much troubled with the unconstancy
of thene, as disturbed with the rebellion of them. Presently after h(B
raised a Sufficient dimy, oter which the Duke of Bedford, and Earl of
Oxford, were principal commanders, whom he sent forward before him;
then he came in person to Covenffy, where tbe principal rendezvoixt
was appointed, and wher^ he first heard of the landing of his enemies.
Within a while he eould fill up a schedule with the chief traitors name^,
and the manner of their troops and proceedings. Lai»t of all, he called
a council, proposing only two principal matters unto them : First,
Whether it were better to encounter with his enemies out of hand, as
Achitophel persuaded Absalom to do against David, and so to dissipate
them by main force and expedition, according to the poet: ^

TolU moras; semper nocuit differre paratis.

Secondly, Or weary them oitt by delays, and detracting of time, as
Quintus Fabius, sirnamed after Maxinius, did by Hannibal, and so
sent him far enough from Rome into Brutia and Apuleia, whereupoh
he was eternised with

t/fms homo ^bis cimctmdo restiiuit rem*

The conclusion was, thaf, thotigh many times great armies, whosfe
ftiry at the first rushes cuuid not be rebated, were at last spent with
time, expectation, and many inconvenienc«l; as want of pay, conl-
motfonS) mutinies, incumbrttnces in a strange Country, fear ut foreigin
People, murCality, famine, and such like; yet, as the affairi of the
kingdom stood, all speed, and an orderly festination, was to be put in
practice, lost, like a ball of snow in a moist, cold, and misty country,
which, hy often rolling, groweth greater and greater, they might ang-
Hient their numbers with their r&ge and madness, being so near th«
Scots, open enemies^ and in the north parts, dissembling friends
Whefeupon the King removed to Nottingham, ahd took a field near unto
a wood, called Bowers, whither came unto him the Lord George Talbot,
Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lord Strange, Sir John Cheny, and many
other commanders, wkh sftScient forces and furiiiturei to eucouwtj^t

VOL. xi. CO

986 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK,

better men than heavy Germans, and unarmed Irish ; and so the King's
army wonderfully increased, and had the fulness of his subjects obedi-
ence, to his great satisfaction, and the comfort of all the rest. For a
prince can in nothing be so well pleased as in the loyalty, love, and
observation of the subject ; nor the soldier so contented, as in the amity
and full assurance of one another, especially being all of a nation and
language, to understand the wants of such as would be supplied, and
be relieved with the willingness of those which are ready to perform th»
fame.

In this space, tha Earl of Lincoln entered Yorkshire, by easy joumies ;
for, not overwearying his princely nephew. Unaccustomed to travdi
and, after his precise manner, he both commanded, that no yioleoce
should be offered to any of the inhabitants, and commended all ilufk
who repaired unto him, using such humility and affable demeanour, tuR
it won the hearts of many as yet unsettled unto him, and strengthened
thejoveof such as had already submitted themselves. Notwithstand-
ing, being much frustrated in his expectation of many coadjutors, and
failing in that sufficiency, which he presumed upon, he began a little
to entertain an ill companion to all noble designs, fear and mistrust;
casting up an untoward reckoning of his proceedings in this manner:
To retire back again were to m^et death and destruction by a way which
he looked not for: To go forwarcl he was yet too weak,' the King being lo
•trongand inabled, which irresolution made the poet cry out :

Non satis est muris latehras qucesisse pavori ?

And again,

faciUs sed vertere mentes

Terror erat^ dubiamque fidem fertuna ferehat :

At last remembering, that audaces fortuna juvat, and the adventuiei
of war are not always bound to numbers and multitude: For King
Henry himself had, not two years before (with a small power) vanqubhed
King Richard and his mighty army. He absolutely determined to try
the fortune of a battle, and encounter with his adversaries, who not only
expected the like, as being in the same forwardness and resolution, bat
determined to rouse them, in despight of any protraction, in whatdeii
or place soever they meant to obscure themselves ; whereupon he
marched from York to Newark upon Trent, presuming the King to be
two or three days journey from him, and so he was sure not to lose by
the bargain. But, before he came thither. King Henry was in his
bosoib, as understanding his egress, regress^' and progresses, which ht
undertook, and, when he came there, was ready to fly in his face; for
he settled himself the night before the battle, approaching witbin three
miles of the earl.

The valiant and over-hardy Earl of Lincoln, nothing terrified at tbi
matter, but rather

'""-^'^'duro admisit gaudiavultu^ -

THE HISTORY 6f PERKIN WARBECK, kc. 3S7

And came forward a-pace; yet not in any over-daring manner, but,
unstartled in his resolutions, retained his accustomed gravity, and very
near the King's army at a village called Stoke, quartered his forces,
and took the field, with resolution the next day to call fortune to the -
deciding of the controversy. The King likewise prepared himself, and,
only acquainting the company with matters of necessity, in an equal
and plain field divided the troops, and ranged the battalions.

To tell you of any signs, wonders, prodigies, prophecies, dreams,
devices, forewarnings, or portentous accidents, making sometimes a
cause either good or bad, would spend time to lose time, and procure
small thanks in the pains; for, the superstitious and ignorant would be
angry at the opposition and repugnancy; and the truly religious
offended at the vanity and superfluity, as abhorring tlie participation of
divine power to men, devils, or angels. To enlarge my discourse con-
cerning military proceedings, of intrenchings, fortifications, encounters,
divisions of squadrons, and setting forward the forces, would prevent
me from a fitter and more opportune occasion hereafter. Tp discourse
of the captains, the soldiers cncouragc^raents, the Earl of Lincoln^s
orations, the King's forcible and gracious speech, the intimation of the
imposture^ the discovery of the treasons at large, were to prolong the
history without further profit than a poor invention, wiich would,
cjUeslionless, extenuate the worthiness of the business ; therefore I desis(
ft-om all extraneal and superfluous discourses, and apply myself to a
more succinct enarration ot the matter. ^

When the field was fully and orderly agreed upon, the precise earl,
as if he would animate the King with a khid of precedency, set forth
the vanguard of his army, and, with a manly courage, only animated
the soldiers that day to remember his honour, the King's safety, and their
own lives and liberties, and so gave a sign to the battle; whereat the
Irish began their accustomed cry, or, if you will, LuUal lalloy which
neither affrighted nor troubled the English on the contrary side, but
ministered occaskm rather to laugh at. The Germans, perceiving the
skirmishes and violent meetings of these warlike bodies, contrary to
their usual keeping of their stands and close fights, set upon theKing'i
vwiguard ; and, as they were approved and expert men in many en-
counters, so did they, for the time, in all things, as well as strength
and policy could execute, equalling and answering the En«!.lish man to
man, or battle to battle. And, for the generals, had the Earl of
Lincoln been as nimble and active, as he was vigilant, valiant, and
wary, he might well have paralleled the best of his adversaries. But to
decypher, and truly to speak of Martin Stuart, I shall much disable
his worthiness and merit : for he was'heroick inspirit, strong in heart,
and of great ability in body, expert, experienced, and failing in nothing
but his fortune; for when the Irish, being most of them, us 1 said,
unarmed, were put by thejr light manner of skirmishing afar oft', and %
charged with strong horsed on the flanks, and as strong bodies of pikes
in the front ; to which you may add the cunning of the King's artillery,
and violence of the arrows, which fell down like hail upon these poor
and naked souls ; they knew' no way of resisting or retiring, but were
subject to a terrible encounter and slaughter. And,a\x\xow^\>^v'^ Wv^^^^

c c2

SftS THE HISTORY OF PEKKIN WAttBiSK, ttt^

a while, as long as an equal met manhood protracted the victorYy yet
were they so pressed and oppressed/ that they quickly yielded, iai
shrunk under the strokes of a mightier arm. Again : the King's forward^
being full of company, and well furnished, continually supplied with
wing^ and archers, and wonderfully encouraged with the high deserving
of the commanders, at last broke the body of the Germans, and scattered
their company with a lamentable discomfiture. Yet I must needs say,
they were first more terrified to sec the Irish killed so confusedly, than
exanimatcd with their own disasters. What should I report ? U is
with staggering troops and dispersed companies, as with a man falling
down a pair of stairs, who never leaves tumbling till he come to the
bottom : So these yielded to the fortune of a defeat without recovery,
^d only met honour in the way to a glorious death ; therefore I will
stand the less on descriptions: for never was a victory so soon gotten,
lior a business more quickly ended ; many being slain, many taken pri-
soners, many hurt, and few or none escaped. The chiefest reason is,,
because the Lord Lovel, the Earl of Lincoln, and other commanders,
4esperate of mercy, or reconciliation, and wondering at the valiant,
Gerniian's manhood and exploits, joined with him in a new adventure^
and cried aloud, * We v^ill die with thee, noble heart, for thou lut
worthy to live with Kings and die with princes ; ye^, to be buried in the
fields of everlasting reno\vn :' And so they were as go6d as their words;
(br, after men and manhood had acted their parts on this bloody sta^
of fury and slaughter, they were all found dead in the field; that is to
say, the Lord Martin Swart, or, if you will, Sward, the Earl of Lincoln,
the Lord Geraldine, the Lord Lovel, Sir Thomas Broughton, with the
most part of the commanders, and five thousand soldiers.

The report was, that the Lord Lovel took his horse, and would have
fled over Trent; but, not able to recover the highness of the banks, he
was drowned in the river. Some also maintain, that the King, out of
the generosity of his spirit, commanded that none should kill or hurt
the Earl of Lmcoln, that, being brought unto him, he might discover
the secrets of this mischief, and the viperous brood of false-hearted
•ubjects. But the soldiers would not permit it, lest the saving of his
life might, by detection, endanger divers others, as good as himself^
and so killed him by way of anticipation.

After this victory, the King would needs solemnise a thanksgiving to
God in the open field, as well to avoid ingratitude, as to give good
example. And when it was urged, he might better defer it till he came
to som'e religious place, or house of devotion; he more religiously assured
them, that God was every where, and neither the place, nor tha
manner, graced the sacrifice, but the intentiveuess of the Heart, and
true meaning of the soul, which he had learned of the poet, and so
alledged these verses out of Lucan:

Estque Dei sedes^ ubi terra^ et pontusy et aer,
Et ceclum, et virtus ': superos quid quarimtis ultra^
Jupiter est, quodcunque vides, quodcunque mvoeris f

This the bishops present dunl ndUier deny, nor would willingly

THB HISTORY OT' PERKIN WAKBECK, «. 369

SLpprovt^ for fear of any diminution in their settled ceremonies anci
giorioul cathedrals: but at thin time the King's ardency prevailed, and
he kneeled down on the bare ground in the open fields, and rendered
thanks and praises to God. Afterwj^rds, he gave order for the funerals
of the dead, shedding tears himself, in commiseration of so many worthy
men slain for such an unjustifiable business ; the people yet unmoved,
and the soldiers not so much as daunted, though tbey saw the bleeding
carcasses and wounded bodiieSx according to the saying:

Exemploque carens, et nuUi cognitus cbvo
Lucius eraif mortem populos deflere potentii.

Then he proceeded to the casting up a new account of mefcy and for-
giveness, proclaiming pardon to all, that would penitently admit of th9
same, and, to his eternal fame, no^ only gave Lambert and the priest
their lives, but commanded, that no man. should abuse them, with
contumely and reproach, as perceiving the one, for his years, incapable
of the apprehension of treason, or, flagitious circumstances coijcerning ,
the same ; the other (for his orders and profession) to be a , privileged
person; yet, most heroickly and wisely, he told him, That he, which
rolleth a stone up a hill, may, peradventure, have it fall upon his own
head; and he, that Iqoketh too high in a dangerous intrencoed ground^
may fall into the ditch. Notwithstanding, for his penance, be was
committed to perpetual imprisonment; but Lambert admitted into the
palace, and, from place to place, came at last to be one of his Majes-
t3^s faulconers. Last of all, he looked joyfully on his own company, .
and, in remuneration of their loyalty and noble services, spread the
mantle of honour over divers, and imparted several rewards to the rest,
according to their places of eminency.

This battle was fought on a Saturday, the sixteenth of June, 148d^
and in the end of the second year of Henry the Seventh. And thus was
all this high enterprize of Lady Margaret, represented to a ball blown
out of a box of soap and water, whiqh, when it comes to a swelling -
fulness, at last bursts into pieces of itself; of which when she was
advertised, and had cause sufficieni of exclamation and repining against
her misfortune, and disastrous prevention of her malice ; yet was she so
far from relaxation or pacifying her hate, that it rather exasperated the
same, and made her more forward to contrive more hellish projects, at
we shall see by and by ; so that I may well exclaim :

■ ■ ; 0 rahiosa mulier !

Quam sit rhanifesta phrenesis /— —

Yea, she set up such a loom out of her pestilent invention, that a man
would think it impossible for a woman to contrive, or prosecuta, bot
that the old poet hath so long ago told us:

Prceierea nos aumus muHereSf
Ad bona quidem ineptUmn^^
Malorum verh omnium ef€Ctri€es sapientisshna;,

Eurip. Mede^.
€ c 3

996 THE HISTORY OP PERKIN WARBECK, &e.

TeSy for the time, she deplored the miscarrying of the matter, bat was
not ashamed to confess, that she cared npt, by what means. King Henry
might be debased.

After this great mischief, like a piece of ordnance overcharged, was
thus broken in the fulness, and that with little trouble, tumult, and
expences, compared to many other wars The King, as you heard,
returned thanks to the decider of all controversies ; and presently sent
word to London, of his prosperity and adventure, seeming sorry for
nothing, but the death of the Earl of Lincoln, assuring the Duke of
Bedford and Carl of Shrewsbury, that he delightied in his humours, and
bad a determination to haive saved his life ; adding yet this by fhe way,
that he was amazed at nothing more, than the audaciousness of the man,
that durst (so meanly accompanied) set upon such a great and puissant
an army. Therefore it must needs be, that he presumed on further
supplier, or some breakings out among themselves. But seeing it hath
pleased God, that we have not only escaped this threatening storm of
commotion and disturbance, but also, choaked with the dust of their own
dissension, the interior divisions and conspiracies of the kingdom. I^
lis, my Lords, I pray you, be somewhat considerate, touching tumultu«
ous and discontented persons, that they may be orderly satisfied in their
bonesti demands, and discreetly prevented fram unlawful conventicles,
or associated assemblies of unquietness, and murmuring against .our

Sovernraent, under colour of hunting, fairs, markets, horse-races, wed-
ing^, and such like. Let us also have a care of our ports, harbours,
and havens, to prevent wanderers and travellers^ who, from the excuses
of devotion to visit Rome, and curiosity to explore foreign countries,
do many times deceive our trust with indirect and preposterous business.
In this triumphant prosperity he returned to London, and was as
well welcomed by the people, as contented in himself, and so ran
forward in the race of all mundane felicity and majestical happiness.
But neither his own wisdom, the vigilance of the officers, the fidelity of
bis nobles, the policy of his counsellors, the loyalty of his subjects, nor
the whole r?gard of the commonwealth, could turn the frame of heaven
about, nor prevent his destiiiy, concerning following miscbiefii:

I

1

Namfaio prudentia minor :

That is to say, could ptlt a scarlet cloth over the sting of that serpent
envy, to pull it out of the heart, no not out of the mouth, no not out
f»fthe hands of the Duchess of Burgundy. But she must be tampering
with the edge tools of devillish spight, and beating on the anvil of mali-
cious calumniation, or, ifyoii will, conspiracy, hoping, at one time or
pther, to hammer out such a work of disturbance, that neither the King
should be able to quench the dames, nor the subject daring to disable
the enterprise. Wh^-reupon, to prevent all claims, exceptions, and
|neans of distrust, some four years after, she set up another idol of
defiance, personating Richard Plantagenet, second son to King Edward
the Fourth and Duke of York, supposed to be murthered with his
t>rother Prince Edward in the Tower, who, as it were, resuscitated
from death to Hkf or rather reserved by miracle, must be at last a

V

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c. Spl

scourgftfta the usurpinfr house of Lancaster, which, as it began with the
blood cl tlmt innocent Richard the Second, must now be revenged with
the destruction of the conqueror himself. Nor was this barely alledged'
to her friends and followers, but adorned with certain illustrations of
example and precept. First, concerning the wonder and deliverance of
the prince, she alledged the example of Joash, kept from the rage of
Athaliah, and after advanced to the throne of Judah. Then, for the
business of the war and revenge, she proclaimed herself another Tho-
myris, who overcame the Persians, and, in recompence of her son's
death, cut off the head of Cyrus, and slew two-hundred thousand of hi$
people. • Nor seemed this mischief simply to be acted on the stage of
fiction, like an historical tragedy, or ridiculous innovation: But a
work of pestilent contriving and settle<J resolution, from the policy of
many circumstances, and prevention of former inconveniencies. For
she not only stood on a guard of circumspection, reforming all such
errors as had passed in Lambert's disaster, but took a time according to
the poet :

IngeniosiB muUeres ad inveniendum fraudeSy

When the King was walking in the fields of renown and victory, before
the city of BuUoigne in France, ^nd had newly returned to Calais, not
with an intent to leave the war, but with commiseration of his pepple,
and to preserve them from a certain destruction in assaulting the tbwnv
.without further assurance of spoils, renown, or enlarging his territo-
ries.

Here he understood first of this project, so that he was compelled to
make peace vith France, for fear of this strange eruption at home,
,vi'hich he well perceived, upon further enlargement of her proceedings,
would resemble a smith's forge, which sprinkled with a little water,
must needs recover a greater heat; but either scattered abroad, or
extinguished, could not further prejudice, which was not to be done
by two armies at once, both in France and England, without hurrying,
as it were, the kingdom to extremities; he was the sooner, as I said,
induced to contrive his business from a treatise of pacification with the
French King, not once mentioning any domestick suspicion or insure
rection. Nay, he kept this rumour .close from his own subjects, and
when he certified the Mayor of London of all his aflairs, he only men-
tioned, that his army in France was dissolved upon an honourable com-
position, and receiving eight-hundred-thousand ducates to defray the
expences of his journey. And so witlra kind of applause and satisfaction
^ of all sorts, he returned into England to attend the proceedings of such
enemies, as this develish woman the Duchess would animate and
support against him. All which happened in the beginning of the
seventh year of his reign, presently after the birth of Henry his second
ion created Duke of York.

For all this wonderful haste, which the Duchess of Burgundy made
to King Henry's destruction, you must consider that he 'never gave
occasion unto her of displeasure, or affront: But the malice (viper
like, who, being full of poison, must needs spurt it abroad, or 'burs^

C c4

j^ * TW itlSTpRY OF PERKIN WAUfSeiCt «»

f|i piecft with the venom) spra^j; from henifclf, because bt mP'^ftlMi
liouse of La^caster,^ and advene Une^g^ to hex (fm^y^ %QCOiW%%iill#
aiithentickaayuigy

Jgnava autem ad pugnnm^ femmque aspieerti :
Quando verb m matrimonii) injuria i^ectajid^t
I(an est atiorum mens triiQukntiorf^^^

which eattsed her to devise and invent how to caat a scorpion in hp
botioniy or infect the whole realm with a discord most violent and pel?
tiferous. And, because she would intermingle reason with her enfoxcQr
punt, she made the death of the Earl of' Lincoln, a man every way
answering Henry of Richmond, a^ she termed the Kiu^ the motive t9
her revenge, and desire to infest the whole kingdom : Not canng whmt
became of. him, so she might satiate her rancorous hate, aad set up
tome of her own faction to give her joys the fulness of hope in pxa-
Tailing,

Thus like a dog she returhato her vomit, or as aspidcr, who, perceivii^ '
her caul broken and torn in pieces, still spinneth a new web, she in*
leiiteth &r fetched devices and (as we say) rather than sit but will play a
fmall g^e ; nay, be contented with poor acates, though she know tlia
dfsvil provides the sauce. But it should seem her venomoua stomad^ is
prepared for corrupter and fuller banquets, ' and she means to spread a
cloth of insatiate gluttony, to feed on the several dishes of envy^ baSf«il»
malice, spight, vexation, deceit, wickedness, and devilish invention ;wheiei
Qpon she casts her eyes towards a young man, not fully sixteen, of visage
beautiful, of countenance mtyesiical, of wit subtle and crafty r I^
aducation pregnant, in languages skilful: of behaviour extraordinary^
and of manners audacious^ called Peter Warbeck, a Fleming, and ytt
in scorn nicknamed both by his countrymen, and English, Perkily
i^ording to the Dutch phrase, who character cowardly and timorous
ydunglings ix) that manner. His lineage and bringing up he shall shtw
you hereaftrr, in his publick confession. His actions and proceediugpi
till then, or if you will fatal ruin, I will undertake, and (as far as my
ability may extend, or the dangerous business in hand require). del ineata
ontoytiu: Desiring all estates whatsoever to behold the attributes- of
God in this history, as his power, wisdom, providence, justice, roercy^
and what else belongeth to the humbling of mortal men, or pulling on
their kuecs the proudest presumption and security, but especially eoBt
IpHnding the inventions of men, and policies of Satan, as laughing allto
iCorUy that submit to% to his greatness and unmatcbable powar, ao>
cording to our Lucan Lib. ii^

Jhmqut irm fmtmrt deum^, man^fstaqu& btiS
Signa dedii mundus: Ugesque etjwdera rerum
Frasda momsirifero vcriii nature twmtUt^
fiidmifU€ nefu ;

fSlBt^ 9^MfS^ prince iwM^not only tfim$«4 witkaa icM ani W^WH

THE HISTORY OP PERKIN WARBECK, ke. $9t^

M it wefe, made of straw and painted cloth, but threatened to be
shouldered aside, out of his firmness end throne of Majesty : Secondly,
when the wheel was turned about, God derided the devil, and brought
this mountain of pride down with a vengeance, seeing the noble King's
innocency, patience, and humility : I'hirdiy, he taught all abominable
and diabolical practices a new lesson, condemning buth the actors and
contrivers, as fnhetical, and foolish: fourthly, be instructed the
best of men, to considir they were but men subject to the inconveniences
of lite, mutability of the world, counterchangeableni ss of times, and
inconstancy of people : Last of all, to make us know that all actions
grounded on irreligious foundations, and wicked conventions, must
needs fail in the t nd ; for, rather than punishments shall not follow sins,
God will scourge one wicked man with anuther, as you saw how all
the monarchies of the earth were dissolved, and the kingdoms of tk9
Gentiles brought to ruin and desolation. But now to our story.

After the Duchess of Burgundy had fastened on this anchor-hold fot
ber revenges, shK caused the young man to travel into many countries to
learn as many lanj^uages, whereby he was so perfect in the English, that
she rejoiced to think in what a well-manured ground she had sowed the
seeds of her hop<'S ; by which occasion^ the baseness of hts^tock and
birth was so obscured, that few or none discovered the same^ or durst
detect the secrecy. Thus she kept him a certain space privily witk
lierself, and used such diligence and instruction concerning the house
of York, the affairs of England, and the lineage,, descent,, and order of
her family, that, by that time he came to repeat his lesson, she verily
Mieved he was the same she had supposedly contrived, and he quite
forgot that ever his first original came out of the dun^ll. For, without
any difficulty, or sign of subornation (such a forcible impression hatk
the hope of honour and preferment, according to that common saying^
Honores mutnnt mores) he kept such a princely countenance,. ^nd couii»
terfeited a majestical royalty, that all others firmly approved he was
extracted out of the blood of Piantagenet,. and observed him accord*
ingly. She again grew proud of nothing so much a» the wonderment
of her own baiidywor-k, and that, out of so little a cloud, she should
raise such a. tempest of trouble and distraction : Bat ouv Ovid in^
doctrined her,

Ilurmna magna viaes partis deftmtibm orta,

and she knew she wa^ a woman fit to be such a work-mistress*

Whereupon, taking an opportunity of the King's wars in France, sha
sent for heryounulingout of Portugal, and privily conveyed him into Ire*
land, with sure and forcible instructions how to inveigle and incite thia
rustical people to admit of him, who, besides their natural inclination
to rebellion and disorder, would now be glad of this new occasion and
bubinebs, to revenge the slaughter of their countrymen : and althougk
it might seem to n asonable men, and understanding apprehensions^ that
the unhappy proceedings of Lambert, and his counterfeit associate, 1th&
priest I mean, might have been a sufiicient warning unto them for ever
t)eij)g taken again iji the net of lauch abuiesi, or iptangled witk ^^ «&»%

59* THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &e.

of coilusion; yet did he so demean himself, that he made those doubts
the very g ound of his acceptation : For, onceagain, insinuating with
the houses of the Gcraldini's and ButWrs, he plaid the orator with them,
And, as we say, captare benex'olentiam^ thus persuaded them to give
credit and affiance to his false and wonderful demonstrations, as though
he lad been the very stm of King Eidward indeed.

" MY worthy lords, and gracious friends, said he, for the generality
of my business, I hope you are not unacquainted with many instancei
of distressed princes, flying to one Another for refuge and succour, when
an overdaring hand of a more mighty enemy hath suppressed them, of
cunning insinuation spread abroad a mantle of more forcible reasons to
tidmit of his title in prevailing, rather than to look after the weakened
estate of his wronged and abused competitor"; for so Jeroboam and
Hadad the Edomitc were entertained in the court of Pharaoh, merely
from charitable commiseration against Solomon, who had yet formerly
luarried a daughter of Pharaoh ; and, amongst ourselves, the sons of
that valiant Edmund Ironside fled from Canutus into Hungary, and
%ere there projected ; yea, advanced in marriage, for the further amK
better recovering their inheritam^es; But what need I go further^ than
the usurper now reignjng, who, in spight of my father, and uncle of
Gloucester, was entertained by the Duke of Bretagne, and the Freirch
King, and, ^as it were, secured from all treasons and corruption, or, if
you will, policy of searchers, to bring him to destruction ; wherein,
questionless^ those princes, as they obtained a perpetual renown for so
noble and glorious a charity, so did they repute nothing so meritorious,
ftt the extension of favour, and a helping hand to the perfecting such a

» work from princely compassion: therefore, 1 will say the less, jn this
point, unto you, because you have ever been^faithful to my progenitors,
and willing to be counted a nation for the defence of virtue, and re-
pulsing of injuries. As for the ill success of Lambert in personating
my cousin, the Earl of Warwick, and setting a-foot that title, whereby
you may be terrified in future prosdtutions : Alas! I confess it was for ray
sake, and a mere device to sound the ford of the troublesome streams
•f those times and proceedings ; wherein, if my uncle of Lincoln had
any way thrived, you must be assured, though they would not hazard
my person so young, yet it was only to make way to my fortunes. For
small, recompence should have stopped his mouth, and, ut major lux
exiinguit minorem, my presence quickly have turned the stream, and,
witli the sun, exhaled the strength of his meteor. This trick my grand-
^ther put upon the state, when he was governor amongst you, by Jack

' Cade of Kent, who proclaimed himself Mortimer, to see how the people
affected the title, or could remember the genealogy in the truth of his
precedency, as marrying the daughter of the Lionel Duke of Clarence,
third son of onr great Edward the Third of England, and heroes of his
time; s(» that I hope this shall be no bar or interception, either to my
interest, or your goodwill, considering I am now cdgae in person to
offer up myself a sacrifice, if need be, for you all, and promise you, by
the secrets of my birthright, to make you u glorious and free nation

ander me, if I prevail by youi meaus/'

THE HIST0R7 OF PERKIN WARBECK, &e. 99S

TKese words were uttered so audaciously* and yet with simulatorj
majesty, that they conceived every thing in his behalf, and not onc«
disputed on the craft or cunning conveyance of the business, but exalted
and applauded liim with air reverence and due honour, connibining
themselves with afl^tionate obedience to his aid and assistance; wherein,
that they might be the better induced just at the same instant, as if
honour made haste to welcome him, according to our poet :

Nunc fesiinaios nindum sibi sensit honores.

And fortune determined to smile on them all* Charles, the French
King, in some displeasure Mrjth King Henry of England, sent for Perkin
out of Ireland, with resolution to make him the royal head of an army
against England ; which, although it much animated the Irish to believe
the former seduction, yet, it was but a device of the French King's to
divert the war, which the King of England pretended, out of France, and
so to force him back again to look home to his own affairs. Howsoever,
this our counterfeit was not a little revived with such a message, and
supposed himself exalted to heaven, it being thus called to the fami*
liarity and acquaintance of Kings and princes; so that, xoming into
France accordingly, he was royally accepted, and after a princely
manner entertained, having a guard assigned him, whereof the Lord of
Congreshall was governor. Hitherto also repaired unto him, especially
while he lay in Paris, Sir George Nevil the Bastard, Sir John Tailer,
Rowland Robinson, and a hundred English rebels. But, alas! all thest
were but smuaking illusions; for, on a sudden,

Tngenwit rectory sensitque deortm

Esse doloSf etjata sua contraria menti.

And, when a peace was to be determined and concluded between Eng-
land and France, the French Kipg quickly dismissed the young man
and all his associates, imder colour of excuse, that he durst no longer
protect iiim at^ainst his new confederate, and brother of England; bi^t
tome othtrs attendmg upon him yielded a more forcible reason for his
departure, that he himself suspected how King Charles would deliver
him into the hands of the King of England, and therefore he beguiled
the Lord Congn»shall, and fled from Paris by night. But, howsoever
this may be disputed, and whether he departed without the King^i
consent, or no, he was, questionless, deceived in his expectation, and,
in a manner, desperate of success; so that, loth to remain amongst supU
distiustt'ul enemies, he quietly returned to his most assured friend, the
Lady Margaret of Flanders, the master-builder of this work.

The Duchess, before he came, thought every hour from his departure,
a whole year, till his return : for to hear, how he proceeded, was a
quiet to her thoughts; and to know, how fortune would deal with him,
a joy to her heart ; but to see him, a very ravishment. Yet, when she
understood how he was abjected and repudiated in the French court, it
could not choose but be a great agony and amaaement unto her. Not-
withstanding, to prevent all suspicion, she seemed at his arrival no leiji

906 THE HIStORT OF PERKIN WARBECK, ftti

f»vived» than a mother is glad for the return of her long ab^Dt son« of a
person condemned, for a pardon and restoration of his life and dignity*
At his first approach she received him with la rj^e^em braces, and hanging
over his neck, seeming to shed tears of joy and comlbrt for his escape
£rom many dangers and adventures; O dissembling and dc^eivabitf
hypocrisy ! that ever a woman should be the author of such deviHsh
devices and hellish projects, and yet over-daub her mischievous imagin*-
atiom with the sugared shows of love, and regard of pity towards a
prioce in distress ; hot this made Hippoly tus long ago cry out,

^ O JupUerl qvodnam aduUerinum homimbua malum
MuUercBy ud solis lucem hahiiarefecisti^ S^c.

Eurip. Hippolytus Coroimtns.

And this she had learned of her own physicians, who« in administering
, of bitter pills, had shewed her to roll them over in some^candied powder >
aad this me have taught ourselves out of Ood's own mouth, who, in
aewral places of scripture, hath published wherein a bad woman dotk
exceed all the creatures of the world.

After this extasy was past, she proceeded with a cunning desire to
luive him relate his first miraculous preservation, his after-travels and
exploration of countries^ next his enterttunment in Ireland and France^
and, finally, bis resolution to go forward in bis noble and necessary
intendment for his inheritance, and recovery of the crown of Engla^;
wiiereinke proceeded so effectually, and orderly, without stammering
or stuttering, that the whole company verily believed it ; and such as
were not present, the rather, induced by the report of others, sorrowing
for nothing but that they heard him not vita voccy and endeavouring
what they could to present their personal obedience unto him : where-
upon, when she perceived how every thing consorted to her own wishes,
the assigned him 'a guard of fifty persons in murray and blue, and
honoured him with a cloth of estate, and denomination of the White
Rose and Prince of England.

From thence forward the nobility of Flanders, and divers of England,
with all obsequious diligence attended him, and, from a reverend esti'-
nmtion of his ancestors, performed all the good offices which belonged to
the ^omation of his Majesty, and extension of their own loves and
duties; so that, in a word, this Sinon's- horse entered the broken walls
of Troy, and feigned invention, shadowed with the pretence of verity and
truth, prevailed with their credulity, that they adhibited the morefaich
and undoubted trust unto it, supposing-verily he had been preserved by
the will and providence of iGrod, and so committed to the trust and
custody of some faithful friend, either by King Edward^ or his mothef
when she was in sanctuary; relying also on this impossibility, that any
tyrant would -so rebel against God, as infringe the orders of holy church,
and take him per force from^ thence, as yet the story manifesteth was to
be done even by the cardinal himself.

By this time the fame of this juggled miracle war not only blown over
flinders and the territories adjacent, but so rumoured in England, by

THE HISTORY OF PERKHf WARBECX, kc, , m

reasen the present governnfient suppressed all publick reports, libels^ and
writings, tha( in the very whispering.

Nam jfraudibus eventuin dederat fortuna^

It was more forcible than if it had been published by license and an*
thority. Thus have 1 seen a fire smothered, and inclosed in some secret
place, never to be quiet, till it were vented out ; and, when it came to
eruption, made the more forcible and outrageous noise. For it wa«
here received as an infallible truth, and not only believed of the better
sort, but entertained of the common people; who, being more liberal
of audacious behaviour, and less fearful to offend God, began to con-
firm it with oaths as a matter of truth, which others barely affirmed as
a report of uncertainty.

Thus began trouble upon trouble; and, as the spring putteth forth
the buds and blossoms, like the messenger of summer and pleasant times
to ensue, so did this fantastical fable, thus divulged, prognosticate fol*
lowing calamity and' consequent desoiatroii. For, after it was known
With what honour he had been entertained in Flanders, and reverenced
in other places of Europe, there began sedition on every side in England,
and no man was sure of his friend, the times grew to such dbti;action^
Some, that were fled to sanctuaries, for great and heinous offences per-
petrated, discharged themselves, and went beyond the seas unto him :
#ome, that had confined themselves to privileged places, for debts and
accounts, began to shew themselves under his support and combination,
then being safest, when the state i^unsafest : some, even of the better
sort, through rashness and temerity^ because they would be counted
factious and stirring, drew a-paceunto him : some, out of the nature of
inconstancy, or rather impression of melancholy, never to be removed from
the opinion they have onte entertained, believed verily, that this Perkin
was the undoubted son of Edward the Fourth : some, through sim«
plicity and easiness of apprehension, without examining the probability
and likelihood of the matter, yielded to any thing which was told them:
some temporistfrs, to curry favour in the change of princes, persuaded
and sollicited others to their opinions, that so, bringins^ many coad-
jutors, they might not only be reputed of strength and reputation hi their
countries, but the better welcomed and entertained with the prevailer*
some, through indignation and envy, murmuring at their slender ad«
'vancement, or grudging they were not more condignly rewarded for
^ their former pains and adventures in his Majesty's business, resorted to
this new prince, in hope of better acceptation: and some, over-wearied
with ease and placability of idleness, grieving to see the world stand at s
stay, with desire of change ran headlong into this fury, madness, and
seditious conspiracy :

0 tempora ! 6 mores 1 6< Jlagitiasa voluntas I

But, offer all this rumour of this twice-born Duke Richard of York,
and that England was divided and drawn into parts-taking and several
factions, so that the minds of men were vexed cither with the ho^e oC

« «

S9» THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, See.

gain or preforniont, or fear of loss and confusion ; yet were the Kiflg
and his council not much disturbed or affrighted, more than their
marvel and modest anger at so many persons, seeming in their right
wits, to be seduced either in the conlriving such a manifest and notori*
ous lye, or assenting and preparing themselvts to counti'uance the same,
withoutfear of God or men, not once forecastmg the dangerous penalty
oftreasoua, contempts, conspiracies, and practices against their natural
prince, and so sufficient a governor. For it was i.ot only a pernicious
fable and Hction, strange and marvellous, but prodigious and Unnatural,
to nsuscilate a man from the dead, and with impudent assi veration to
set it forth, and palliate il with the vesture and garment of a professed
verity. But, in such cases, be Kings never so wise, nor matters so trivial
and unlikely, there is no sitting still, nor giving way to the business;
especially, there is no rebating an enemy with proclamations, writings,
and prohibitions, who cometh forward with the clamours of war, and
well-settled preparation of offence. Therefore his xMajesty thought it
the best course to look about him, and, both by force and policy, to
prevent the mischief impending and threatened ; for he perceived how
already 'the fire of rebellion had taken hold of some of the principal
houses of England, who, he knew, had underhand already sent messen*
gers unto Lady Margaret, to understand when Richard Duke of York
would come conveniently into Enghind, that they might be ready to
help and sucCour him,"^ even at his first arrival.

This business increased to a fulness and ripeness, about the eighth
year of his Majesty's reign ; insomuch that the confederates (by common
atecnt and agreement) posted over Sir Robert Clifford, knight, and
William Barley into Flanders, to be the better assured of all particulars;
who were not only gladly accepted, and lovingly welcomed of the Du-
chess, with full intimation of the truth, and wonderful delivery of the
Strangeness of the story,

Nee gravida tachrymas continuere gencty

but brought to the sight and sweet entertainment of Perkin, who plaid
the counterfeit so exactly, that his words resembled forcible incantations, "
according to that of the poet:

Una per cethereos exit 'vox ilia recesstiSy
f^erbaque ad invitum prce/ert cogentia numen,

Lucan. Lib. vi.

For all men praised his virtues arid qualities, with a resolved belief of
his princeliness; and Sir Robert Clifford swore directly, that he was ex-
tracted of the blood royal, and the very son of King Edward the Fourth.
Whereupon he wrote letjters of confidence and credit to his associates in
England, that, as the Queen of Sheba told Solomon, she did not believe
the half of that which was reported, till she had seen it with her eyes;
io he could not be persuaded to so much, as rumour had presented,
till he had overviewed him in person. But, when these letters were.
teceiyed in England, the cons]^\ialot^ e^\)&^dt.^^ni to be openly published

Tm: HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c, Sfld

and divulged in many places, with full credence, that it was true, and
not feigned, which was spoken by the Duke of York, and therefore they
need not be afraid to be drawn to such a commotion and parts taking ;
all yet was carried so orderly and covertly, that the King (more than
uncertain suspicion) could not as yet detect any person of name or
quality, which troubled4iim so much the more.

But, when he perceived indeed, that this misty vapour was not quits
vanished, nor the impression put out of the mad brain of the common
people, and understood how Sir Robert Clifford was privily fled into
Flanders, he resolved on a conspiracy against him; and thought it
expedient, both for the safeguard of himself and his realm, whostt
reciprocal good or hurt were dependent one Upon another, to provide
some remedy for the repressing of this abusing fraud and deceit, and
suppressing the irisolency, if it should extend to force and rebellion.
Wherefore he dispersed several companies, both of horse and foot, to
defend the seanroasts, that no man might pass or repass unapprehended,
who had not license or safe-conduct for his journey, business, and affairs*
Then he sent down the lieutenaiils and justices into their several coun-
tries, to detain the people in obedience, and muster the forces of the
same, as occasion should serve; which order observed, he underhand
authorised wise and discreet spies into all the cities of the Low Countries^
to discover of what province, progeny, parentage, and estate this mis-
named Richard was descended and propagated, promising princely
rewards to such persons, as could relate the truth, and, as a man may
i»ay, enucleate the secret. Besides, he wrote loving letters to certain
trusty friends concerning the same; who, to do their prince and country
service, dispersed themselves into several towns and cities, both of
France and Burgundy; where they were certified and assured, by the
testimony of many honest persons (amongst whom, some of special wit
and behaviour repaired to the town of Tournay) that this feigned dukt
was of mean parentage,, and truly named Peter Warbeck; which was
principally confirroed by oneNathanielO^beckof his own kindred, who,
as it should seem, in hope of reward, took upon him more than the
rest, and exprobrated him, for so counterfeiting, with this taunt out of
the poet : -

Sed maU dissmulas^ quis tnimsdaverit ignem ^
Lumine qui sempir proditur ipse suo ?

Paris Helense.

And alas! however he is now traashaped into a princely garb an4
fashion, we of Peter named him Perkin, for his eficminateness and
childishness.

With this news and man, the inquisitors returned into England, and
made a true report unto his Majesty of ail they knew arid heard, botl|
concerning the assumed presumption an4 impudence of the counterfeit,
as also the proceedings and purposes of all the conspirators ; which was
seconded by the faithful letters of especial persons, who had larger com-
mission to make their continuance the longer out of England. When
the King was thus satisfied, and, (as he supposed) to all seemioj^ tcaaour

400 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, fre.

mble understanding, had openly and apparently manifeisted it, Ite f9>
•olved to have j^ further published and declared, by open procluiiuitio«|
and sound of trumpet, both in the realms of England and Ireland, and
in the courts of foreign princes; for which purpose he sent over divefi
ambassadors to many countri**!, especially to Philip Archduke of Blir>
goigne, and his counsellors, as a place which n&arcst concerned bim.
Xhis ambassy was the charge and commi^ision of Sir Edward Poinings,
a roost valiant gentleman, and William Warham, doctor of the laws,
• man of great modesty, learnincr, and gravity. The general points of
their commission had large fields to walk in, but the principai matters
to be enforced had these limitations:

» /

FIRST, To declare, that the young man, resident amongst tkem,
^with the Lady Margaret, was descended of a base and obscure parent-
age, having falsely and untruly usurpc^d the name of Richard Duke ef
York, who long before was murthered in the Tower, with his brother
the prince, by the commandment of (Cing Richard, their uncle, atf many
BEien living can testify.

Secondly, That, trom the probability of the matter, and inforcement
of reason, there was no likelihjciod that King Richard, dispo^essing the
prince both of his life and kingdom, woHid leave the othef brother still
to allright him<, and trv>oble bim in his government.

Thirdly, That Queen Elisabeth, their mother, was therefore attainted
ia parliament, for surrendering her daoghters into the tyrant's custody,
and committing them intu bis hands, who, she knew, had already mur-
thered thi^i brethren.

Fourthly, To desire the Archduke, and the principal Ir^rds of his
council, not to give any credit to such illusions, nor sufK?r themselves
to be any more blinded or seduced with impostures, or bhadowing ap-
pearances, of truth •

Last of all, To rememb<*r how King Henry had (some few years since)
succoured and relieved Maximilian, their principal Lord, almost efh
pressed and overcome wirth the foreign hostility ot the French King, ' and
intestine rebellion of his own subjects; and therefore it must be un*
princely, and a point of great ingratitude, cither directly or indirectly,
to abet or maintain any traitor or traitorous practices against l^im, or
the peace ^nd trancfiirliity of hi» kingdom.

With these instructions the ambassadors sailed into Flanders, and
were gently received and honourabl}^ welcomed by the Archduke and
iMacooocil, asappeaived by 1!be solemnity of theif audience, and quick
dispatch of their businesiy; wberei^i Dr. William Warham, in a well-
penned oration, declared the King's mind, as before you heard, and,
by the way,, tomched the malice of Lady Margi^et, saying with the
pa*

■ ■■ ""Taitta €mnm cmkiti&m irm f

And under a kind of reprehension, rebuked her tivacbenMn dgspcwtiea
affdikst » fmok o£so gieal wcath and deserving^^ tka4 navtr wmngaA IM,

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WAEBECK, &c. 401

nor eotertmioed a prejudicial motive, to afflict either her or her'f, with
any malignant injury ; wherein 'she only might be compa]*ed to a weak
breath, which, spitting against a forcible wind, had it returned back
^gain into her face; adding withal, siomewhat vehemently, that, in her
old age, contrary to the nature of fill births, she had brought forth two
such detestable monsters, that is to say, Lambert before disputed upon,
and now this Peter, that the like was never heard of. And whereas, in
the conception of diildren, women Were commonly delivered in eight
or nine months as nature did require, she could not be released in eight
or nine years; nay, the youngest was fifteen years old, before, her pains
Were passed, and they justified to be shewn openly; and this was not
sufficient neither, but they must be at least extracted of princes, and
able to give Kings battle in the open field; whereupon he might wtli
conclude with that ancient poet,

^td res exceUens esty contra reptUes bestias
Remcdia Mortalibus deorum prabuisse aUqum^
Quct viperas et igitem superant :
Sed nutlus contra midierem remcdia invenit adhuc
Maiam ; Imjutmodi sumus homimbm nudum.

Eurip. Andromache.

This oration, so^ effectually delivered, and in the publick assembly,
audaciously maintained, did not so much trouble and vex the duchess,
as affright and dishearten poor Perkin, wbor, in a manner, exanimated,
lest his fraud and pestilential enterprises should not only be discovered*
but discouraged, began to be somewhat appaled, and, by a fearful
countenance, seemed to discountenance both his honour and the action,
had not the duchess taken the cause in hand with a more undaunted
courage, and, like a true Virago, raised her spirits to a higher pitch of
revenge,' thus resuscitating her darling, and answering the doctor:

MY Lords Ambassadors of England, for the dignity of princeliness
commandeth not less, and awful regard of Majesty corobineth me to
such observation: besides, I am no way ofiended with your persons,
but your message, wherein 1 know the orator hath much transcended
his bounds, but, speaking for his fee, and doing another man's errand^
he is the more pardonable, and therefore, as near as I can remember, I
w^l answer succinctly to every point delivered.

First, Whereas you impeach the miraculous and wonderful preset- .
vation of this prince, in which yet my credit and knowledge of the
truth shall be of sufficiency to answer all other objections and interced-
ings, I cannot blame you, nor him that set you on work ; foR he weU
knows that soi^ are to be preferred before daughtei's, and, ashamed of,
the treachery of his ancestors, he would put ofjf the blame by a trick of
policy, in laying as groat faults on the shoulders of his adversary; I
znean my brother Richard, whose tyranny and obdurate heart hath only
.wrought this relenting in jne, that^say and do what England can, 1 will b^

VOL. XI. D dr

402 THE ttlSTORY OP PERKIN WARBECK, &&

JDOW the protcctrix of this every way distressed prince; and so, to oon-
ciude this p<5int, assure your King^

Permanet in voto mens meafawa wo.

Secondly, Whereas you infer the improbability and unlikelihood of
.saying the prince, being in a tyrant's custody^ and determining to murder
the King himself, I answer in a word, 1 am of your mind, if ever be had
^comeinto his hands. But it is well known, that the' cardinal himself was
4^eived, and the child conveyed away, in spight of the, malevolent
furactices-of so cruel an homicide. Yet say it had not been so, I hope
i^ldest brother*s daughters are preferred before a younger brother^s claim;
jaod he had five princesses^ besides my Nephew Warwick, to wrestle
withal, before hecould go out of the lists, wifth his own triumphs. There-
fore it was not the fear of him that did accelerate his murthcr, as you
suppose; but his resolution to be King, in spight of heaven and hell.

Thirdly, Concerning the dispossessing oi the Queen, their mother, by
your parliament, I am ashamed of your asseveration, that ever man,
and such a man, whom (as you say) the heavens protected, should be
attainted of inhumanity, to think a woman might not be affrighted with
a tyrant, when he himself ran into every corner from his reaches. But
flay there had been a fault perpetrated (through the timidity of her sex,
SQd tenderness of her widowhood) would any man marry the daughter,
and hate'or distress the poor mother? In whose behalf 1 may well saj
With Ariadne to Theseus,

-5t non ego causa salutis :

Non tamen est, cur tu sis mihi causa necis f

Ovid. Epist.

And therefore, if there were no more than to revenge her quarrel, I
will be an enemy to Lancaster, while I live, and am no further moved
with your unseasonable oratory, than afraid of his menaces.

Fourthly, Whereas you would insinuate with our nobles, and trusty
friends, to desist from my allegiance, and assisting my nephew in his
lawful claim: Yuu think belike we are as perfidious as yourselves, that
aeem glad of treason and turmoils upon the very sound of innovation;
.yea,^ the least advantage or disadvantage will cause you to leave yuut
prince in the midst of his enemies.

Fifthly, Concerniiig,your exprobration of Maximilian for ingratitude,
^md not coadjuting your King, in his petty revenges upon France :
First, His great designs are not to be compared to your trivial business,
and, having matters of high consequence dsewhere, he could not leave
them to attend your weaker importunities : Secondly, He well knew it was
but a folly to assist you in any business of France ; for as fast as you got it
one way, you would lose it another, so- that you cannot now shew any
town or 'fort, either ^f King Edward's conquests, or Henry the Fifth's
enterprises, except Calais, which lying so near you, you cannot, for
shame, but defend. And Thirdly, In my conscience, he took pity on
j'ou, knowing you had a war aX. W>isv& \.o aW.^\i^^ a\i<^ v:^ H(«te uot abU

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c 403

to prosecute both encounters at once: go back, tbercforey and tell your
politick prince, that, whereas words are but women's weapons to his
imagination, we determine to arm ourselves, and this prince, by God's
assistance, and my power, shall bid him defiance in his own kingdom
with spear and shield, and make an equal combate the decider of both
their titles.

Last of all. Concerning your invective against women: Alas! I smile
at your scholarship, and am ashamed at your poor discretion in adapt-
ing some poetical invention out of fury orspight, to your present purposes^
when both the same roan, and all others, of the same condition, are as
forward to commend as dispraise us : for, to answer your worn-out and
threat-bare tragedian, hark what our divine Petrarch affirmeth:

Hujm mens terrenamm nescia cur arum : Ceslestibus desideriis ardet:
In cvjus aspectu si quid unquam veri est divini specimen decotis effkdget :
Cujus mores consummatce honestatis exemplar sunt : Cvjus nee vox^ nee
oculorum vigor mortale aUquid : Nee ineessvs hommem reprasentat,

De Contcmptu Mundi Dial. iii.

With which words she arose, and carried away Perkin with such
state and majesty, that Sir Edward Poinings, though be were every
way invincible for his courage, and a known man for wonderful and
several exploits, yet seemed amazed at her heroical speech, and delicate
manner of obstinacy.

Notwithstanding, the ambassCadors and council of state often met,
and, after long debating the matter, somewhat to pacify the King of
England for many reciprocal gratuities and benefits received, they con-
cluded, that the Archduke should neither aid nor assist Perkin, nor his
accomplices, in any cause or quarrel whatsoever, a^inst the Majesty
of England. Only, if the Duchess continued in her obdurateness, and
would not desist from her feminine rages, and terrible prosecutions, they
were not to oppose against her, nor was it in their power to let or with-
stand it: for she was an absolute governor in her own territories, and
the signories and lands, assigned for her dowry, were of sufficiency to
support her enterprises without their contradiction or restraint.

When this answer was given, they returned again into England with
a true relation of all occurrences as they chanced, and circumstances
impending: whereupon. King Henry, both politick and charitable (for,
of all other things he desired, if it were possible, to avoid effusion of
blood, and hazardous danger of battle, supposing that was the last
remedy of curing diseased commonwealths, as surgeons do to festered
sores) contrived another work, which, although it was branded by some
with the character of traitorous intelligences, yet it served hist urn for
the present, and so divers were appointed to discover the secrets of the
contrary, by feigned dissimulation. Of these were two sorts, one to
feign themselves Yorkists, and so learn out what they could prejudicial
to King Henry ; another, to tamper with Sir Robert Clifford and William
Burley, for their return to the obedience of the King ; and, concern-
ing the plot itself; he reputed it justifiable, as authorised by all authors^

Dd!2

404 tri[E tAStORY OF PERfClN WAftbteCfc, ike.

ages, and commonwealtbs, who set down in their politick discourse*,
that

Frau$ e^t concessa reptlkre fraitdemy

Armaque in nrmatos sumere jura srnunt,

Ovid, de Arte Amandi, lib. iii.

■

These cunning informers so demeaned themselves, and employed their
time with such sedulity and care, that they persuaded, though with
much ado, Sir Robert Clifford to desist from thiis foolish and dangerous
collusion, which had neither sure ground nor foundation to stay itself
upon. But Mr. Burley could not be diverted at this instant, till within
two years after, almost tired out with expectation after Perkin Warbeck*«
fortunes and success, he returned of himself to the King, and had
pardon both for life and liberty. The others likewise proceeded so
effectually, that they had sure notice of especial persons confederated,
and adjured lo this blind and foolish project, of which they presently
informed the King, who, by that means, could not only personally
tf&me his hon^ enemies, but, to pi event the worst, did as personally
attach the most principal; that is to say. Sir John Ratcliffc, the Lord
Fitzwklter, Sir Simon Mountford, SirThomksThwfeits, William Dawb*
iney, Robert Clifford, Thomas Cressenor, and Thomas Astwoodr with
Aiise, were divers religious persons fmprrsohed, as William Rochford,
doctor of divinity, and Thomas Poines, both Dominican friars; Dr.
William Suttoh, William ^Vo^sley, dean of Paul's; Robert Laiborn,
and Richard Lesley, with divers others unapprehended, of whom some
took sanctuary, and others fled into Flanders to Perkin. But, of those
whose liberties were constrained. Sir Simon Mountford, Sir Robert
Ratcliffe, and William Dawbney were beheaded as powerful, factious
and chief authors of the conspiracy ; the rest were pardoned, especially
the priests, who were, in those times, for their order's sake, sequestered
from publick executions, what offences soever they perpetrated, which
made them so forward in all facinorous actions ; and others so super-
stitious, as to believe any thing they either projected or attempted ; from
which hypocritical and deceivable manner of life, all poets and philoso-
phers themselves have had both general and particular Jnvectives against
priests, augurs, soothsayers, figure-casters, and religious persons, both
for their profane lives and seducing vanities ; so that Euripides, amongst
many other places, concludes in his Iphigenia,

VatidicAm onine genus mbitmum mahim est.

And all the kingdoms and times of the world have smarted through the
pride, covetousness, and malicious wickedness of priests and friars; and
lastly, Jesuits, ds r said before. But to our story.

Although the Lord Fitzwalter was pardoned his life for the present;

yet, coming after to Calais, he was beheaded for attempting to escape,

by corrupting his keepers, and so to go to Perkin: whereby this strange

anJ intricate work so busied his Majesty, that he would often compare

it to the conquering of Uydta, a\ie»sA. v> "^tvn^^^V) \a!c^\!^ th.at^ as

T«E .HI$CpRY or f CI^KIN WAKfijBCK, &e. 40S

f>Be head was struck of, seven others grew in the place. For his tur-
moilS) both at home and abroad, increased ; and he. seemed as. much
tormented with the suspicion ot' bosom friends, as aflrightings of foreign
enemies, which so exasperated him, that, as he supposed, to prevent
the worst, considering Maximilian, King of the Romans, had trifled .
with him ip his wars against France^ and that Lady Margaret, with
the Flemings, bad supported Perkin Warbeck against him, he, in a kind
of revenge, banished all Low-countrymen, and their commodities, out
of the realm, with restraining the merchants from having access into any
of their cities. But, alas! this was to no purpose, and, in truth, rather
a custom of anger, than secret of policy ; as if a man, because his
finger torments him, should cut off his hand to eaa^ himself; for they
did the like by us, whereby, the mart being kept at Calais, and no
vent elsewhere for our merchandise, many poor housekeepers complained
for want of work, many nth men murmured, and were compelled to
lessen their families, and abate their retinue ; many merchants felt the loss,
and the tradesman cried outright, because the Esterlings brought all
manner of manual work, ready made, into the land, and took from them
both their labour and customers, whereby a riot was made upon them
at the Stilyard, and the mayor of London, with the principal officers,
had much ado to appease the tumult; and this was the ninth year's
disturbance.

The King, thus turmoilpd every way, repaired, for divers reasons, to
the Tower of London, whither shortly after came Sir Robert Clifibrd
un^o him, partly trusting to the King's promise, partly mist;rubting his
own company, and Perkin's weakness. But the chiefest policy of hi|
residence in the Tower, was, to secure himself, and lay hold of all othen
suspected, or accused in this conspiracy, who, thither resorting to tha
council, might with ease, and without any tunyult, be .committed to

Srison, as it pFesently fell out. For, after the King had admitted Sir
obert, and insinuated with him in excellent positions of divinity and
morality, by way of disceptation, urging the (ove an4 fi^vpvir of his
prince in his true obedience and reconciliation, he not only related the
manner of Perkin's proceedings, but, on his knees, . with tears in his
eyes, discovered the matter to be weak and. impossible, if it had not
factious supportation from some of powerful houses of England, and very
hear his Majest/s person, whereof, though many were punished, and
the rest dissipated and divided, yet Sir William Stanley remahiod uu-
siispected, and his heart tremblod to accuse him. But, when the King
heard Sir William Stanley named, he started back amazed, and, in a
manner, confounded, so that Sir Robert was afraid he had done him
more harm in the relation, than good in the detection*

At last he burst out, What, my bosom friei^dl my counsellor } my
chamberlain f Then I see there is no trust in men, nor, as the Ps^^lmist
says, confidence in princes : for, as we shall ndt want instruments to go
forward with what enterprise we please, asDaVid had his Joab; so shall
we not lack enemies, let them be never so carefi^l and desirpi|s to favour
the least deserver ; but I will cry out, Heti catUt w quemqmm tantum
scelusf and with the kingly prophet exclaim. It was not mine enemies
abroad, but my companions, and such as eat «A xo;^ V'ak^ \^\x»^^

D d3

40$ THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WAtlBECK, *c.

nie. What, Sir William Stanley! He had the goveroment of my
chamber, the charge and comptroiment of all that are next my person
the love and favour of our court, and the very keys of our treasury :he
made me a conqueror in the field, and, by his hand, I scourged tyranny
out of his throne, therefore it is impossible, and I cannot believe it.
But, when a second reply brought him to the sight of fairer particulars,
and that he saw the smoke, though it was but a smother, come from
some fire, he quickly recollected his spirits, and, with these verses of
EuripideSy set himself down at the table of prevention and reposed-
ness:

Ex amkU autem' alios qnidem non certos video amicos

Qui vero sunt rect^, impotentes sunt utjuvent :

Talis res est hominibus ipsa infxlicitas^

Qud nuUus unquam (qtdcunque vel mediocriter amicus mihi)

Assequatur amicorvm examen certissimum^

Eurip. Hereftirens.

The same night, upon better consideration, the lord chamberlain was
restrained from his liberty within the square Tower, and confined to his
own chamber for a season; but, when the crime was openly proved,
and the council had, as it were, with a charming hand of Hecate,
turned his inside outward, and found all his excuses to consist in dis-
tinctions, and his reasons of defence manifest astipulations of the matter,
he-grew out of all patience, and knew not what to say or do. For one
iMray, like^a noble prince, commiserating his subjects, he feared lest his
brother. Lord Thomas Stanley, the life of his first royalty, as a man
may say, should take it grievously. Another way, he misdoubted, lest,
in remittiiig the fault, some others might abuse his lenity and mercy,
and be the bolder to run forward in the dangerous courses of further
treasons. At last, by the advice of his council, and general vogue of the
court, severity, considering the peril of those days, took place, and
mercy was put back; so that, after a solemn arraignment, he had judg-
ment to die, and accordingly was brought, on the sixteenth of February,
to Tower Hill, and had his head struck off.

- The principal point of his indictment consisted in this, that Sir
William Stanley swore and affirmed, that he would never fight nor bear
armour against the young man Peter Warbeck, if he knew of a truth
that he was the undoubted son of Edward the Fourth, whereupon arose
a conjectural proof, that he bare no good-will to King Henry. Again,
the principal motive of his distasting and murmuring at the King, was
for being denied the earldom of Chester, when his brother, Lord Thomas,
was invested with the sword of Derby. Yet the King, besides many
rewards and other great offices, made him hi$ chief chamberlain. What
should I say? It should seem ambition had blinded his eyes, and per-
verted his judgment. For he still thought on the benefits which the
King received from the love and service of his family, never remember-
ing the compensation and gratuities returned back again to himself; supp
posing that his vessel of oil should still be filled to the brim, or else h^
^tixped on a AfachiviUan |^\l\o\!k; Vix%xiji.i)4^^^ ift a buithep^ hViX

THE HISTpJiy OF PftttKIN WARBECK, Sic. 4Q7 ,

revenge is sweet and reckoned as gain. Bat it should seem, tbat^ in pos-
sessing King Richard's treasure at the conquest of Bosworth-field, which
King Henry frankly bestowed upon him, and the command over the
people in the country, he grew proud and t-lated, and so vilipended
the King; or, from a continual melancholy, n-verberating inislike and
hate upon his staggering conceits, he mofeand more over-burthencd his
bean with rage and spight, which, as you ha\e heard uupurged, vented
out those words of disUiyally to the loss of his life ; or in a word, ac-
cording to that of our old tragedian :

Animorum Jupiter vifidex est nimis superbomm^

Eurip. Heraclidse.

The searcher of hearts was weary of his humours and ingratitude, and
so took the King's cause in hand, and uppn good inforcement thrust him'
into the house of destruction. Otherwise he could not choose but re-
member, how. not twenty years before, the law had interpreted the
profuse and lavish speeches of a grocer, named Walker, dwelling at the
sign of theCrown, in Cheapside,whohadhisson learn arpaceand he would,
make him heir of the crown, meaning his house he dwelt in, for which' he'
was adjudged to die: Nor forget thestory of Burdet the esquire, within'
whose paric King Edward huntingj a white tame hart was killed by;
cbance, which he had brought up by hand; which when Burdet heard
of, he wished the horns in his belly that had moved the King to come^
first thither; for which he was diawn, hanged, and quartered. Thus
you see there is no jesting with princes^ nor distasting them in trouble-
some times, nor presuming in such case^ on their, clemency: for our
Ovid tells us: '

Non ideo debet pelago se credercj it qua .
Audet in exigud iudere cymba lacu»

After this, tnany rumours and libels, yea defamatory speeches, both
concerning the landing. of the new Duke of York, proclaimed already,
in Ireland, Richard the Fourth, and the King's present fear and pro-
ceeding^, were spread abroad; which compelled as strange prohibitions,
yea punishments and revenges, according to the example of that judg-
ment that hanged CoUingbroke for arhime against the usurper:

The Rat t the Cat, and Lovel the Dogj '
Rules all England under a Hog : .

So that he was farther forced to have many politick searches through the
ivhble realm for such offenders, and as many strong guards and watrhce
for the defence of the whole kingdom; by which, when he perceived
the care, vigilancy, and good-will of the subject, he entertained a
greater fulness of contentment, and shewed a better alacrity <»f spirit
than his former griefs would admit. - Then he advanced Giles Lord
Dawnley, a man of wisdom, experience, and fidelity, to be the cham-
berlain of his house, and have the guard of his persou/ Mv^x'w^x^ti'^

D d 4

40S THE HIST6RY OF PCRKIN WARBECK, &e.

■ •

took order with the city and merchants of the«arae, and had their fitith-
ful oath and protestation to look to it, and all the places of their traffick
abroad, concerning such things as might be offensive and prejudicial to
the kingdom. The next thing, he took care for, was the manning of the
Cinque-ports, and fortifying divers havens, with a strict commanding
the lieutenants and justices of each shire to repair into their countries,
by which good order observed he grew somewhat secure and holder,
to shew himself in publick assemblies undaunted, or any way dis-
comfited.

But this was yet far from the fulneiss of his establishment, as long as
Ireland remained corrupted, and swelled again in every place, with the
overblown reports and rumours of Perkin's royalty, to which each
traitorous ear lay open, and abused heart went quite away with the
novelty. Whereupon he resolved on the necessity of purging and cleans-
ing the same, and determined to perform it by new officers and honest
surveyors. So he sent ^hither, with powerful authority, Henry Dean,
late Abbot of Langton, to be his chancellor, and Sir Edward Foining^
with a sufficient preparation, to be Lord General 6f his army. These
liad a large comraissioii, under, hb deputy the Earl of Kildare, to Sup-
press all iimovations, and spare no offenders : for it was such a time,
^t mercy and favour would rather embolden men to abuses, than
justice offend with extremity. Besides, the Majesty of Kings was not
to be controuled, either in their favour or revenges; but they would
simply command, 'and have the subject honestly to obey, with which
instructions and the doctrine of probity out of our tocient author,

Probi emm tiri offickan est, et JustiticB inservirCp
Et maleficos punire ubique semper :

They arrived in Ireland, and disposed of themselves accordingly.

Now, because the country was already infected with a superstitious
credulity of the preservation of one of the sons of Edward the Fourth,
and that the barbarous Irish, once believing a thing, would never be
d^erted by reason or persuasion, they proceeded the more cautiously
and circumspectly in their business: first, assembling the nobility and
better sort before the new chancellor, who,' with all attractive de-
meanour and elocution, persuaded them not only to persist in obedience
to the King, and loyalty to the government, but. to aid and assist his
Majest/s forces under Sir Edward Poinings, with their power, strcn^,
and ability ; especially against such rebels, as rather through factious
malice and wilful revolts, than blindness of error or folly, had adhered

. unto Perkin, or any of his associates, in which they knew there was
reason and sufficiency of inforcement. For, amongst themselves^ tht
petty lords would endure no competition of sovereignty, and their law*
tenets established him, that for his heroick actions deserved to be ho-
noured, and by his worthy endeavours obtained the jurisd^ofi and
inheritance: so that their own priests could tell them^ Mx pwrek

magM con^arantuT ; and if it were so in petty ggvemments. What

TJHE Hf STORY OF PERKIN WARBECK^ tec, AO9.

was it in mighty monarchies, and with regardable Kingi? Amongst
whom,

Nulla Jides regni sociist onmisque pate^as :
Iinpatiens conawrtU erat :

Therefore, to avoid the imputation of treason, and the fearfubess of .
revenge, from a prince's incensed indignation, he advised them to a
tenacity and strong continuance in their loyalty.

To this their answer was, as soldiers in a camp after a mutiny, sad
looks and small repentance: Fair words, but little performance. For
they all promised assurance of faith, but no mvn determined the due
performance : only the better sort, or, if you will, such as dwelled
within the English pale, or had been ennobled,^ or inabled by the prince
to live in richer form and eminence than others ; answered directly,
they would acknowledge no King but Henry, nor supreme lord, but
such as should be extracted from Qie union of the marriage between the
two Roses; and to this they were the rather emboldened, because the
Earl of Kildare, being deputy, seemed to maintain their submission,
and justify their intei^ts; so that Sir Edward PoiningB had little to say
at that time, more thsai he hoped in the confidence of their promisea»
and relied on their worthy integrity: yet I dare swear, if he had been
examined on his conscience, and brought to the bar of discovery for his
thoughts, he would have cried out with the poet :

AipaucoSf quAus hoc raUea aueioribus arsiij
Non Conor f sed Pmrnt ienei i 4^/' . ■

Whereupon he prepared all his forces an^inst the wild Irish, to whom,
as he was informed, divers of the rest had fled for succour. I could
here enlarge this discourse with a topographical description of the coun-
try, and conditions of the people, because 1 have personally overlooked
their actions, and been a passenger even from one side of the country to
the other : but tbe times are full of the experience of many men, and
divers explorations have discovered the unswept corners of this savage
and superstitious people, whom never man shall see civil, or ontt
afibcting tbe handsomeness and wealth of the other parts of Europe, till
either it grow more populous, or tbe King be as willing, as he is able,
to extirpate, as it were, by the roots, the bards, rbimers, harpers and
priests, that hang upon them, and stick close unto them, as some de-
Ibnned wen in a straight growing tree, or, if you will, venomous canker,
which will, in time, either eat out root and rind, or, for the time, dis-
figure and disproportion the proudest comeliness of the best cedars in the
forest. But to our story : ^

Sie Edward Poinings, according to his commission, marched into the
north : but,^ alas, he neither found France to travel in, nor Frenchmen
lo £ght withal. Here were no glorious tA>wns to load the soldiers home
with spoils, nor pleasant vineyards to refresh them with wine: here
were no plentiful markets to supply the salary of the army, if they
wanted or stood in need: here were no ciUe% ot te&Oig^> ti^n "^^xsk ^V

410 THE HISTORY' OF PERKlN WAHBECK, &c.

garison to retire unto, in the times of danger and extremity of weather :
here were no musters ordered, nor lieutenants of shires to raise new
armies: here was no supplement either of men or provisions, especially
of Irish against Irish; nor any one promise kept according to his expect-
ation: here were, in plain terms; bogs an<l woods to lie in, fogs and
mists to trouble you, grass and fern to welcome your horses, and corrupt
and putrefy your bodies: here was killing of kine, and eating fn'sh
beef, to breed diseases: here wa& oats without bread, and fire without
wood: here were smoakiug cabins, hnd nasty holes: here were bogs on
' the tops of mountains, Hnd few passages, but over marshes, or through
strange places: here was retiring into fastnesses and glins, and no fighting
but when they pleased themselves: here was ground enough to bury
your people in^ being dead; but no place to please them, while they
were alive: H^re yoU might spend what you brought with you, but be
assured there was no hope af relief: here was room for all your losses,
but scarce a castle to reserve your spoils and' treasure. To conclude:
here was all glory and virtue buried m obscurity and oblivion, and not
so much as a glimmering of hope, that, how valiantly so^ever a man de- *
meanedliim&elf, it should be registered and remembc*nd; which makes roe
consider what that worthy poHtician writes of the Swevians and Hei-
vetians in thost days, and atfply them totbese times and people:

Hehetiif Usipeiesque^ atijtte fffera corda Suevi^
Quels unum prcsda studiimt^ ac durarc sub ipsisy
Corpora JimninibuSy teloque assuescere dextram :
Nan urbis, non cura domus, agriv^ cuiendiy
Venatu ducunt TitOfh, atgue^ lacte Uqnetite.
Et quod Marte spoliato ex hoste pararint :
Bella placentf fususque kostili ^ corporc sanguis.

Whereupon the worthy general, with his other captains, began to
complain, but knew no way of redress. His men died, the soldiers were
slain, the army decayed, the Irish insulted, the auxiliaries failed, and
not a man, which promised assistance, came in to help him : so that be
was inraged at the perfidiousness, and compelled to retire to Dublin, all
exasperated tospight, by which he aimethat the highest in his displeasure,
laying the fault and blame of his preposterous proceedings on Gerald
Earl of Kildare, his Majesty's principal deputy; who, remembering his
own greatness, could not confine it within a little circuit of patience, but
answered this our captain somewhat like himst If, that he was as loyal
to the King as he, as serviceable as he, as loving to his country and
crown of England as he, and so defied him to his face ; which added
only fuel to the former fire, so that the undaunted soldier apprehended
and attached him of high treason, which seemed an unsufferable piece
of business; and, had it not been within Dublin, or some principal place
under the English command, an Herculean and intricate labour. But
thus is this great earl under arrest, and, withoutany more ado, carried
into England, to answer the matter.

But, when he came before the King and council, to be examined of
7D md matters laid to \i\& cViax%^ cv^^x \i>& vccds^caucy was a

THE HISTORY OF PFJIKIN WARBECK, ke. 4rU,

Perscus's shield against this Gorgon's head of calumniation, or his Mrit
and delicate judgment brought him out of the labyrinth of those trour-
blcs, or the times afforded not such severity and proceedings, or the.
King had other matters to think upon; or, indeed, it was no policy to
rub these new sores with rude hands, according to the rule:

Horrent admotas vulnera cruda manus :

For he was quietly dismissed, thanked, rewarded, and of deputy made
lieutenant, and so sent back again, upon the engaging of his honour to
withstand the landing of Perkin, if ever he came into Ireland.

By this occasion, the King was without fear of battle, and deterinined
his progress about midsummer to visit his mother, lying at Latham in
Lancashire, still wife to the Earl of DeiTby; but, as he ^as preparing
his journey, news came of Perkin's landing in England, which a-while
diverted him, and forced his retardance from his first determination:
for, in truth, when the Duchess of fiurgundy had notice of all the
King's proceedingjs, both in England and Ireland, and that the principal
offenders . were condemned and executed, and confederates dissipated
and overwatched, she found too late her own slackness, and the first,
misfortune of the King of France's retractions from assisting the prince ;
for, whether I name Peter, or Perkin, or Warbeck, or prince, or Richard
Duke of York, or Richard the Fourth, all is one man, and all had one
end. And questionless, if, at his first repairing into Ireland,, he had
made for England, while that rumour had possessed the people, and the
looking after novelty busied them with strange and impossible hope;
while every one stood amazed to gaze after wonders ; while the conspi-
racy was in growth, and had divers factious nobles to form it to a larger
birth ; while the soldiers desired to be doing, and men grew weary of
ease and quietness ; the business might have plunged the kingdom, and
success took a flight with strong wings indeed; whereby you may per-
ceive the sweetness and benefit of expedition in all dangerous business,
and resemble unjustifiable actions to thievish bargains, which either
must be made away in the dark, or hastened a-pace in the proudest
market place, according to the saying :

Pracepsjacit omne timendtim

Victor, et in nulla non creditur esse carina.

Lucan. Lib. ix«

Notwithstanding, our great duchess remained undaunted, and, in a
manner of scorn to depend upon others promises, she ventured on her
own power, and determined to put him under the wings of fortune, let
her overshade him as she pleased. So, gathering her forces together, and
furnishing her ships with a sufficient company, and some valiant
captains, she sent him to sea, and only prayed to the wrathful Nemesis,
as author of her revenge, for success and thriving in so glorious an
attempt. Here were of all nations, and conditions of men, bankrupts,
^nctuary-men, thieves, rol^bers, vagabonds, and divers others; who,
effecting liberty, rapine, and spoil, desisted from Idloxv^X. VqXiv^^x \5^\^

413 THE HISTORY OP PERKIN WARSECK, &c.

the serrants of dishonest rebellion* His fortune (as we now profkodj
abuse that term) drove him on the coast of Kent before Deal Castle;
where, being becalmed, he cast anchor, sending divers on shore to certity
the inhabitants of bis arrival, preparation, purposes* and well-furnished
'armies, and t(» put them in mind of their ancient liberties, privileges,
and undaunted courages, which have given battle to Kings, and made
their own peace with conquerors. But, aliis! this oratory flew like a
shaft without a head, and they had learned other lessons of stability and
loyalty, as finding. the sweetness ^»f peace, and happiness of government.
Notwitlistandmg, they called a council, and I believe, if they had been
fully resulvcdy that he was the true prince indeed, they would have
entertained the motion; for some of their fingers itched to be- doing;
but, suspicious of his original and former weakness, and wisely appre-
hending how shame and revenge dogged treason and rebellion at the
heels, they concluded to continue firm and faithful to the state; and so,
wi^ a kind of policy to allure them to land, they sent divers to Perkin,
with flattering hopes of their assistance, while they were indeed muster-
ing of forces to surprise th6m, as fiast as they should land : which when
Perkin perceived^ he imagined, that all could not be well, or consorting
to his expectation; for, in this point, his wit and experience served him
to understand thus much, that common people and multitudes, stirred
to sedition, use no soHd counsels, or settled discourses, but come flock-
ing with their fulness and forwardness to assist their friends, and follow
their pretences, according to Eu ri pi des's description of a confused com-
pany and rebellious army :

— In infinito enim exercitu
Incoercita tvrba^ nauticaque licentia
Violentior igne : tnalus veroy qui mali mhil agii.

Hecuba.

Whereupon he durst not land himself, and was sorry so many of bis
company were on shore; but, seeing there was no remedy, he sent
others, if need were, to relieve them, or bring them back again to his
ships.

When the Kentish men beheld such a rabble of strangers and dissplute
persons, and wisely foresaw, that there was no man of honour or emi-
nence to give credit to the attempt, they presently conjectured, that
they came rather to spoil and forage the coasts, than to relieve a dis-
tressed prince in his right; and so, running the right way indeed, stood
firmly for their country, and set upon them as they were straggling up
and down in the villages, forcing the better sort and better armed back
again to their boats, and surprising such, as could not maintain the
quarrel, and had presumed too far from the main battle, of whom they
took an hundred-and-sixty prisoners, yea, the principal captains them-
selves, while they laboured to persuade the retreat, and to gather them
together after some martial form of resistance, viz. Mountford, Corbet,
Wnight, Bets, Quintine, or Geuge; who were all brought to Sir John
Peachy, high-sheriff, and so railed in ropes, like horses drawing in a
icartf sent up to London, and iVveit «siec^\A^ v\ ^YN^a'^liaciQi adloining to

THE HISTORY OF PERfeFN WAHBECK, *c. 414

the city; whereby Perkin had matter of disconsolation for the time, and
time enough to sail back again into Flanders, to entertain better advict
and more company.

The King, as you heard, understanding of this attei^ixpt, left his pro-
gress and came to London, ^where assured 'of this good success, he sent
Sir Richard Guilford into Kent. to thank the sheriff and the people, for
their loyalty, obedience, and valiant circumspection, which had so
quickly dissipated his enemies, and quieted the country; giving present
order to his navy to scour the narrow seas, to the province to keep the
coasts, to the watches to fire the beacons, to the, captains to prepare
their soldiers, and to all sorts to attend their several charges, according
to the ancient and laudable custom of the kingdom.

Whqn Perkin and his captains were arrived iu Flanders, and found,
how their former delays had been a great obstacle and hindrance to their
proceedings, they resolved to remedy the same in their following courses,
and by the contrary celerity and speediness to wipe away the blots of
their weakness, and faint proceedings, as if they had learned of our
poet;

Sic agitur censura^ et sic exempla paruntur^
Cum JudeXi alios quod monet^ ipsefacit :

Ovid Fast. Lib. vi.

Notwithstanding, because they were now resolved, th^t the King, taking
notice of this onset and attempt, would fortify the Coasts, and be in a
readiness with well prepared forces : they determined to sail into Ire-
land, there to augment their company, an8 corroborate their pretences,
which accordingly was effected, and the entertainment yielded him a
little comfort and satisfaction. But, because he well knew the Irish are
weak and unarmed, and so unable to prevail against the strength of '
England, and still out of countenance, and quickly daunted, when they '
were drawn from their bogs, and woods, to solid battles and strong
charges, contrary to their slight skirmishes, and running encounters,
they thought it more meet and expedient to pass int^) Scotland, Gem
semper invisa Britannisj and there make trial of a new friendship, casting
up a forward account of their happiness, in this manner : First, they
were assured of the natural and general hatred between the nations,
which, upon very small occasions and probable opportunity, would
burst out into flames of spight. Next, they projected, that the nature
of the business would allure them to his assistance, upon hope of vain
glory, and a reputation of so charitable a work, as to help a prince in
distress. Thirdly, they relied on this hope, that, if no other cause would
be inducive to this supportation, yet the desire of spoil would quickly
incite them to war against so plentiful a country. Fourthly, they per-
suaded themselves, that the Scots had a good opinion of the house of
York, ever since the cruelty of the Lord Clifford against Rutland, for
which they utterly abandoned Henry the Sixth and the Queen. And,
last of all, they concluded to promise them the surrendering of Berwick,
and to enlarge their territories, if he prevailed by theit asm\:^twc^^ Vtix^
was a sure motive to draw them into any acuou viVi^LVsotN^rt. >N\3«:t^'^\^^

4V4 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WjOIBECK^ fre.

he departed from Cork and landed on the we£t of Scotland, from whence
he prepared himself to go to the King with some solemnity/ wherein
his instructions prevailed with bis fortune, because for tbe most part
the mass of the people are guided by shows and ceremonies, rather than
matter of substance and truth; and so he travelled to Edinburgh, whose
citizens, unaccustomed to such glorious shows, began already to com-
miserate his fortune and distress; yea, the King himself assembled bis
lords and courtiers, as their maimer then was, to entertain him and give
him audience; which when Perkin perceived to fallout to his good
liking and hearts desire, he thus framed his speech unto him, or, if you
will reduced his instructions to a manner of attracting oratory.:

Most mighty and renowned King :

Judicis qfficium est ut res^ ita iempora rerum
qucerere — — —

and therefore I come not to you altogplher like a cast-away or bankrupt,
to recover my estate by a cozening agreement with my creditors for a
trifle, when there may be sufficient to pay the principal : nor like a
rui^iway from a hard-hearted master: or, if you will, to take my
liberty the better, to cast off the yoke of honest and civil obedience,
where there is a duty and necessity of service imposed : but, as a stranger
subject to shipwreck, and the hazardous endurances of a tempest, I am
forced to your refuge, as much induced with your princely deliaht in
deeds of charity and hospitality, as my own wants or recovery. I might
add your famous actions, renown, and heroick commiseration of a dis-
esteemed prince, hwt Pudor est ulterior a loqui: and although I may
confess myself to resemble the man in the gospel that fell amonost
thieves, whom divers looking upon passed by without relief : yet, at
la3t, he found one Samaritan to pay the cost and defray the charoes of
the surgery: so have I done a worthy aunt, friend, and noble. kins-
woman to acknowledge her afflicted nephew, who halh helped me ac-
cordingly: so that 1 make no question, that, from the example of a
woman, your princely commiseration and powerful coadjutement shall
open their larger embraces, considering that you above all other princes
' have been made acquainted with the distractions of our family, and from
time to, time know how the house of York hath been dilacerated and
tora in pieces by the cruel hand of tyrants and home-bred wolves, which
whether it were the permission of God, or the secrets of his divine
justice, I will not now dispute upon: only, I mujjt be bold to say,
that, when ray father obtained tbe crown, and rcvengqd his father's
wroogs and death, there were signs of God's favour and assistance in the
fiur issue prepared, and sweet fruit of such a flourishing tree, namely,
two sons and fivy daughters, who were simply committed to the tutelage
and protestorship of an unnatural uncle, who proved a tyrant and
destroyer of our blood and progeny ; so that I may well cry out as
Ariadne to Theseus :

JIf t^ivs irroeni, quam te^ geitus omneyerarum.

THE HISTORY OF PERKTN WARHECK, 4e. 41*

Notwithstanding, most mighty King, however my princely brother mit«
carried, as swallowed up in the jaws of cruelty and slaughter, it should
seem the murtherers were affrighted at what they had done already, and
desisted from a full prosecution of the tyrant's command, or, con-
founded with compunction of spirit, spared me, and secretly conveyed
me out of the hands of such an homicide and bloodsucker (for so I
hope without otfencc I may rightly term him), and, although by this
means and the supportation of high-bom Buckingham he obtained the
diadem, yet did God follow him with the swiftest pace of wrath and
anger, and at last, I must needs say, scourged him with rods of ven-
geance indeed ; for he presently lost his son, and his friend and coad-
jutor lost himself. What afterwards chanced unto me, as my strange
deliverance, my bringing up in Toumay, under certain supposed parents
of honest reputation, my travels into foreign countries, my adventures
abroad, my endurances at home, with suchlike: it would be too
tedious to relato, and therefore 1 desist to put. you now to further
wonder and amazement at the same,' because I have them as it were
registered in a schedule, whichat your princely pleasure you may over-
look, with the Duchess and counciFs of Burgundy *s hands, to confirm
the same. So that I confess, when the King of France sent for me out
of Ireland, I was in a manner secure of my estate, and thought upon no
farther assurance, than his gracious apprehension of my undoubted
claim. But it should seem, most gracious King, that you are reserved '
for the glory of this business,' and everlasting memory Df so remarkable
an action, wherein I submit myself, ships, and people to your guidance
and direction: Oh do not then annihilate my confidence, nor reject my
demands. For, next to the high controuler of men's actions, I have
put myself under the shadow of your supportation, and altogether rely
on the unity of your willingness and power, to bear me throOgh the
difficulties of this passage. *

When he had made an end and given them cause of some amazement,
at his years and tenderness of experience, to deliver yet his mind so
freely, and with some illustration of words and readiness of gesture, the
King, without any further scruple or diffidence, cheared him, telling him
plainly he would assist him, and whatever he was, or intended to be,
he should not repent him of his coming thither, and so concluding with
a speech of Medea to Jason :

Hinc amor, hinc timor est, ipsum timor auget amorem.

He gave order for his entertainment accordingly, whereby he had time
with bis wearied people to repose himself, and the King occasion to
think of many matters : yet, rather for custom than to be diverted from
his resolutions, he called his council, and disputed the matter with
them. 'I'hey again, (as it happened to Rehoboam, and shall be with all
the princQS in the world) grew to contradiction, and divided themselves;
some standing for their country, some for their private affection, some to
please the prince, and some to enjoy, a good opinion. of policy and
wisdom. The graver sort and of greatest experience disanuwlVv^^VV Niokfc
former intimation of the prince, with the unposivbWvi^ cA xXv^ V>i>ivs>8i"^,

416 THE BISTORT OF PERKIN WARBECK, ftc.

at if he were but a bsre atramer of tiUet indeed. The quiet sort, and
aach aft had smarted with the disftensions between England and Scotland,
disclaimed any further war, and were weary with that which had passed.
The ycmnger sort apprehended it, as a worthy enterprise, and, thongfa
it had but coiour o(f commiseration, yet, considering he was befriended
from the Emperor, King of the Roraana, and the whole state of the Low
Countries, it could not choose but help them with many friends. There
was another sort, who, confessing the poverty of their country, con*
clttded that by this means, by foraging, spoiling and getting good booties
in England, much wealth might inrich them witliout loss or hindmnce
of their own, and so cared not how the war bc^n, nor bow long it con-
tinued. The last sort consisted of such, who, because they would have
iheir credit enlarged from an opinion of statesmen, end high reaching
capacities, argued, as we say,' on both sides, pro ei contra, and from a
kind of tntkpnema raised profit and emolument to the kingdom out of
their sophistry: that, if the duke were assisted and prevailed, Scotland
was sore to confirm their own conditioiui: if he were countenanced,
though not prevailing, the King of England would accord to any offers
or demands, rather than King James should take part with his adver-
sary and so strange a competitor.

Whereupon it was resolved, that, without further diffidence, or
drawing the DuChess of Bui^undy*s business in question, the King
should entertain the prince, who presently honoured bim accordingly,
and caused him to be proclaimed the Duke of York, shewing him all
the favours the country could afford; and afibrding him such entertain-
ment, as, they imagined, was both befitting his person and condition:
he again, as if that tpes bona dot vires, chearcd himself, and assumed a
new kind of behaviour, both tempered with gravity, and yet commended
for chearful and well becoming: so that, by the way of solace «nd in-
vitation to pleasure and delight, he hawked and hunted ; yea, the ladhn
of the country graced the court, and came with all conveniency, and
befitting their estates, to the city. For understanding so great a prince,
in possibility to be one of the mightiest Kings of Europe, not full
eighteen years of age, young, wise, and in the complete strength of
b^uty, was resident amongst them ; they conceived matters beyond the
moon, and thought themselves happy, if he would fancy or fasten upon
any of them. What should I say, although with the poet :

Tarda solet magnUrebvs incssejidts,

Ovid. Epist. Helena Paridi.

Yet here was no mistrust, nor any way given to fear and displeasure,
bat, as the time, business, and place afforded, shows, masks, and sundry
devices invited him to his contentment, and the present overcoming all
pensiveness: so, he courted with some, danced with others, jested with
the rdftt, and was acceptable to all, till, at last, the King giving way to
the motion, he fancied the Lady Catharine Gordon, daughter to Alex-
ander, Earl of Huntley, nigh kinswoman to the crown ; and, because
idhesfaouJd not think him \iaTTeii of education, nor hcart^bound to his

THE HISTORY OP PERKIN WARBECK,.&c. 417

ambitious designs, he took an opportunity, thus to discover his love
unto her, and good opinion of her :

Lady, said he, and the first of ladies, that ever usurped my liberty,
or taught my tongue to pronounce the accent of affectation or liking ;
if I proceed not so passionate, as your sex expects, or you may imagine,
is the custom of courtiers, I pray you impute it to the multiplicity of
my business, and greatness of my affairs; besides, it is not seemly with
princes to betray their high spirits, into the hands of deceit and over-
working fancy; yea, foppishness either of words, or gesture: yet, con-
cerning your person, I can say with Paris to Helena:

Si tu venisses panter certamen inillud^
In dubium Veneris pahnafut ur a fuit.

And touching my good will, if I live, I will make you as great in the
world, as myself, and desire no more, but that you keep you within the
limits of love and obedience, that our children may be our own, and
the commonwealth reioice, they be not mocked or deceived with ex-
traneal inheritors. What I am, you now see, and there is no boasting
in distress; what I may be, I must put it to the trial, and submit to^
the divine providence. If you dare now adventure on the adversity, I
swear to make you partaker of the prosperity; yea, lay my crown at
your feet, that you shall play with me, as Apame did with Darius, to
command, and 1 obey. Take me now then into your embraces, and I
will adore and reverence your virtues, as you commiserate my misfor-
tunes: O! give me leave to say no more, lest I be transported to inde-
cencies; be now conformable, and let me be the servant of your desires,
and you shall be hereafter the mistress of my performances. If I prevail,
let this kiss seal up the contract, and this kiss be a witness to the inden-
tures, and this kiss, because one witne^ is not sufi^cient, Consummate
the assurance; and so with a kind of reverence, and fashionable gesture,
afler he had kissed her thrice, he took her in both his hands cross-wise, *
and gazed upon her, with a kind of putting her from him and pulling
her to him, and so again and again rekisscH her, and set her in her place
with a pretty manner of inforcement.

The young lady pleased, as wdl with the compliment of his behaviour,
as the matter in hand, which was the hope of one of the greatest dia-
dems in the world, whether as lovers, who, in a sympathy pf liking,
applauding any thing from their amoroso's, seemed pleased with the
very accent of his voice, and variety of the courtship; or, unaccustomed
to such wooers, she remained glad of the opportunity; or, taught ,
before-hand what to do, she resolved to cast away all peevishness and
nicety ; or, indeed, ravished with the thing proposed, she was loth to
be silent, considering she was pleased, and could not be displeased,
considering he had begun so kindly with her ; and therefore answered
him with la pretty blushing modesty, to this effect:

My Lord, if I should act a true woman's part^ I might ^la^ th^
VOL. XI, K e '

418 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBEGK, &c.

I * •

hypocrite^ in standinsj a-loof off from what I must desire, and cry out
with Ariadne against Theseus :

Non ego sum titulis surripieada tuts*

Whei^upon snme resemble us to lapwing, that jpiake a great ejul^tion
farthest from their nests; but I mean not to deal so with you, but come
as near as I can, in my answer -to that which comforteth with reason

' and probability. If 1 were then absolutely at my own disposing, I would
thank you more than I do, and thank you, for your gentleness and fair
demeanour, worthy of any creature, or thing you could desire. As
for your disclaiming deceitful words and flattering oratory concerning
our beauty, comeliness, virtues, and such like baits, to draw us into
the net of self love and amazement: 1 like it the better, and wish, that
all women were of my mind, to marry upon fair and reasonable con-
ditions, and not be hurried away sometimes to their overthrows, with
the violence of passion and affection, which is the best excuse, they can
make, for their folly, yea, many times simplicity. But you see I am
the father's daughter, and the King's cousin, so that I will, in no sort,
prefer my own will before their directions, and disposing of me. If then
It pteaseth them to hazard me, or, as you please, to bestow me in this
sgrt, I shall be proud to call you mine, and glad, if you vouchsafe to
esteem me yours. Lay then your foundation on them, and you shall see
the frame of the building erected to your own liking; for believe it,

' such wardsj^ as rayst'lf, may well be resembled to delicate plants in
rich grounds, which either grow too rank^ and out of order, for want
of pruning and looking to, or thrive not in their situation, for lack of
refreshing and manuring; all which is reformed by the discretion of a
skjlful gardener, and advised overseer: therefore, noble sir, repair, I
say, to the master of the family, leave is light, and know their plea-
sures, for your admission into this nursery ; and then shall I be glad to
be a flower of your own choice, whether it be for profit, pleasure, or
exomation.

What needs more words? The marriage was consummated, and poor

Perkih transported in his own contemplation for joy, that, if he pro-

. ceeded n(» further, his fpriune had conducted him to such a - harbour,

kissing the ground, which he trod upon, and swearing the very place

was the seat of his geni us :

Ipse locus miseroferre volebat opem.

But, when he more and more perceived that the Scots, like a piece of
wax, weie rolled together by his warming hand, and fashioned to what
form he pleased; he then made no question to hammer out his designs,
oh the anvil of prevailing, to their everlasting glory, and his establish-
ment. Yet hereiif he went beyond himself, and deceived both them, and
himself, by warranting powerful aids in his assistance, from all the pa^t5
of the realm, as soon as he should set footing in England. Notwith-
icb'i^ they prepared a\\ tVun^ lot ^xi \ivn«&\ou^ and every Inan wat

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c. 419

retdy to please the King, and pleasure the prince; yea they were so
forward, that, in hope of gain, spoil, victory, renown, and revenge,
they cared not whether the Duke's title were good pr no ; and so, with
a well appointed army, and sufficient forces, they marched towards the
confines and borders of the north. But the King, out of discretion, loth
to make more haste, than good speed, and understanding policy, con-
jecturing that the English, by reasonof Perkin's being in Scotland,
might always have an army in readiness, or raise sudden troops, to lie
in ambuscade, in the borders, by way of prevention, sent forth divers
stradiots and scout-masters, to discover the country, and liie behaviour
of the English ; who returned with full assurance of the coast's clearness,
and, for any thing they saw, they might make both incursions and ex**
cursions, at their pleasure; which, although it, in some cases, made
the King the rather to wonder, as if England svas secure from any idle
project, or indeed scorned Pcrkin's title and claim ; yet, because it was
generally accepted for good news, he would not be a contrary amongst
so many; but made the more haste, and so, with fire and sword, as if
he did arma virumque canercy entered Northumberland, proclaiming tht
title of the Duke of York, by the name of Richard the Fourth, and
promising both pardon and preferment to all such, as would submit
themselves to the yoke of his obedience; the denial whereof was accom-
panied with such spoil, cruelty, and insulting, that never, before or
since, did they ever triumph over us, or proved so tyranmms; "S9 that
I may well cry out, as the poet doth against Scylla: .

Intreffidus tanti sedit securvs ab alto
Spectator seeleria : miseri tot rmlUa vul^
Noa piguit jussisse mari, congesta recepit
Omnia Tyrrhenus ScylUma cadavera gurge*.

Lucan. Lib. ii.

Wherein, doubtless, they had gone forward, but that they perceived no
aid or succour to come from any parts of England to restore this titular
duke. Besides, the soldiers, full of spoil and blood, would go no fur*
ther, till they had sent their presents to their wives and children, or
returned themselves to gratify one another, after such a victory; but,
in truth, the King, foreseeing i; would be revenged, determined rather
to retire with this assured victory, than to tarry the nuncupative dukeV
unsure and uncertain proceedings, tnd so retreated into Scotland
again.

Some remember, that, at this time, though it was but a very simple
policy, Perkin used a certain kind of ridiculous mercy and foolish com-
passion towards the English people, as though that rather moved the
Scots to the retreat, than any thing else: whereupon, lest his cozening
and illusion should be discovered, by reason so few resorted unto him,
he thus complained to the Scottish King, and, as it were, exclaimed of
himself: O ! wretch and hard-hearted man that I am, thus remorseless,
to forage my native country, and purchase my inheritance with suck
effusion of blood, cruelty, and slaughter. ¥ox tiovv \ sc^, \i^l«t^ ^^^
huswcss can be brought to any good pass, \iouse% iivxx'&X >a^ ^'^^^> c«>*»^

» e!2

420 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c.

tries depopulated, women ravished, virgins defloured, infants slain, the
aged murthered, the goods rifled, and the whole kingdom subject to
devastation which, to my grief of soul, I must needs deplore. There-
fore, great King, I request you from henceforth, do not afflict my
people, nor deform my country, in such a lamentable and remorseless
manner : for, doubtless, I shall never endure it with a peaceable soul
and conscience, and had, in a manner, rather lose m^y part and interest
therein, than purchase it with such loss and excruciation of mind,
especially eflfusion of blood and barbarous inforcement.

Surely, replied the King of Scots half angry, and more than half
mistrusting his dissembling, yea, fully resolved on his weakness and
pusillanimity:

Fletus quidfundis inanesf

Nee te sponte tua sceleri parclre faterisf

Usque adeo ne times, quern tu facis ipse timendtitn f

Lucan, Lib, iii.

Methinks your care is rather ridiculous than superfluous, to be thus
dolent for another man^s possessions: yea, I see not, but your claim is
so remote and disannulled, that it must be an Herculean labour to settle
you in any of their cities and petty provinces. But, for calling Eng-
land your land and realm, and the inhabitants your people and subjects,
it is as wonderful me, as displeasing to yourself, that, in all this time,
neither gentleman, nor man of worth, hath extended a daring hand, or,
if you will, commiserable arm of assistance towards you ; nay, though
the war was begun in your name, for your sake, and within your realm,
of which, you say, you are the undoubted heir, and invited to the same
by your own people and faction.

Alas! replied the prince, I confess as much as you say ; but, if it
vill please you to acknowledge the truth, the falling back of the King
of France, yea, when I was in speed of my journey, the failing of
many promises to my aunt the Duchess of Burgundy, and the defect
and protraction of my business, by the loss of an hundred lords and
knights, some in their liberties, some in their lives, some fn>m their own
good motives and intents, andall, from their true hearts and endeavours,
by the King's forces, and vigilant eye over them, hath not only deceived
my expectation, but, in a manner, perverted my fortune. Besides,
you know with what difficulty the nature of adversity, and men in
distress, attain unto any credit and estimation ; so that we and you
both have had woeful experience of many great princes deposed from
their thrones, and left friendless, succourless, and quite destitute of
relief in the hands of their enemies; and therefore, as mischief and
misery are of my old acquaintance, so am I not now unprepared to
entertain the same, but must submit to the calamity, aud attend the
appointment of the highest God, concerning my lowest dejection, and
so I conclude with an ancient saying of Euripides :

• THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c. 42 J

— i» Turh'am enim recipere me puduit,

Ut oculis viderent hunc meum turpem hahitum^

Occultans pros pudore meum infortunium ; qvando enim vir

Hahuerit malk magints, in ineptias

Cadit deterioresy eo quifuit dudum infiaslix,

Eurip. Helena.

Although this came roundly off, and savoured somewhat better than
the former ; yet the King replied not at all, but was content with his
first reproof, being more fearful every day than other, that this intricate
business would be a work of wonder, and to fashion the lump of suck
deformity, to any handsome or substantial proportion, must be dangejP-
ous and prejudicial for ever to the Scottish crown.

After |he nobles bad been thus startled in Northumberland with the
clamours of the people, and saw the inhabitants fly every way from the
fury of the Scots, they fortified their holds, mustered their forces,
followed the enemies, and certified the King of all this enterprise and
invasion, who, not a little abashed at the same, as more fearing the
natural subject's startling out of the sphere of his allegiance, than any
foreign comet in the greatest radiance and presages, presently took order
for the repressing of each tumult and insurrection ; but, assured of the
Scots retreat, and that they were returned loaden with spoils and great
riches, he resolved upon another course, havfng, in t\\e mean while, so
great occasions of displeasure against Scotland, that all men, either to
please themselves, or animate the King in his willing revenges, cried out»
To arms, to arras ! And this was the eleventh year's work. . ^

The twelfth y^ar began with a parliament, botli for the settling the
uncertain affairs of the kingdom, and the obtaining a subsidy, or other
disbursements of money, for the furnishing an army into Scotland; to
which all the nobility and gentry opened willingly their coffers, and
chearfuUy their hearts, exclaiming against their immanity, and pro-
claiming their loyalty and endeavours, to prosecute them with all revenge,
that durst so affright the kingdom, and affront the peace and tranquillity
of the commonwealth. Of this army was Giles, Lord Dawbney, the
King's chamberlain, made lieutenant-general, a man of no less wit than
experience, of no less experience than hardiness, of no less hardiness
than moderation and government. But see the changes of human life, and
the mischiefs to which the best of men and greatest princes are sub-
ject, as if the poet were again to cry out :

Heu non est quicquamjidum, neque certafalicitas.

As he was marching forward with his forces, a strange innovation called
bim back again. For (as if fortune only meant to play the wanton with
Perkin on the one side, and bring him, as we say, into a fool's paradise,
and misfortune on the other side) to try the King's patience, a new re-
bellion in the west had like to have been as a heavy burden on his
shoulders, and set in combustion the whole commonwealth. For, when
the parliament was dissolved, and commissioners were speedily sent to
gather in the money^ this excandescem populus^ to whom such tiatxes and

£ e 3

4tt THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, be

impositions were a kind of dramog' blooci from their very liie veins,
began to rebel, especially the Comisttmeny inhabiting the remotest parts
of the Icingdom westward, who not only complained of their own penury
and wants, as living in a barren and sterile soil, overcome with labour,
' watches, and toils in the minerals, and getting a poor maintenance out
of the caverns of the earth, with fearful endurances ; but threatened
the officers,' denying the taxes, and began temerariously to speak of the
King himself; yea, when there sieemed by the justices, and others in
authority, a dam to be cast up against this fearful inundation, they
desisted from womanish exclamations, lamenting^b, and ejulations, and
fell, incopsiderately, to malicious calumniation, threatening the coun-
cil, and naming I'homas Moreton, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Sir
Reinold Brey, as principal directors and setters forward of these imposi-
tions against them; saying plainly. It was a shame, tha!t a small mcur^
sion of the Scots, which ^^s nc^t only customary, but as soon extin-
guished as kindled, should raise such exactions, and excite the kingdom
to unsuffcrable turmoils, with a general war, and tumultuous hurly-
huriy; to which things, when the commissioners would have gently
answered, and honestly maintained the King's purposes and prerogatives,
Thomas Flamock, a gentleman learned in the laws, and Michael Joseph,
a blacksmith, took upon them the defence of the commons, threatening,
wjthout further reasoning the matter, both the receivers, and all such,
^hom they employed as inferior officers under them.

By which occas'on, according to that saying, Rrs vehemens muUitud^^
improbos cmn habueiit prafectos : They became a monstrous head to
these unruly bodies, exhorting the people to arm themselves, and not be'
afraid to follow them in this tjuarrel ; for they intended neither hurt to
any creature, nor spoil to any place, but merely a reformation of the
disorder, and correction of such persons, as Were the authors^of their
grief and vexation ; and, when any seemed to impugn and reprove these
seditious and unreasonable courses, affirming plainly, that, from all
examples, and times, treasons and commotions have ended with lament-
able effusion of blood, both of the authors themselves, and many inno-
cents made accessaries, through constraint and wicked instigation, they
were called base dastards, cowa*'ds, fools, and lovers of ease and arro-
g^ce, more than renown, and their country's honour and liberty ; so
that, what with shame of taunts and rebukes, and what with fear
of the loss of their lives and goods, they uniced themselves to this
outrageous company, and made up a strong party well-armed, and
too well instructed ; for the captains not only praised and extolled
the hardiness of the people, but rewarded such as assisted and relieved
the soldiers, whereby, after a general muster of forty-thousand men,
they came to Taunton, where they slew the provost of Perin, principal
commissioner for the subsidy in those parts, and from thence to Wells,
intending to go forward to London, where the King was resident, and
such counsellors as they maligned.

O rabies inaudita*! O wretched and abused people! that think of

nothing but present rages, nor once admit of any providence, to consider

of following punishments, whatever sudden events contrive, biit, in

their disobedience against God, their prince and country, resemble a

' 'hnt sea, a burning t0Trent|% \Km^«%XuQ^ niVcv^s ^VV ^Ucfa(witb

. TH^ HISTORY OF FEEKIN WAKBBCK, «lc. «t3

extremity and impetuous force) 3pail the trees, over-run atid swallow up
the lower ground, consume all things, and,'in the end, leave the mis-
chief to the wringirig of hands, crying of the people, and deprecations of'
the better sort, who impute such vengeance to the power and justice of
God, that punishcth sins, and will not suffer disobedience and horrible
villainies unrewarded : for never rebellion prevailed in their greatest
forwardness^ nor ended without unsufferable damages wrought by their
unruliness which rather tended to thefts, robberies, spoils, and slaugh*
ters, than reformation, or honest coercion of disorders. As for their
motives and excuses for such facinorous attempts, breaking out to find
fault with men in authority, and audacious invections against the*
government: Alas! neither can they tell what to demand or what to
redress, when it shall come to true deciding indeed. Tor a very con-
fusion will hinder their resolutions, and, not knowing wherein to pro*
ceed directly, they ask indirectly that which may not be granted As
for their governors themselves, let them be never so good, they shall be
sure of enviers, and finders of faults; let them be never so bad, they
shall have flatterers and supporters; let them be indifferent, and the
good which they do shall not be so well accepted, as the bad they
procure maliciously taken; yea, remove whom you will, the persons
may be chanj^ed, but the faults will remain, and so the prince be pleased,
and men's private humours satisfied, who regarded the commonwealth,
or helped a poor man fir cliarity's sake; yet l must needs say, that
many times honest governors, instead of obedience, have good-will ;
and whosoever lovelh his country, without collateral respects, may siC
down wi^h a safe conscience, but not unscandalised, or maligned of
some of his own rank. Therefore I would have all generous spirits,
either to love virtue for virtue's sake, once placed in authority, and, in
spighc of the world, stick close to the sides of religion and equity, though
persecution and troubles do follow, or disclaim the affecting such trans-
cendent places, allaying the thirst of ambition with a quiet potion of
reposedness and contentUK'nt, and leaving the vanity of foppish obser-
vation to vain glorious fools, who are not only called so by God himself,
but, perad venture, reputed so 'even by such as do them reverence,
and fatten themselves in the well-soiled pastures of their government.*

But to our story:

When the King was advertised of these troubles, and exorbitant
attempts, which gathered like a cloud, threatening a tempest round
about him, and saw into what perplexity he was now detruded, having
war on every side, he compared himself to a man rising in a dark night,
and going undressed into a room, striking his head against this post,
running against that table, meeting with liis shins such a stool or form,
and staggering up and down against one block or another ; and so stood,
for the time, amazed, not knowing what to say, what to do, or with
whom to find fault, till, with a kind of sigh, he vented out this paying
of Euripides :

Similes sumvs nautisy qui
Tempeatatis cum effugerint icevam vim,
Prifpe terram appulerunt, deindt a terra
Fiaminibus pelluntur in pantum lucrum. ^\\^,VLftx%jc^\^'8b.

E e 4

4f 4 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c.

But to complain of God, or men, would rather aggravate bis grief than
procure his redress ; therefore^ though he well knew that princes were
the tennb-balls of fortune, and subjects of mutability and alteration,
and that he muse submit to the divine providence; yet he also under-
stood there was no lying still in this deploration, without the ordinary
practice of such remedies as God had appointed in their several work-
ings, and therefore prepared his armies either to' bring this disturbance
tQ a quiet atonement, or whip the rebellion with the scourges of fire
and sword. But when again he considered the Scots were his enemies,
and must be suppressed ; the western rebels were at his doors, and must
be repugned ; France was wavering, and must be looked unto; Flanders
threatening, and must be appeased ; Perkin Warbeck lay at advantage,
and must be watched; yea, over -watched, as indeed the principal fire-
brand, that set all this on a blaze, and, in the midst of these hurly-
burlies, came over ambassadors from the French King, who must be
answered; he grew somewhat perplexed again, till, shaking off all the
hindrances of his amazement, he fell to practice, and orderly per-
- fi>rmances.

Whereupon he called his council together, and they, without any
great difficulty, determined the business in this manner. To attend upon
the Scots, Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, a puissant and politick
. captain, prisoner at the overthrow of King Richard the Third, and
within two years set at liberty, and after John Lord Dinham made high
treasurer of England, was appointed to muster the forces of the county
palatine of Durham, and the borders round about, and so attend that
service. To repress the western rebels, the Lord Dawbney, with his
whole power, prepared for Scotland, was recalled to march against
them, wheresoever they incamped. To look unto France, Calais and
. Guisnes, with the garisons, were much augmented, and provided for.
To prevent Flanders, the navy was prepared, and the staples for the
merchants settled. To keep Warbeck from coming into England, and
joining with the rebels, the whole nobility combined themselves, espe-
cially the Earl of Essex, and Lord Mountjoy, who came on purpose to
London, to offer their service to his Majesty ; and so all places were
looked unto with a vigilant eye, and manned with strength of soldiers.
And, to answer the ambassadors of Charles the French King, he sent
honourable persons to receive them, and convey them to Dover, and
there a while to detain them till some of these tumults and rebellions
were 'extinguished and suppressed; which indeed was so wisely and
. politickly handled, that none of the ambassadors were troubled so much
as with the rumours of these commotions.

But see the horror of spight, and with what a contracted brow mis-
fortune can look upon Kings themselves ! So that a man well may say
to this rebellion, as Ovid did to Cupido in his first book of elegies:

Sunt tibi magna puer, nimiumque potentia regna :
Cur opus qffectas ambitiose novum ?

For, as these rebels and Cornishmen departed from Wells, they

eatertaincdf for their chief ca^^XaAtv, J^ime^ Twichet, Lord Audley

hose countenance and auiVioui^ Vv\ xV^ ca>\xwVr3 ^x\fcw^^\!L^^ >Jqkbv

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, Ice, 435

much: for, by this occasion^ they went, without intermission, to Sails*
bury, and so to Winchester, and from thence into Kent, hoping for
further and fijrther assistance. But they were deceived in their expect*
ation : for the Earl of Kent, George Lord Abergavenny, John Brpoke,
Lord Cobham, Sir Edward Poiniugs, Sir Richard Guildford, Sir
Thomas Bourchier, Sir John Pechy, William Scot, and many others,
with a well-mustered army, were not only ready to defend their country
from all mischief and destruction, but determined to offend them in their
facinorous attempts, and prejudicial intrusion; which loyalty somewhat
rebated the forwardness of the Cornishmen, and they began to suspect
themselves, being so far from their country, and remote from any
supply. Notwithstanding, loth to dishearten their spirits with any de-
pressing humour, they cast away all doubts, and, presuming on their own
strength and forces, as also animated by their leaders and conductors,
they were now as much exasperated against the Kentish men, for refusing
their promised assistance, as against tne King, for usurping their liberty,
swearing revenge against both : in which rage and heat of repining,
they came as far as Blackheath, within four miles of London, and
took the field in an arrogant, over-daring manner, on the top of an
hill, supposing all things conformable to their arrogancy, and deceivable
hopes, because, as yet, they passed and repassed without fighting, or
strong encounters : but, alas I

Blanditioe comites tibi erunt terrorque Jurorque^

And they were abused with a veil of ignorance, and covering of obsti-
nacy; for the King disposed of his affairs with great policy and cir-
cumspection, not determining to give them battle j or cxagitate them at
all, till he had them far from their proper dwellings and flattering
friends; till they were in despair of relief, and wearied with, long and
Jedious journies; till their treasure was spent, their vitals consumed,
and provision failing; till their company dropped from them like rotten
hangings on a moistened wall, and their whose designs and expectation
were quite disannulled; and then, when he imagined their souls vexed
with the terror of a guilty conscience, their fury asswaged with com-
punction and penitency, their spirits daunted with repentance and
remorse, and all their army affrighted with madness and doubtful
extasies, would he set upon them, and, in some convenient place, cir-
cumvent and inviron them to his own best advantage, and their irre-
coverable damage and destruction.

As for the city of London, I cannot but remember and compare it
unto Rome, both when Hannibal passed the Alps, to threaten the
monarchy, being yet far off himself, ;and also Marius and Sylla covered
her fields with armed men, and trampled on the bosom of their country
with ambitious steps, and cruel feet of usurpation: then spoke the poet
in this manner:

Quoties Romam fort una lacessity

Hac iter est hellis, gemitu sic quisque latently
Non ausis timuisse palam : Vox nulla dohri
Credita; \Mca.\\%\J^»^*

4f6 THE HBTdRY OP PERKIJ^ WARBECK«.&e. ^

There was chaining the streets, shutting up the shops, making strong
the gates, doubling the watch^v, hiding their treasure, criqs, fean,
terrors, and every one more disturU*d for the loss of his private goods,
than the encumberances of the commonwealth. Here was mustering of
soldiers, watching all day in armour, guarding the river, filling the
. streets with companies of horse and foot, cutting down the bridge, lock-
ing up their doors, shutting the gates, and what else named before, to
lie put in practice, with advantage of many pit;ces of ordnance, both ig
Southward and the suburbs, and the strength of the Tower, which they
•knew was reserved for the King himself. Notwithstanding, such was
the itistability of the citizens, being a little disturbed from Iheir quiet-
ness and rest, their dainties and ease, their banquetings and roevtingi,
their feasts and sumptousness, their pastimes and pleasures, that they
father complained of the King and his council for the first occasion of
these tumults, than exprobrated the - rebels for ingratitude and dis-
obedience. But the King, without further disputing against their poeviih-

*lie8S,* or laying open the abuses of such refractory people, delivered
tiiem of this fear: for ho presently sent John Earl of Oxford, Henty
Bourchier Earl of Essex, Edmond de la Poole Earl of Sufiblk, Sir Rice
ap Thomas, Humphrey Stanley, and other worthy martial men, with
ft company of archers and horsemen, to environ the hill where the rebels
were incamped round about : himself, with the main army and forces of
the city, much ordnance and great provision, took St. George's- fields;
where, on a Friday, at night, he quartered himself, and on the Satur-
day, very early in the morning, he posted Lord Dawbney at Dertford,

. who, by break of day, got the bridge of the Strand, in spightof rcsisters,
which manfully defended it a while, shooting arrows a full yard long;
and demeaning themselves like scholarly and eloquent orators, pleading
for the time in a bad cause with good words, and handling an ill matter
too weih From thence he went courageously against the whole com-
pliny; and, what with, the former earl's assaulting tht^m on the one side,
and bis own charges on the other side, as knowing how the King^s busi-
ness stood to make an end of the war, the battle began a-pace, and not
ft man but prepan*d himself to fight it out, till at last the Lord Dawbney
engaged himself so far, that he was tak^n prisoner; but whether for fear,
or thniugh his own wit and policy, they quickly released him, and he
as quickly dfspatched the matter, and made an end of the war ; for he
put them all to flight, so that a man may well say unto them :

Via nuUa salutiSf

ifonfaga^ nen virtiUy vis spes quaque mortis honesta:

And I may truly report of the contrary: never was a battle so well
fought, and so quickly determined: for, before the King was ready to
go to dinner, there were slain two«tbousand rebels, and many more
taken prisoners; the rest hardly escaped home, who, for all their defeat,
and uncomfortable news to the people, were rather accelerated to
l^venge their companions wrongs, than exanimated from further attempts,
01* seemed grieved at the King and cbuntry^s molestation; shewing sad

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c. *i7

looks, but stomachful hearts, and so remained intoxicated in their
brains, and ready, upon every occasion, to a new rebellion, as you
shall hear hereafter.

When this battle was ended, and so delicately contrived (for the King
lost not above four hundred men) some imputed it to the King*s policy,
who appointing the same on Monday, by way of anticipation, fell upon
them on Saturday, and so, taking them somewhat unprovided, had the
fortune to prevail and thrive in his advantage. Such as were taken
and apprehended had their pardon, except the principal and firebrands
of the mischief: for the Lord Audley was drawn from Newgate to
Tower-hill, in a coat of his own arms painted upon paper reversed and
all torn, and there beheaded the twenty-eighth of June. l'ht)mas
Flamock and Michael Joseph were executed, after the order of traitors,
and their quarters sent into Cornwall, for the terrifying of the people. ^
Some were dispatched at sundry towns, as they deservid; amongst whom
the Smith, ^nd divers others of his immodest friends, had no excuse to
make for this rebellion; but, whether they prevailed or no, they were
8ure to be registered to eternity, for daring to do somewhat in behalf , of
their country's liberty, and bidding battle to Kings and princes at their
palace-gates, and before the city walls, even London. itself, that great
city, the chamber for their treasury, and strength of 'their royaltj^ } .
which makes me remember a saying of Lucan, Lib.vii],

'Sed me vel sola tueri

Tama potest rerum^ toto quas gessmns orbe,
Et nomettf quod mundus amat ;—

And in another place, Lib. ix,

Quid pluraferam ? turn nomina tanto

Invenies operi, velfamam comuk mundi :

And this was the end of the twelfth year.

In this time you must know, that the King of Scots lay not idle,
but, merely upon supposition of what would follow, prepared himself,
nor was so ill befriended, but he had secret intelligences of all King
Henry's purposes and intendments; whereupon he enlarged his army,
barricadoed his passages, intn^nched and fortified the holds, kept good
"watch and ward, and stood on the pinnacles of a high presumption to
encounter with theproudest forces of England ; yea, to give defiance, if need
were, to the King himself. Notwithstanding he now lay a while only at
defence, watching with what ward the English would break upon him,
and wondering at my Lord Dawbney's retraction, and why he came
not forward as his spies had advertised ; but, when he understood of
the western rebellion, he then conjectured the truth, and a while
reposed himself, till a messenger of these western men came unto Perkin
and proffeied their obedience and endeavours, if he would come and join
his army with theirs, and so, as their prince and captaii), revenge their
wrongs. This was motioned to King James, who,tho' he confessed, that,
if they would join -with the Comishmen, there might be a ^te 9^^^^

4t8 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &ci

*

I

indeed to prevail and walk in the fields of victory; yet he w6u1d by no
means adventure his people so far, and confessed plainly he wanted ships
for transporting so great an army into those parts: only, because he
would be doing to please the supposed Prince, he meant to take Ais
opportunity of the King of England's disturbance, and once again
adventure into his territories; and so with a sufficient preparation he
attempted the Castle of Norharo, standing upon the river of Tweed,
dividing Scotland and England. But Richard Fox, Bishop of Durham,
a man of great learning, courage, experience, and fidelity, suspecting
as much, had well stored and fortified the same, and was in it with such
power, ammunition, and provision, as he was able to raise, sending
the King word of the siege, and inviting the Earl of Surrey to come to
his rescue with all expedition! The earl was mustering of men in York*
thire when this news extended itself, and like a worthy servant hastened
his journey the rather, and'SO with twelve Earls and Barons of the north
country, one hundred knights and g^tlemen of name, and twenty
thousand soldiers, well ordered and armed, he came to raise the siege,
in which this brave prelate was so engaged*: besides, he furnished a
handsome navy at sea, whereof the Lord Brooke was admiral, to pve
their attendance whatsoever should chance. But when the King of ScoU,
and hu counterfeit Duke of York, had full and certain notice of the
Earl of Surre/s approach, and that the Lord Dawbney's army was dso
intire and unbroken, yea, ready to march forward as a second to the
former, they thought it better to retire with security, than to tarry the
adventure with certainty of loss, if not hazard both of life and honour;
and so by a voluntary consent they raised their camp and returned,
under colour of commiseration of the people, whom they knew in the
best war must be subjected to slaughter and captivity. And to this
purpose they could yield a reason out of our poet to certain spirits that
wondered at their affrightings and drawings-back, seeing no peril ap-
parent, nor hearing of any stedfast reports concerning a more forcible
enemy, and so calling for a book reading to them this lesson of satis*
faction :

•Potuit tibi vulnere nullo

Stare labor belli, potuit sine cade suhactnm,
Captix>wnque ducem violatce tradere pact ?
Quisfuror6 Ccsci scelerum^ Civilia bella
Gesturi metuunt, ne non cum sanguine tincant?

Lucan. Lib. vii.

This answer of the King did rather harm than good to poor Perkin.
For they perceived' the King was weary of this war, and loth to take
his part any longer, and so they rested a while displeasingly pleased.

But the truth was, the Earl of Surrey was so inraged at the bragging
and over-daring prince, that he followed him at the heels, and in revenge
of many mischiefs perpetrated by him in such audacious manner,- be
Wintered Scotland, defaced the castle of Cundrestins, demolished die
tower of'Hedonhall, uudermiued the tower of Edington, overthrew the

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &6. 42ft

pile of Fulden> and sent Norroy king of arms to the captajn of Haitoa
Castle, the strongest fortification between Berwick and Edinburgh, to
deliver the same; which he absolutely denied, until th^ worthy general
set himself down before it, made his approaches, and cast up a strong
rampart, or battery, for the expugnatiun, prevailing so far, that at last
it was surrendered, their lives only saved; who were no sooner departed,
according to the conditions, but our general quite overthrew and demo-
lished the same.

The King of Scots was within a mile of the siege, and yet durst not
rescue the same ; only, by way of ostentation, he sent Marchmount
and another herald to the Earl of Surrey with a kind of defiance, and
challenge either to encounter with him army to army, or body to body;
conditionally, that, if the victory fell to his Majesty, the earl should
deliver and surrender for his ransom the town of Berwick with the fish-
garths of the same; if th»?earl again were victor, the King would pay
one thousand pound sterling for hie redemption. The noble genertd
welcomed these heralds, and, like a courageous, yet understanding
captain, quickly answered all the points of their commission : first, he
was ready to abide the battle in the plain field, and would, if he pleased,
for the same purpose lay open the trenches, and make the' passages so
easy, that victory should have comfort of coming amongst them.
Secondly, he thought himself much honoured, that so noble a prince
and great a King, would vouchsafe to descend to so tow a degree of
contention, as a private duel with him, for which he would not only
repute him hcroick and magnanimous, but, setting his loyalty to his
prince aside, perform all good offices, which belonged to the sweet
contract of a perpetual amity, if it were possible, between them.
Thirdly, for the town of Berwick, it was none of his, but the King hit
master's, which he would not so much as conjecture upon without his
consent and advice, as. he himself might well judge in the affairs of
princes, what was to be done. Fourthly, he thought his own life worth
all the towns of the world, and so would gladly hazard himself; yea
was proud, as he said before, that so great a Majesty would parallel
him in such a kind ; only he desired pardon for a little vain-glory, that, .
. if he conquered the King, he would release him freely; if the King
vanquished him, he would either yield him his life, or pay such a tribute
and competency, as is befitting the state and degree of an earl; to all
which he was rather induced, because he was confident, that

Causa jubet melior superos sperare secundos*

But it should seem, these affronts were mere flourishes : for neither
battle, norcombate, nor any enterprise worth the recording was put in
practice, although the English forces had lain long in the country, to
the same purpose. Whereupon the lord general, loth to spend his time
so inconsiderately, and somewhat wearied with the distemperature of
the climate, and unseasonableness of the weather, the country affording
nothing but mists and fogs at this time of the year, raised his camp, and
retired to Berwiqk. But, when the truth was farther enlarged, the King
commanded him so to do by his letters of private iutelUg£w:^\ i^twyw c-assNst

430 THE HISTORY OF FERKIN WARBECK, &c.

a time, in which the windows of heaven seemed to open, and die God
of McTcy thought to recompense his patience and goodness, with a cpiiet
end ot his troubk^s, and happy success in his enterprises, which fell out
upon this occasion:

Ferdinando King of Spain, and Elisabeth his wife, having a porpoie
to marry tht ir daughter Lady Catharine, to Arthur Prince of Wales,
and very loth that any contention between the King of Scots, whom he
much favoured, and the King of England, whom he highly respectedi
should be, as it were, a wall of partition U'tween their projected amity
and royal affinity; especially that either probability of ah interest, or
counterfoil device of the issue male from the House/)f York, should cast
any blocks or hindrances in the way of tbr-se pretences; he most provi-
dently S'^nt one Peter Hialos, a man of great learning, experience, and
prudence, as an ambassador to Jamrs King of Scots, by way of mediation
to contract a league of peace and absolute amity between the King of
England and him; who proceeded with such fair conditicuas, and pro
vailed so well in his proposed message, that he perceived a glinimerii^
fun-shine of this peace afar off, but that there were certain thickenii^
clouds of mischief and disturbance, which by some effectual heat linom
the King of England's breath must be removed and dissipated; and
therefore he wrote to King Henry, that, if it would please him to send
90me worthy man to be his associate in this enterpriise, he persuaded
himself, that an honest oratory would quickly conclude the profitable
articles of amity. For the poet had assured him,, and he found by some
'experience, that

Addidit iivoalida rebus facundia cautft '

And, for an entrance into the same, he assured the Kiii^, that there was
a great likelihood to lay down the bloody colours of defiance, and
ilouri&h the pleasant ensigns of tranquillity, r For the King of Scots bad
already protested, he was only emulous of King' Henry's virtues, and
\ neither maligned nor spited his person ; and, for Perkin's title, he made
it a matter of conscience and charity. For he knew him the right heir,
if he were the right creature, and the clorgy warranted the actions as
meritorious. The better sort disclaimed all tyrannous prosecutions:
for, except their obedience to the King, they spent and consumed their
estates, and only returned with tears and lamentations for the loss of
their friends. The inferior sort imputed all to the superior commands,
and, as for the formidable effects and bloody issue of war, it was only
the chance and fortune of encounters, the action of fury, and the ven-
geance and curse appropriate to dissensions, according to that worthy
author of excellent sentences and propositions,

'Sed mentibvs vnum

Hoc solamcft erat, quod Voti turba nefandi
Conscia^ quce patrumjugulos, qua pectorafratram
Sperabat, gaudtt monfttris, mmtisque tumultUj
Atque omm <ce{crttm svkiios ytUat esse Jurores.

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECR, ke. 431

Whereupon King Henry, boasting of the character of Prince bf Peace,
so that he might not be branded with ignominy of baseness, pusillani«
mity, and dishonour, quickly consented to such agr(*emeiit, and for the
same purpose sent Richard Fox Bishop of Durham, who still lay in the
battered castle of Norbam, as his chief commissioner, who accordingly
associated himself with Peter Hialos, at the town of Jedworth in Scot-
land, whither the ambassador from King James likewise repaired. Here
y/uQTe many matters disputed upon, many conditions laid open, many
difficulties raised, many grievances urged, and many conclusions argued:
but, because they failed in the nrain point, nothing was di'termined.
For the King of England required Perkin Warbeck to be delivered into
his hands, as the principal fountain of this venomous stream, the chief
occasion of his unquietness, the perturber of his realm, the seducer of
his subjects, and the author of many rebellions. But the King of
Scots, like a prince indeed, would not buy his peace with the blood of
innocents, especially a man coming to him fur succour, shewing all tho
marks of a distressed and abused prince, allied unto him by marriage,
commended by the Emperor, assisted by the Duchess of Burgundy,
and himself of fair demeanour, sweet behaviour, and of a most royal
and well-esteemed spirit: therefore, I say, he would by no means betray
him into the hands of his enemies, that was so long admitted into the
bosom of his friends ; nor should it be said, that in any such degree, for
any worldly respect whatsoever, King James of Scotland would be base
or perfidious: which he had learned from the example and punishment
of Prusias King of Bithynia, whom the Romans deposed, for consenting
to betray Hannibal into their hands, though they had promised large
rewards, and threatem»d severe vengeance. »

The commissioners answered directly, that they intended not by way
of defamation, or contumelious discovery of the vanity of the man, or
impossibility of his business to make him odious or corroborate their
own purposes, by the destruction of so silly a creature, or discredi^ng
so poor a business : but merely to shew the truth, and unfold the secrets
of the deceit, that such a prince, as King Jaimes, niight not be colluded
with shadows and apparitions, but orderly drawn into this holy and
general league, wherein both the Emperor, France, and Spain desire a
combination of amity with England ; there only wanted himself to make
the number complete, that the horn of Achelous might be sent from
nation to nation, from kingdom to kingdom. For I can assure you, the
merchants of England have been received into Antwerp with, general
procession, the Emperor is pleased with this combination, the King of .
Spain pretendeth a marriage, the King of France endeavoureth a league,
and all the princes of Europe seek after a true confirmation of quietness: -
therefore, once again, be not an enemy to the good oVall Christendom,
nor so adverse to this holy combination, that the world shall rather
est(!em you wilful and prejudicate, than wis<^ and considerate.

Notwithstanding all this forcible and effectual intimation, the King of
Scots would not conseiffto deliver Perkin upon any condition ; but, as
he came to him for refuge, he should depart untouched, and not by his
occasion be in worse case than the brute beasts, oc vilest condition of
men, as he had learned Ipng since outof thataiicieutXTQ^^Y^w:

433 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c.

Hahet confugium belliui quidem petram^
Servi verb aras deorum : civitas verb ad civitatem ^»

Fugitj calamitatem passa : Rervm enim hutnanarum
Non. est quicquam perpetub beatum,

Eurip. Supplices.

Yet with much ado he "was brought to a truce for certain years, and
condescended to this, that Perkin sheuld be no longer succoured, har-
boured, or maintained by him, or in his territories and dominions:
with which answer, and orderly ratification of the same^ the ambassa-
dors departed, the armies v^tired, the soldiers were discharged, the
King of England satisfied, the orators of France (who from Dover had
audience at London about the same purpose) rewarded, and of all
others the worthy Peter Hialos, as principal work-man in this intricate
bu^ness, liberally and bountifully recompensed.

Only poor Perkin, whose glorious meteor began now tcf be exhaled,
seemed disconsolate and exanimated at this news and determination,
especially when King James began to expostulate and reason the matter
with him: first, from a repetition of the benefits and favours received by
his princely liberality and gentleness. Secondly, from his consangui-
nity, in marrying his kinswoman upon dangerous hopes and trivial ad-
ventures. Thirdly, from his many trials of sundry conflicts in EDgland^
proving all his promises wind and smoke, and his best enterprises trivial
and fanatical. Fourthly, upon the now combinatioix of amity with
all the princes of Europe, which could not be done without the King of
England's consent and agreement. Fifthly, upon the fatherly regard
of his country, which had need have bomc breathing -time of ease and
rest, and must questionless take a love-day of consolation and desisting
from turmoils. Last of all, from the care of religion and mother*
church, unto whose obedience and regard he was now absolutely sworn:
therefore he desired him to take some other course, and depait out of
his realm. For, as he heard, he was now interested in the confederacy
of the peace of Christendom, and, unless he should be a perjured and
perfidious prince, he could in no sort infringe the conditions, uor break
the truce combined by a firm and inseparable adjuration.

When Perkin had heard him out, although every word wus worse than
the croaking of some night-raven or screech-owl, and jthe amazement,
for the time, might have much disabled him : yet loth to discredit his
cause by any dejection or pusillanimity, and seeing all answers were
superfluous, and the very messengers of despair and disconsolation, he
raised himself with some outward chearfulncss, and, as well to avoid in-
gratitude towards so, great a benefactor, as to countenance himself and
his business, he thus, casting away all fear and abashing timidity,
replied: Most worthy prince,

Mortale est quod quoeris opus : mihifama perennis*

And therefore God forbid, that my continuance in your court and king-
dom, or the weakened cause of my attempts, should prove disadvantage-
ous or ominous unto you, both in regard of the many favours, your

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &e. 433

princelinoss hath heat)ed tphn me undeserved, and my ov^n wiflihoness
toot to be too tfoublesome ox" offensive unto so benign a Majesty ; which
rather than it should be hdzarded for my sake, without a cheart'ul and
liberal irillingness, the fame and glory of the enterprise shall be sufficient
for me; and I will hot only disclaim my right and intercut in the king-
dom of England^ my lawful inheritance, by descent, but pour out
myself, and spend my life, most profusely tor your sake. Only this
I must intrcbt at your hands, to give me leave to rig and caulk uf> my
ships, and gather together that dispersed company I have, or such as
would t^illingly and voluntarily attend me. Which seeming but rea-
sonable, and no way repugning the former agreement with the ambassa-
dors, was quickly condescended unto; so with many gifts, and royal
furniture for his wife and family, he took his leave, and sailed back th6
same way he came into Ireland, determining (as the last anchor-hold
of his fortunes) either to unite himself with the Comisbmen, whom he
knew not fully appeased, or to retire to Lady Margaret, his most worthy
aunt, and faithful coadjutrix.

He had not been long in Ireland, but his false fortirn6 6egan once
again to play With him, as flattering him with assured confidence and
warrant, that the western men would welcome and entertain him : from
whom he had this notice, that they could not forget their former injuries
and slaughters, nor determine a settled and true obedience to the Lan-
castrian family: whereupon, because something must be done^ or else
he should be for ever discredited; or that God, in his justice, derided
all such enterprises to scorn; or else, in his mercy, would give King
Henry a breathing*time to set his other princely qualities of wisdom,
magnificence, quietness, religion, charity, government, and policy on
work; he sailed o&t of Ireland, with five small ships, and two-hundred
men, his wife and attendants, his substance and wealthy and, in a
word, all that he had.

But, when he was to confer about his landing, and setting forward
his designs, he had such poor counsellors, as a man would smile at for
pity, rather than laugh at for scorn: for his principal friends were now
John Heron, a mercer and bankrupt: John of Water, sometime mayor
of Cork; Richard Skelton, a taylor: and John Astlcy, a scrivener;
men in general defann; for dishonest actions, and in particular reproach,
for understanding nothing bnt what consorted to their own wilfulness,
and outrageous appetites; of whom I may say, as Ovid complains iu
another case, in his elegies :

Non bene conducti vendunt perjuria teste9,
Non bene selecti Indicia area patet :

With this crew, about the month of September, he landed at a place
called Bodnam, and there so sollicited and excited the multitude, and
wavering people, that, when they heard him proclaimed Richard the
Fourth, as the undoubted son of Edward the Fourth, whom the Duke
of Gloucester, or, if you will, Richard the Tyrant determined to
murther, but that he escaped by the providence of God, they flocked
unto him to the number of four-thousand^ aiud^ a<icotdvck%Vo^'^w^>\\<»k

VOL.XK J i

494 THE HISTORY OF P£RKIN WARBiXIK, &c. '

of children running after new-fangled toys and painted pictures, sub*
mitted to bis bigbness, and swore, with all allegiance, to maintain his
dignity and royalty ; with which confidence and company, after they
hoA taken the musters of his army, and concluded to get some strong
towns into their possession, that so they might not only augment their
forces, but still have places of supporta^on and refuge to retire unto,
they went directly to Exeter, and besieged it* But because they
wanted ordnance to make a battery, and other provision to raise their
trenches, and approaches.; or indeed, if you will, were ignorant of
martial discipline, and the secrets of a true soldier's profession ; they
spent the more time against the gates, and endeavoured nothing, but a
forcible entrance, assaulting the same, with great pieces of timber, like
the Roman rams, crows of iron, firebrands, and impetuous violence of
great stones cast at them, and amongst them. But the citisens manfully
defended themselves, and held it out to their perpetual £une, letting
over the walls, in secret places, divers in basketst with strong cords,
to post to the King, and acquaint him with their distress. In the aiean
while, seeing a fire made under their gates, and that the cnemy^s fury
increased, they suspected themselves, and had qo other shift byt to put
force to force, and with one fire extinguish, or, if yoa will, devour
anbther; and so they caused great store of faggots and timber combi^
tible to be brought close to the posterns and greater gates, where the
mischief began, and set the same on fire, which increased with a filthy
smoke, and smother, and, at last, burst out into a fiame and blaze, so
that neither the enemies could come in, nor citizens go out; but^all
were compelled to desist from that work, and a|>ply themselves to more
new and necessary labours. For the rebels assaulted the most weak
and broken places of the wall, and the citizens ran to the expulsions,
and repaired the breaches, as fast as they were made; besides, they Lad
leisure to cast up great trenches under their gates, and by strong banks
rampiering the same made them more difficult passages than before.
The walls were mightily and impetuously assaulted, but the worthy
citizens defended them, with that courage, and countermanding, that
they slew above two-hundred soldiers, in their fury, and behaved them-
selves, as if they determined to obtain a perpetual name of renown, and
xinmatchable trophy of honour : so that I may well and briefly say of
them :

■ Serpens^ siiis, ardoVy arena

Dulcia virtuti : gaudet patientia duris.

When Pcrkin and his associates saw so strong and strange opposition,
they seemed both amazed and disheartened at the same ; whereupon,
between rage and despair, he retired his lousy and distressed army to
the next great town, called Taunton, where he mustered them a-new,
but found a great want of his company: for many of his desperate
followers were slain and cut off; many of the honester and civiler sort,
seeing the town of Exter, so well maintained, and that very few resorted
unto him, contrary to his form^ flourishes and ostentation, fell from
-bim^ and retired tLeiisuiebe%VidU\(i*> roc^iv^ vreary of the wiirsi and coo-

THR HISTORY On»ERKIN WARBECK, Ac. 436

J^cturing an impossibility to remove- a King so firmly establiihcd, or
terrified with the punishment impending on ti^ason, and presumptuous
rebellion, left hipn to his fortunes; and many politickly forecasting for
the worst, seeing not one of the nobility or better sort to afford a helping
hand to the lifting up of this frame, were contented to dispense with
former protestations, and so provided for themselves, whereby as I said,
as if the proverb was verified,

Non habd evefitiis sordida prada bonoSy '

he came short of his reckoning, and the items of his accounts were much
curtailed of their former length and computation.

But, in truth, the posts of the country brought comfortable tidings
of the King'is army approaching, of which the Lord Daubney, a fortu-
nate and success^ man in all his enterprises, was general ; yet, in the
mean while, had Lord Edward Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, Lord William
his son, Sir Edmund Carey, Sir Thomas Tretchard, Sir William Court-
ney, Sir Thomas Fulford, .Sir John Hatwell, Sir John Croker, Waller
Courtney, Peter Edgecomb, William Sentnaure, and divers others,
brought forward the forces of the country, to raise the siege of Exeter;
which not only animated and encouraged the citizens, but rebated the
fury of the contrary, and diverted them from that sore and outrageous
manner of assaulting the walls, where, in the last onset, the noble Earl,
and divers others, were hurt with arrows; he wounded in the arm,
and the rest in several parts of their bodies, but very few slain: and so,
with much ado, this famous and honour-thirsting city, with the hpnesrt
inhabitants of the same, were delivered and relieved.

By this time the rbyal standards of King Henry were advanced in
sight of the city, and the drums beat up their accustomed marches, to
the joy and fulness of contentment, both of the town and country: but,
when the King was advertised of their returning to Taunton, he hasted
thither. But first he welcomed Edward, Duke of Buckingham^ a young
noble, and well regarded prince, in whose company came along an
hundred knights and esquires of special name and credit in their coun-
tries, amongst whom. Sir Alexander Bainham, Sir Maurice Berkley,
Sir Robert J'ame, Sir John Guise, Sir Robert Points, Sir Henry Vernon,
Sir John Mortimer, Sir Thomas Tremaile, Sir Edward Sulton, Sir Amias
Paulet, Sir John BickweJl, Sir John Sapcotes, Sir Hugh Lutterel, and
-Sir Francis Cheny werc principal. O what a glorious thing it is, to
see a nobleman either stand by the chair of the prince, as a court star
and supportation, that, at last, the King may ask\ What shall be done
to the man he means to honour? Or move in his own orb, that is, the
love and credit of his country, firm to the state, and graceful in all his
actions and proceedings, still having a care to the government of the
people, and an eye to the dignity of the commonwealth^ so shall his
fame be extended abroad, and his renown enlarged at home; which
makes me remeirber the description of Capancus in that ancient Euri-
pides's SupplJces, who may be a precedent to all young noblemen ; yea,
I wish with my heart, that such, as are not teo presumptuous on their
own gifts of nature and education, would take Xh^i \>ooVl\xw >a3a.wvi> ^^^

yf2

436 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECKp 6cc.

-make oie both of precept and example, for the illustration of their
honours, and administration of their lives : the poet is somewhat large
-and more pleasant in the Greek, than the Latin. He t|fus beginocth :

Capaneus hie est^ tuifacultas vioendi erat ahundansy
Minimi verb divttiis insokns erat; magnitudinem verb animi
Non fnajorem habehat^ quam pauper vir,
Fugiens splendido victu, quicunque intumcesret minisy
Sufficientia vili pendens : Non enim in pastu ventris
Virtutem esse, mediocria verb sufficere dicebaty Sj-c.

Capanei Laus.

But to our story again: when the King approached the town of
Taunton, whether out of policy not to hazard the whole army at once,
or out ofsuspicionof some rcvolters in his company, or humbly consi-
dering there might be a turning of fortune's wheel, MStill Rotaforiunct
mgyro^ in the encounters of a battle, or harping uJK>n some stratagem
and enterprise, as providently forecasting both the worst and bestr,
which might chance; he sent btfore him Robert, Lord Brooke, the
steward of his house, Giles, Lord Daubney, and Sir Rice ap Thonias,
to give the onset, and begin the battle, that he withthe-rest, as a strong
ambuscade and relief, might come to the rescue, if they were wearied
and fatigued. But little needed this policy or procrastination : for poor
Perk in (desperate of his fortunes, and qi^ite exani mated to encounter
with the King's forces, in so warlike a manner and fearful a preparation,
contrary to all the motives of a true Roman honour, and without know*
ledge of his army) about midnight, accompanied with sixty horse,
departed in wonderful celerity to a sanctuary-town be»des Southamp-
ton, called Bewdley, where he, John Heron, Thomas a Water, and
others, registered themselves as persons privileged.

O what a God art thou! that canst, oneway, humble settled princes,
with the very shadows of peril and danger, makir^ them confess their
frailty and ticklish state of mortality, by the several incumbrances and
mischiefs to which they are subject; and, another way, confopnd the
mightiest projects, and annihilate their enterprises, turning all actions
and mountains of pride, sedition, .conspiracies, and ambition, to powder
and dust, and then blowing it away like smoke and vapour; and, ano*
ther way, protect the right of the innocent and distressed, sending
remedy and comfort, when they least think of it, or know to help and
advance themselves ; and, another way, whip with the rods of vengeance
the frenetical and vain multitude, who know nothing but rudeness and
clamorous outcries, nor practise any thing but indecencies and out-
tfageousness: so that we may well say: .

0 Jupiter J cur nam miseros sapere dicunt

Homines I ex te enim pendemuSy

jfgimusgne ea, qucB tu volueris.

O nihili homines I

Qui arcum extendentes tanquam ultra articulumf

Etjure utique mala patientes multay

jijnicis non ^idem creditis sed iptu rerum eventibus, S^c.

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c. 457

When King Henry kne^v that Parkin was fled, and departed from his
camp, he sent the Lord Daubney, with five^hundred horse, to intercept
him ; but he was lodged before they came, although most of his com-
pany were surprised and taken, who, as miserable caitifs, and poor
wretched delinquents, were presented to his Majesty : but, when thcr
residue of this fearful and staggering army could neither understand
what was become of their general, nor see their accustomed pendants
and ancients, nor their quarters so well ordered, as was the manner of
soldiers, nor their companies so chearful and well heartened, they knew
not what to say or to do; some supposing he was fraudulently slain,
some suspecting he was traitorously fled, some reporting the manifestatiop
of his deceit, some wondering at the strangeness of proceedings, in tbaf:
he had so miraculously begun, and presumptuously prosecuted such ^
dangerous work ; some exclaiming upon the simplicity of the matter,
that built upon 110 better grounds, than vain hopes and presumptuous
titles; some cursing themselves, that they had so far engaged their
loyalties against their sovereign Lord and King; some, continuing in
their rancorous malice, swore nothing but revenge and obstinacy; and
some, jiever to be reclaimed, even when their forces failed, cried out to
go forward, railing at the misfortune of the business, that they must
now fail, when they were ready to pull down the town-walls with their
hands: yet, when they were assured of his cowardly flight and base
pusillanimity, the common fear, common mischief, and common danger,
made them castaway their armour, and submit to the King; to whom^
though they came with affrighted countenances, and venomous hearts,
sad looks, and little repentance, curses in their souls, and promises of
faith, loyalty, and obedience out of their mouths; yet did the King
entertain them with all chearfulness and acceptable comfort, as the
greatest benefit which God could, at that time, bestoW upon kim, not
disputing of their hypocrisy, nor determining, by more narrow searches,
or artificial incantations, to try out the depth, and search the bottom
of their resolutions.

Tnus, as a conqueror, without manslaughter and effusion of blood,
he rode triumphaiitiy into the city of Exeter; and knowing Prctmium
and Pctna to be the mastering curbs of all the things in the world, not
only praised and applauded the citizens, but opened the treasure-house
of reward and honour amongst them, giving some presents, advancing
others to the order of knighthood, and granting many petitions, . accord- •
ing to the worthy condition of a prince, and the full corroboration of
their obedience: then proceeded he to some exemplary punishment of
divers refractory Cornishmen, whom their own companies accused at
delinquents, and the Majesty of the government would not endure
without correction.

But all this was nothing, in comparison of that which followed : for
his horsemen prosecuted the chace so diligently and honestly, that they
pursued the Lady Catharine Gordon, wife to this Perkin, even to
Michael's Mount; who. notwithstanding, bad she not been betrayed by
some of her own followers, might have escaped ; for, transforming h^r*
self into one of her servant's habits, she had gone G^uvtft «.hi«.^ x<c^\w«^^\^^i
but t)^8t uomt^pitjmg ih% distrev of theKinl, «4XutTOcS^^'w^SM^V\T^

4S8 THE HIStORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c.

doTDy and perceiving the end of the war, and paciBcation of these trou-
bles, to depend upon her surprising, would, by no means, give wrfy-
Unto new disturbances, but took her, and pres(*nted her to the King's
commissioners. What should I say, when she herself said nothing ? but
perceiving them gentlemen of worth, with Hypsipyle to J^ison, she
cried out :

Si vos nobiiitas generosque nomina tanguTit,

1 know you will use me like yourselves, and understand I am a prince
crery way. So they gave her leave to adorn herself, and brought her,
like a bond-woman and captive, to the King, who wondering at her
beauty and attractive behaviour, lifted up his hands to heaven in her
behalf, to see so great a worth betrayed to fanatical hopes and frenetical
deceit, thanking God for himself, that he had such a trophy of his
endurances and victories in his hands. Nor was the Emperor Aurelius
moTC proud of Zenobia, than he rejoiced in this adventure; some say,
be fancied her person himself, and kept lier near unto him as his choicest
delight ; yea, so doated on her perfections, that he forgot all things,
but the contentment which he received by her, insomuch that many
dared i^ libel against him, with that saying of Dejanira to Hercules:

Quern nunquam Juno, scricsque iftimensa lahoruin
Fregerit, huic lolen impoauisse jugum.

Some say, he durst not let her marry, for fear of ambitious tumours in
such as could attain to such a fortune; some confirm, that sh6 was of
that greatne&s of spirit, that she scorned all others in regard of herself,
both by the privilege of her birthright, and the possibility of her great-
. '^noss. Howsoever, he intreated her most honourably and amiably (such
a power hath beauty and comeliness ever in distress) and sent her to the
Queen so majestically attended, as if she had been a Queen indeed-v

Jn the mean while, my Lord Daubney employed himself, andf his
company, so effectually, that, invironingthe sanctuary, wherein Perkin
was, with two companies of light horse, who were vigilant, cautious,
strong, and courageous, he so lay in the -advantage of watching the
place, that Perkin could ho way escape. But the King was not satisfied
with this protraction, and therefore loth to lose him, or give hi^ liberty
to run, with the blind mole, .into further caverns of the earth, to cast
up heaps, and Httle hills of commotion, and affrighting his estate; and
yet daring not to infringe the privilege of these holy places (such a hand
bad superstition, and the pope's fulmination, got over all the princes of
Europe) he went more politickly to work, and sent divers persons of
account to persuade his submissioQ* and render himself wholly into the
King's hands, who not only promised him, pardon of life, but comfort of
liberty, yea, honourable maintenance, upon the easy conditions pf de-
sisting to perturb the common w<ealth any further, and disclaiiaing sq
mjmriously to pretend any titU to the diadem.
Wbca Perkin Baw to wkoii 8txe\gkt^hWb^x<\ue vras driven, and that
bemusteitbee split oft the xoeka oi dsaQoix^ QX.t«^^i^>iiwk^Viis^S^i» ^1m

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WAftBECK, &c. 439

troublesome ocean of despight, according to the nature of cowardly and
irresolute men, he chose the worst part, to save his life and submit to
the King's acceptation; not remembering, becatise he was never ac-
quainted with the secrets of Majesty, that he, which hath- been once a
prince, must never looj^ for a settled quietness in 'a private estate (be-
cause he is still subject to the conqueror's pleasure) but an ignominious
life, than which an honourable death is ten thousand times better; which
madothe noble Hecuba, as a worthy pattern to all unfortunate princes,
thus answer the proudest conquerors themselves:

Porrigam collum cordat^y intrepid^,
Liberam vero me, ut libera moriari
Per deos qweso dimittentes occidite : apud manes enim
Serva vocari, Regina cum sim, pudet me.

But, as I said, he now only recounted the difficult passages of his
former travels, the dangers escaped, the deceit pretertded, the peril im-
minent, and the misfortune too apparent, as being in no security in the
place he was fled unto, nor having any confidence in the persons he had
chosen: for, though he knew there was a reverence appropriate to
sam tuaries, yet kings, if they pleased, would be tied neither to law nor
religion, but perform what they list, or, under colour of their own
security, say they are compelled unto. Therefore, without any further
aggravati(jn, relying on the King's pardon, and those honourable con-
ditions propounded, he voluntarily resigned himself, and came to his
Majesty, as . a messenger of glad tidings. That now all wars, troubles,
and commotions were, by this means, ended .and determined.

The King wondered not much at him, for he only found him super-
ficially instructed, of a natural wit, of reasonable qualities, well-lan-
guaged, and of indifferent apprehension, but far from that highness of
spirit, orheroick disposition, to deserve the character of a prince, or lay
claim to a diadem; yet, loth with any boisterous strength to handle a
bruised arm, or draw the fellow into a new self-love, or good opinion of
himself, he passed over his examination the slightlier, and brought him'
immediately to London, being met all the way with great concourses of
l>eople; who Koth came to gratify him and his auspicious success, and
to see Perkin like som6 strange meteor or monster; or, if you will, be-
cause we yill deal more cleanly with him, like a triumphant spectacle^
to move amazement, delight, and contentment, according to that saying
of the poet:

Node pluit tota^ redeunt spectacula mane*

But, when they began to capitulate, that, being a stranger and an
alien born, he durst not only abuse so many princes and commonwealths
with lyes, fictions, and abominable deceit, but even bid battle to Kings
and princes, yea, bring Kings and princes into the field for his assist-
ance, they fell from wondering at him to rail and abuse him, both with
checks and opprobrious taunts; yea, diver* dared to put in practice
many indecencies, bolh of lage «id kidigna^H) ksA TtfA xJoa \«^^^\nw<&.

i£4i

440 THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, &c

of his Majest/s presence diverted their inconsideratiofi, and commanded
no farther rumour, gazing upon him, or violent threatening} against
liira. . To conclude, the King brought him quietly to I^ndon; and,
though he had given him life, and afforded him a kind of liberty, yet
did he set a guard over him, that he could neither have free conference,

• nor do what he wantonly listed without them.

By this time you must consider, that Lady Margaret in Flanders;
Duchess- Dowager of Burgundy, ^as not so ill befriended, or negligent

* in her own affairs, but she had bo(h intelligence from England, and
spies of her own, to acquaint her with all occurrences and adventures,
as they chanced. But, whether it was a news to her of bitterness and
tormenting spight, or no, let them judge, that make their stomachs
and inward faculties a store-hoi^ of rancour and malice, and cry out
with SenecB, Feiix J acet^ quicnnque quM odit premit ; yet was she not
tormented so much with the loss, expences, or disaster of the business,
which might be the chance of war, as that she could not prevail in "her
malignant courses against her enemy, the house of Lancaster : so that
she bemoaned the lamentable succe»i of her unforiiinate darling, and,
as many did testify, even shed tears again; but they were so far from
compunction, or penitency, that they seemed rather signs of rage,
phrensy, and intolerable madness, in which she cried out on nothing
but revenge, and repeated an exclamation of Hermione*s against
Orestes:

Qpce mea Cahstes injuria fecit iniquos !
Quodve mihi misera sidus abesse querar /

So that, if she had bad power equal to her implacable hatred, King
Henry should have felt the scourges of her wrathful hand, even to the
lowest dejection, and she had, , doubtless, shewed him a trick of a
woman's will, or (if I mightspeak without offence) wickedness.

In this while, Perkin, having two years liberty to ruminate on his
business, and swcjl up his vexed soul with uncomfortable commemor-
ation of preceding misfortunes, would ipany times cast out abrupt and
uncertain speeches concerning hjs distress, and the malevolent aspect of
his fate, ciirsing his miserable life, and complaining of Kis unprofitable
genius, thathad stood him in no better stead, wishing he had been bom
to any mechanical drudgery, rather than from the royal blood of Plan-
tagenet : insomuch that his keepers mistrusted him m these extasies,
and the King was still troubled, that he could neither make him confess
the truth, nor disclaim this high assumption of another's dignity and
royalty. But at last, as all such discontentments and eruptions must
have a vent, and so a determination, whAher the scandal of this kind of
imprisonment grieved him, or the unquietness of his thoughts vexed
him^ or the basem ss of his submission abused him, or the loss of his
sweet wjfe confounded him, or the instigations of others disturbed him;
or indeed, because the last act of his tragedy and catastrophe was now
in hand, he not only studied which way to escape, but put the same in
practice. In spight of his own knowledge, that the King was acquainted
mth all his disicofiteDtmu^ts* Foi^«Vbc&\ y^\ii!(:^W«^ V^w^ hands and

THE HISTORV OF PERKIN WARBECK, «rc. 441

prying looks, to reach into the furthest parts of their kin^doniy and
search into the secretwt closets of their palaces, yea, other men's housest .
and so are made to undersmnd the affairs of the remotest regions. But^'
concerning himself, his vain suppositions, as in his former enlerprizi^
still flattered him, that he should once again find fuel enough, to set
another rebellion and commotion on fire : and his vexation to be be«
reaved of so delicate a creature, as his lady, made him dcspt rate of
ail, tind set his wits on the tenter-hooks, to put something in practice
to his further contentment. So that one day reading the story of Mor«
timer's escape out of the Tower, by giving his keepers a sleepy drink;
^e, in such a manner deceiveth his guard, and betook hitn to a resola*
tion of escaping and flying out of the land; wherein he proved only like
the silly bird, that with striving, in the net, entangles herself the more:
or, as (leer that are hunted, betray themselves to well-scented hounds,
by their faster running away, whereby they make the deeper impression
in their steps: so fell it out with him,

Jncidit in Scyttam^ cupiens vitare CharyUim :

And, by seeking after liberty, he brought himself to a streighter and
more unkindly endurance: for; when he had gone to the sea coasts,
and heard the exclamations of the people against him; saw all places
debarred, knew great searches made for him, understood what an in«
dignation the country had conceived of hit mockerit^ and illusions,
and found the whole kingdom up in his search, and postinor after
him; he was quite exanimated, and, like a man distracted, knew
not what to do. At last, unstable, in his former wilfulness, he
once again altered his pretended journey, and came to the house of
Betlileheni, called the priory of Shene, beside Richmond in Surrey,
and committed himself to the prior,, with a long and secret conference;
concluding, with an impetration of bis charity, that, being a man of
God, he would not think it strange to see princes subject to disasters
and fatal conclusions of misfortune: for he well knew the story, both of
the Abbot of Westminster and the Bishop of Carlisle, who, in spight of
King Henry's usurpation, who hi^ not only projected the delivery of
llichurd of Rourdeaux, but oppdfed the King in his strength of sove*
reignty, against his wilfulness to dt*stroy the other deposed; and there-
fore he desiivd him to obtain his pardon of the King, yielding forcible
intimation for the same purpose.

The prior (glad to have inlrrest in sudi a meritorious work, and
prou4 tcvbe serviceable to his prince and country) came with convenient
speed to the court* and acquainted his Majesty with the accident,
leaving no circumstance of any validity unn^counted ; which ended to
the King's wonderful content, aiM the whole court's disdain and amaze-
ment. But all times are not alike, and princes, in their mercies and
pardons, are no.t so flexible, as presumption buildeth upon : yet, to
. please the prior, he gave him his life, which, to a generous and free-
born spirit, was more irksome than death : for he was first taken and
brought to Westminster, with all scorn and reproach; then set in a
pair of stocks, with Contumelious derision ; then carried^hrough all th^
streets of London, |ik9 a prodigious spectacle; \]heu ^mX Xo V\v<tt t^cNs^^

443 THE fflSTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, ^c.

Tfbieh made him not only confess his pedigree aiid original, but write it
with his own hands. Last of all, mounted on divers scaffolds, he read it
in publick, and that sodisgraciously, as in the commemoration was able
to tMriAent a looker-on, $o that he might well cry out,

Vitamqae per omnem

Hfidlafdifiam vnesta dies: nam ccetera damna
Duraiajam meate malis, Jiitnaque tulerunt :

In some of your chronicles you have this confession at large, as in
Grafton; which, to make the story complete, I have a little contracted,
ftnd thus expose the same :

BE it known unto all men, that I was bom in the town of Tournay,
in Flanders, my father, John Osbeck, comptroller of the sard town,
my mother Catharine Haro, and my grandfather Dircck Osbi^ck, after
whose decease, my grandmother married Peter Flamine, receiver of
Tournay, and dean of the boat-men over Lescheld; my mother's father
was called Peter de Faro, which kept the keys of St. lliomas's-gate,
within the said town. I had also an uncle, Mr. John Statime, of Sl
Pia's parish, with whom I dwelled very young; he married my aont
Jane, and brought me up very well; yet my mother, not c<»ntented, as
being very fond of me, had rae to Antwerp, to learn Flemish more
exactly, to a kinsman of my father s, John Steinbeck, with whr)m I re-
mained a full half year; but, by reason of the wars, I returned to
Tournay, where I was placed with Mr. Barlo, who, within another year,
carried me to the mart at Antwerp, where I fell sick a while, and so was
boarded in a skinner's house, much conversant with the English nation,
whereby I learned the language, as you see. From thence 1 went to
Barrow Mart, and lodged at the Old Man: Afterwards, Mr. Barlo
left meat Middleborough with John Strew, a merchant, who first made
rae believe, I was better than I was. From Antwerp I sailed into Por-
tugal, with my Lady Brampton, in a ship called the Queen's Ship, and
served a knight in Lichborne, called Pon Peter Les de Cogna, who had
l»ut one eye; yet the manner of his behaviour, and the order of his house,
made me tarry a year. Then Pregent Meno, a Bretagner, carried me
into Ireland, and either commanded so by my Lady Margaret, who, as
she said, was my aunt, or projectiug something ibr his own private
interest, would needs peniiiade me 1 was a Piantagenet of the house of
York. For, when 1 arrived in Cork, because I was somewhlit hand-
somely apparelled, they would needs bestow upon me the title of the
Earl of Warwick, son to George Duke of Clarence, formerly in Ireland,
which John Le Wellin, the mayor, mdntained ; and, forasmuch as my
denial was contrary to their expectation, they brought me to the Cross,
and made me swear, which I did, disclaiming him, or any of his kin-
dred, until Stephen Poitron, with John k Water, came unto me, aS
resolved I was King Richard's bastard-son (then in the hands of the King
of England) persuading me not to be afraid or daunted at any thing :
For they would aid me and assist me, even to the obtaining the crown of
England; yea, they knevr oi \!ta^t ownVniowkd^ the £arl»6f Des*

THE HISTORY OF PERKIN WARBECK, *c 44»

mond and Kildare were ready to venture their lives and estates for my
sake : After this ihey carried me into Flanders, to Lady Margaret*
Regent and Duchess of Burgundy, vrho prevailed so far with me, that I
look upon me the person of Richard Duke of York, second son of King
Edward the Fourth, and so, with reasonable preparation, I returned
back again into Ireland, where the said John k Water, Stephen Poin-
ings, John Tiler, Hubert de Brough, the foresaid earls, and many
others, entered with me into a dangerous rebellion, and I was proclaimed
by them Richard the Fourth. From hence the King of France sent for
mc, by Loyte Lucas and Stephen Frian ; but, making peace with Eng-
land, he left me to my fortunes : Then I sailed into Flanders, where my
supposed aunt made more of me, than before; so I attempted England,,
but was driven back again into Flanders, from whence I went into Scot-
land, and from thence again into Ireland, and so into England.

AVhen the people had heard him out, they wondered both ways at
the matter, and stood, as it were, confounded betwixt shame and in-
dignation. If it were a collusion, to think how grosly the kingdom,
and some of the best therein, yea many kingdoms had been abused with
such an imposture, to the prosecuting several facinorous actions, and
disturbance of the peace and tranquillity of the commonwealth : If it
were not so, and that for fear of life he confessed the contrary, being the'
true Plantagenet, and a prince born to so great a fortune ; then they
wondered that any man could be so base, as lo deject himself to such
ignominy and opprobrious disgraces, when to die, had been honourable,
and to sell onc*s life in the field, far better than to plead on a scaffold,
where the many changes must needs distract him, aiid make a poor soul
neither fit for life nor death : But, whatsoever he was, they could not
chuse but deplore his estate and misfortune, as naturally and ordinarily
all men are bemoaned in adversity, especially such an one, that was so
forward in the race and journey to Majesty, and pulled back so often
by the sleeve, and turned with a fury into the house of desolation, and
dungeon of disconsolate wretchedness, when to have perished at once
had been a favour of death and fortune indeed, According to our
poet:

Mitius ille pent iuhita qui mergitur unda,
Qiuim sua qui liquidas brachia lassat aqvis.

Lib.iii. OcPonto.

When the King had this way satisfied himself, and pleased the people,
as he thought, he made no more ado, but, to prevent inconveniences,
clapped him in the Tower, from wjience he escaped not, until he was
carried to Tyburn, and there swallowed up by the never-satisfied paunch
of hell, for his former abuses and intolerable wickedness, which hap-
pened very shortly after. For, just at this instant, a roguish Augustin
friar, called Patrick, on the borders of Suffolk, after Peter Warbeck's
example, taught a poor scholar, one Ralph Wilford, to take iipon him
the title of the Earl of Warwick, as yet in the Tower of London; but
supposed to escape, as Corrupting his lieepers, intimating the glory of
the actioi^ and the toavegr of sUch an emerpiis^ ii\kfiid\x hiV^ ^qx^^

444 THE HISTORY OP PERKIN WARBECK, &c

be so base and cowardly, as not to adventure his life, and put in pnurtict
any. dvsign to attain to a diadem, espocially by so easy means as peno.
Tiating a prince, and assuming the title of the next heir to the crown?
And when some of his better understanding friends laid open the danger
and impossibility of the attempt, with the odiousnoss and perfidiousness
of the treason^ he answered the first with one poet:

Famaqiie post Cineres major venit^ et mihi nomctif
Turn quoque ctcm vivis amiianc rarer, erat :

Lib. iv. Dc Ponto;

And the latter with another:

Si enim injmth faccre oportet, potisswmm propter
Jmperium jus violandum est : alias pram esse convenit.

Eurip. Phenissos.

But although this mischief was quit tly blown over, like a weak and
thick cloud, suddenly dispersed by a forcible wind (for both master and
•cholar were quickly apprehended ; the one hanged on Shrove Tucsdajb
at St. Thomas VVatring's, and the friar coiidemned to perpetual im-
prisonment) yet it left such an impressiop behind, to the troubling, as
a man may say, the whole region of the air, that the King would dally
no longer, but, like the sun in his full strength, at the next incensing of
his Majesty, dissolved all such vapours, and gave the law leave to play
her part lo the final extirpation of the very roots of sedition, which pro
sently was thus set on work.

Peter Warbeck, impatient at this restraint of his liberty, and stomach-
ing his former disgraces and indignities, \>ould endure no longer, but
studied every hour how to escape, not yet knowing what t<» do, when he
did escape; to which purpose, by fair promises and false persuasioDa,
he corrupted his keepers, Strangway, Blewet, Astwood, and long Rog^r,
servants of Sir John Digby, lieutenant of the Tower^ to slay their saici
master; and set both Perkin and the true Karl of Warwick at large,
and so to make their fortunes, as they could, either by domestick or
foreign friends; to which, when the innocent prince condescended,
as glad any way to enjoy his liberty, and to be freed of his imprison-
ment (fur you see birds kept in golden cages beat and flutter up and
down, as scorning their inclosure, to get out into their native countrj',
the region of the air) mischief and misfortune, which plays the tyrant
with many men all their lives long, and never afibrdetli one day, or
breathing-time, to give them a taste of any pleasure or contentment, dis-
covered the whole conspiracy to the King and his council, not leaving
out any circumstance which might either exasperate his rage, or pull
forward death and destruction to the delinquents. Whereupon, without
further disputing the matter, Perkin Warbeck, John h Water, sometime
mayor of Cork, and his son were, the sixteenth of November, arraigned
and coademnedat Westminster of high treason, and the twenty-third
hanged at Tybura: Perkin roou(i|ed on a scaffold, re^diag his confesnon,

THE HISTORY OP PERKIN WAJIBECK, &c, 445

and, contrary to all expectation, asking the King and country forgive*
ncss, and dying penitently, with great remorse of conscience, and com-
punction of spirit :

, Ei sicjinis Pnami'-''^

Not long after, Edward Earl of Warwick, who had been the twenty*
first of November arraigned at Westminster, before the Earl of Oxford,
high constable of England for the present, was^ upon the twenty-eighth,
1499, beheaded on Tower^hill ; For he quietly confessed the indite*
nient, concerning his consent and willingness to obtain his liberty, though
it were by violating the law in that kind, and breaking of prison,
whose simplicity I rather lament than condemn the ofTonce. For it
was a dangerous time for any Plantagenct to live in, and I may well
cry out,

Omne tulit secum Cctsaris ira malum :

But the King was indeed glad of this occasion, and fortune gave virtue
the check, because, as he had imprisoned him without a cause, he
knew not what do with him without a fault; yet some report that the
principal reason of accelerating his death was a speech of Ferdinando's,
King of Spain, \vho should swear, that the marriage between Lady
Catharine, his daughter, and Prince ArthtW of Wales, should never be
consummated, as long as any Earl of Warwick lived. For the very
name and title was not only formidable to other nations, but supersti-
tious to the wavering lind u4constant English; whereupon the King
was the gladder to take hold of this opportunity, wherein tl^c con-
viction of the law had cast this stumbling-block of treason in his walk
and race to a longer life ; and yet was there nothing done, but by
orderly proceedings, and justifiable discourses, more than, when the
silly prince submitted to his mercy, he thought it the greatest point of
mercy to look to himself, and so, for the benefit of his posterity, and
the sedation of all troubles, both present and to come, struck off his
bead, and with him the bead of all division and dissension.

J*
r

(446)

CHOROGRAPHIA :

A SURVEY OF NEWCASTLE UPON TINE*

The Estate of thi» Country, under the RomaBs. The Building of the
famous Wall of the Picts, by the Romans. The ancient Town of
Pandon* A brief Description of the Town, Walls, Wards, Chuidn,
Religious Houses, Streets, Mcurkets, Fairs, River, and Commodities;
with the Suburbs. The ancient and present Government of the
Town. As also, a Relation of the County of North umberlaod,
which was the Bulwark of Englmid against the Inroads of the Scots.
Their many Castles and Towers. Their ancient Families and Names.
Of the Tenure in Comage. Of Cheviot-Hills. Of Tinedale and
Reedsdale, with the Inhabitants.

Potesta^ omnium a4 Ccesarem feriinet, proprktat ad singulos.

Newcastle, printed by S. B. l4l9. Quarto, containii\g thirty-£»ur pages, beikki

the title and preface to the reader.

TO supply some omissions, and some particulars that have been erected
since this author's time, you will please to observe that this incor-
porated town and county is situated at the end of the famous wall,
. built by the Roman Emperors to guard their conquest from the in-
cursions of the Picts, and from thence is called the Picts-Wall, on
the north bank of the River Tine, from which it takes its name, to
distinguish it from the town of Newcastle under Line, in Stafford-
shire; and is built upon the declivity of a steep' hill, which makes it
very uneven and unpleasant, because the streets are difficult of access,
and uneasy, you being obliged, in many places, to go up to the upper
part of the town by high and narrow stairs, some fifty or sixty steps
in height ; besides, in that steep part, the streets are extremely close
built.

By some, the village of Gateside, which lieth on the south end of
Tine Bridge, has been reckoned as a suburb to this great trading
town ; but that is a mistake, for the jurisdiction of Newcastle reacheth
no farther than the blue stone upon the bridge.

In the time of the Saxons, it was so crouded with monasteries of monb,
that they gave it the name of Moncaster, or Monkchester, which was
exchanged afterwards by Robert^ son of William the Conqueror, as
hereafter is recorded.

CHORQORAPHIA : OR^ A SURVEV QE, kc. 447

The coas^uence of this fortifioatbn a^nsl the innilts of the Soots
was the settlement of a good trade to the coasts ^sf Geitnany, and
since, by the sale of its cod, toother parte; for whicfa, and for other
merchandise, jt is now become the great emporium of the north parts
of England, and extends its credit and commarce to a good part of
Scotland,
The antiquity of its charters, and the form of its government; is par-
'ticularly related in this treatise. But, to what has been been said,
I must add, that, since this authoi^s time, the revenue of this cor-
poration, which it now holds in its x)wn right, is at least eight-thou-
sand pounds per annum ; and, i'may presume lo say, it is more than
is held by any other town corporate in England.
Its exchange is a noble and magnifit^nt building, on the south-side of
the Sandhill, but is too much confined on the south by the river, and
by the bridge, on the West* Between the towmwall and the river is a
wharf so well faced with free-stone, and so spacious, as well for length
as breadth, that it exceeds all others'^ in England, except that at
Yarmouth. This key is for the use of merchandise oA]y ; for the
' colliers take in their loading at Sheilds, or in some part of the river

below Newcastle, not at a key, hmt by the help of the keels.
Here is also by the water side above the bridge, at the farther end
almost of the close, an handsome mansion-house, built at the publick
cxpcnce for the mayor. Thiaf mansion-house is also furnished, and
upheld with proper servants, by the corporation ; so that the naayor
has no more to da, than to move himself and family. And he is
allowed six hundred pounds a year for his taible, with a coach and a
barge. * .

Here is also a fine hall for the surgeons, where they have skeletons,
and other rarities in their w^y, and a very large room for their
publick noeetings. The surgeons arc a considerable part of this cor-
poration.
Adjoining to the surgeons hall, there is a stately foundation, built with
brick upon pia22a*s, for the relief of decayed freemen and their
widows; and, a litile lower, on the same parcel of ground, has been
erected, within these twenty years, another house of charity, con-
taining six rooms, for three merchants widows, and three clergymen's
widows, endowed with ten pounds a year each, besides coals, find a
servant maid in common to keep the staira, &c. clean.*
There has been lately erected a library in this tpwn, near St. Nicholas's
church: Dr. Robert Thomlinson, Rector of Wickham, in the
Bishoprick of Durham, and lecturer of Sts Nicholas's, in gratitude
to the corporation, who chose him their lecturer many years, ago,
gaveth^m aboutsix thousand valuable books; and Walter Blacket,esq;
one of its wortiiy representatives in parliament, has generously built
the library, and settled a rent-chirge of twenty-five pounds a year for
ever, to maintain a librarian, •

Tliis town sends two members to parliament, which are chosen by the
freemen, and gives the title of marquis and duke to the Holies family,
in the person of the most noble prince, Thomas Hoflcs Pclham, the
present Marquis and Duke of Newcastle.

448 CH0R06RAPHIA: OR, A SURVET OC -

In the parliament win, this town was taken and plundered by the

Scots, and was the'place, where these traitors sold their Kikig^ viz.

Charles the First, for two-thousand pounds in hand, and security ibr

as much noic
After the title there fellows the arms of Newcastle upon Tine, which is,

Three Castles, Argent, in a Field, Gules, with the following inscrip-

and motto : ,

»

S. p. D.
IKlectu Bttrgennboi, & probis H«iniiiibas Kovicastri super Tinuu

W. G.

Fortiter 3)efeadit Triumphans.

PortiUf Castrumf Carbo^ Sakno^ Salina^ Molarie,
MuruSf Pans^ Temphmf Sekola sunt Novi gloria CtutrL

TO THE CANDID READER.

EVERY country hath its chronologer, or writer, to pourtrait unto their
countrymen their antiquities and noble acts. Greece had its Homer,
Rome its Virgil. Our Britons had their Gildas ; the Saxons had
their Beda ; England had of late its learned Camden, and painful
Speed, to delineate and pourtrait unto their countrymen the antiqui-
ties and situations of all shires in England ; yet it is impossible, mat
any one ms^n, being never so inquisitive and laborious, should attain
unto the perfect knowledge of all passages, in all places. I have
adventured to write of the antiquity of this town and country, whichj
by reading and experience, I have gathered out of the ruin of aoti*
quity; that those monuments, which these late wars have obliterated
and ruined, may be left to posterity ; for, Tempus edax renmu I find
a great difficulty in my undertaking, because the records of this
country are but few, and confused, being so often infested by the
Scots and Danes, who consumed and fired all before them, whereso-
soever they came. Questionless, many brave men have lived in this
town and country, many memorable acts have been atchieved; bat
they are all buried in oblivion. I hope, the courteous reader will
pardon the fkults committed herein; nam inpmds rebus Veritas non
ad unguem quarenda est. Many errors^ many suppositions upon
probabilities may be found in it. Humarmm est errare et decipu I
have begun the work, I hope some of my fellow burgesses will
finish what I have begun, to the everlasting memory of this fiimous
town.

Some criticks have presumed to correct and blame me (with their indi-
gested 2eal, and unknown enthusiastick knowledge of Chimaenirsin

NEWCASTLE UPON TINE. 449

In their giddly pericraniums) for fables and errors; as tlie>priest, that
found it \vritten of St. Paul, Demissits est per sportam, mended his
book, and made it, Demissus est pa* portam ; because sporta was
an hard word,, and out of his reading. But, tie sutor ultra
crepidatfiy let no man profess that he knows not. It is true, he, that
writes, resembleth a man acting his part upon a theatre, or stage>
where tlie spectators have their eyes fixing upon him, all observing
his gesture and words; if he fail in either, presently he is censured
and condemned. Lastly, we live in an age, that mechanicks will
presume to step into Moses's chair, and become politicians to con«
tradict and controut whatsoever is acted and done according to the
laws divine and human. One thing I desire of these fantasticks:
Carpere vel noli mea^ velede tua. Vale,

W, G.

Tbejirtt Natives cf this Island,

THE Britons were Autocthones, natives of this island, for mor«
ancient inhabitants we find none. The people of this nation arc thought
to have been descended from the neighbouring Gauls, in regard of the
same religion, language, and manners. Their original from the IVojans
by Brute is altogether fabulous ; there being no Greek or Latin authors,
or any monument in this island, which makes mention hereof. Their
descent from the Gauls is more probable, being the next part of the
continent unto Britain, or their way from Asia to the east, from whence
all countries were first peopled*

Romans Jirst in Britain^

The Romans were the first certain and. known foreigners in this island.
G. J. Caesar was the first of the Romans that invaded Britain : He,
having subdued the nation of the Gauls, made his journey into Britain,
Cassivcilanus reigning King. Some victories he atchieved, some hos-
tages he took, imposed a tribute upon the nation, and so returned into
the continent: he made no conquest of them, but discovered them to
posterity.

A long time after, the Roman Emperor, Claudius, sent Aulus
Plautius hither, accompanied by two brethren. Sabinus Vespasian,
who made war against the Britons, vanquished them in several fights^
took Camalodunum, the chief seat of their Kings, and ihcir King pri-
soner; planted a colony at .Camalodunum (now Maldon in Essex) and
reduced the higher or south parts of Britain intp the form of a Roman ,
province.

The first Roman Conquest in the Norths

In the year of Vespasian, the great and populous nation of the
Brigantes are warred upon, and in part overcome. These Brigantes

VOL. XI. ^ & '

450 CHOROGRAPHIA: OR, A SURVEY OF

contain all the country north of Humber to the river of Tine and Picb
Wall, called lower Britain.

Julius Agricola, in the reign of Domitian, set limits here to tbe
Roman greatness, and extended it northward into the seas and friths of
Dunbritton and Edinburgh in Scotland.

The Emperor Adrian, not long after, removed the pale more south-
ward, and, the better to kei-p out the enemy, drew a trenck and wall
of turfs cross the land, betwixt the two seas.

The Roman Britons being continually molested, by often incursions
of the barbarous people called Caledonii or Picts, who brake down the
sod-wall, harrassing and spoiling this country ; which moved the
Emperor Severus to build a wall of stone, with great wisdom and indus-
try, to strengthen these northern parts o( Britain against the many
inroads of the barbarous Picts. At every mile's end of this wall was a
tower, and, in the wall, a pipe of metal, betwixt the tower or sentinel-
houses, that, so soon as a man had set his mouth to this pipe, they
might hear, through all the sentinels, where the enemy were, and so,
in a short time, give warning from one end of the wall to the other.
One of these towers rqmaineth whole in the town* wall of Newcastle in
Pampcden, older than the rest of the towers, and after another fashion,
standing out of the wall.

The Noiih brought into a Roman Province,

At this sfime time began this country to flourish, being reduced into
a Roman province, to be civilised to learn Roman letters, habits,. and
manners; for, before this time, the inhabitants went naked, had no
houses to live*in, neither did they till the ground, as one writeth : De
prceda et venation e frondibusque arborum vivunt ? degunt in tentoriis nudi
et sine calceis, X i ph i 1 i n .

This country had the presence of the Emperors of Rome. York was a
municipium of the Romans, and the seat of their Emperors, during the
time of their abode in this island, attending the wars of the Picts and
Caledonians; famous for the death and funeral exequies of the Emperor
Severus and Constantius, and the happy inauguration of Constantinc
the Great, son to Constantius, here beginning his reign over the Roman
and Christian world.

I find, in the time of the Romans, many places in Northumberland
that were their stations about this famous wall, called sometimes,
vallum, aranipire; sometimes, Murus Pictiticus, or Murus Severi.

The most remarkable is upon the Tine-West-Hexam, called of old
Axelodunura. the station of the first cohort of Spaniards, a bishop's see
under the Saxons. Corebridge Curia of Ptolemy, a city of the Otadeni.
Prudo castle, the station of the first cohort of the Batavi. Stighill, of
old called Segedunum, the station of the fourth cohort, named of the
Lergi. Pons JEWiy the station of a cohort of Cornavii, now Portland.
Gabrosentum, the station of the second cohort of the Thracians, pro-
bably, saith my author *, Newcastle upon Tine. Pampcden, a part

* C»mdea.

NEWCASTLE UPON TINE. 451

of Newcastle, probably a station of the Romans^ having an ancient
Homan tower, and another ancient building called the Wall-Knowl, a
part of the Picts wall. This town of Pampeden is very ancient; pro-
bably sorae^building was erected here in this place to their great God
Pantheon ; this wall being the outmost confines of the Roman empire, .
called now Pandon. I find of the Kings of Northumberland, that had
a house in Pampeden, which we call now Pandon-Hall; an ancient old
building and seat of the Kings of Northumberland,

Tunnocellura, the station of the first cohort, named ^Elia Classica^
now rinmouth, at the mouth of the Tine. There is a village near New-
castle called Hetton, where there is an old Roman tower, probably
named from the proconsul iEtius, who was sent from Rome into these
parts ; whom the Britons petitioned for help in these words : ^tio ter
Consyii ganilus Britan%oinim, Src, Repellunt nos harhari ad MarCj rcpelHt
Mare ad barbaros, inter hcec oriuntur duo genera funeruiriy autjugulamvry
aut mergimur, Beda. When the Romans had their empire much weak-
ened by their own discords, and by the irruptions of the Goths and
Vandals, proconsul iEtius was forced to retirq their legions from the
northern parts; so leaving the country naked, tlie Picts did break in,
who most miserably wasted and spoiled the country.

The Coming in of the Saxons*

Thus Britain became a prey again to the Picts.' When the Britons
had despaired of Roman help, they sent into Germany to crave help of
a people called Saxons, who entered and inhabited Britain to their aid
against the Picts.

The Picts being vanquished and overthrown, through their valour, .
they possessed themselves of this north kingdom, upon the driving ont of
the native Britons. The victorious Saxons erected their heptarchy, or
seven several kingdoms.

The kingdom of Northumberland was the most spacious, populous,
and victorious kingdom against the Picts or Scots, until the Danes
invaded these northern parts, and broke out like a violent thunder-clap
on the North umberlanders, and put the English Saxons to much
slavery and bondage many years, until they were expelled by the
•English.

The kingdom of Northumberland, being in peace, began to build and
erect many strong castles for defence, against the Scots and Picts, as
Dunstan borough-Castle, Bamborougb, Alnewicke, Morpeth, andTin**
mouth, which were the seats of the Kings of Northumberland.

In time of this heptarchy, many famous monasteries were erc^cted, vix.
Hexam made a bishop's see under the Saxons; many erected in this town
of Newcastle and Pandon. Some of their Kings were interred in Saint
Augustine's Friars, now called the Manners. The upper part and well
"Was called Monk-Chester, before the conquest ; a place wholly dedi-
cated to devotion and religion. Chester signifies a bulwark, or place of
defence; which sheweth, that, in antient time, under the Saxons, it
had been a place of fortification for religious men that lived in monas-
teries,

og2

452 CHOROGRAPFIIAr OR, A SURVEY OF

The Jirst -Denominations of Newcastle,

After the conquest it got the name of Newcastle, "by the New Castle,
which Robert de Cantois, son of William the Conqueror built there out
of the ground against the neighbouring Scots.

This town of Newcastle, and town of Pampeden, made one town, by
the grants of the Kings o^ England, being in old time belongii}g to the
county of Northumberland.

This town of Newcastle is seated upon the Picts Wall, and side of a
steep hill, upon the north side of the river Tine: The Picts W^ill came
through the west gate, Saint Nicholas's church through Pampeden,
then to the town east, called Wallsend.

The bounds of the town, upon the west, the lands belonging to the
prior of Tinmouth. On the north, the town-<loor, as some^say, the
gift of Adam de Athell of Gesmond ; upon the east, the land of Biker ;
upon the soUth, the river of Tine. Gateside in the county palatjne of
Durham.

The Walls and Gates of Newcastle , and who built them.

The town of S^ewcastle is environed about with a strong thick stone
wall, having seven gates or ports, with many round towers and square
turrets. These walls began to be built in King John's reign, the north
part of the wall at Newgate. The west part of the town, in King
Henry the Third's reign. Pandon gate, and the east and south of
the town wall, built in Edward the First's reign, and so continued
building, until it was finished. The town is two miles in circuit,
with trenches in the outside of the wall, ramparted within with earth.

Q'he cause, that moved them in those days to build this great wall,
was the often invasions of the Scots into this place and country ; they
.were continually infesting and foreigning this country, and rich monas-
teries in these northern parts; the religious houses of this town, and adja-
cent, being above forty houses, which have been dedicated to pious uses.

There was a rich man, in Edward the First's ^eign, of Newcastle,
that was taken prisoner out of his house, and carried into Scotland,
ransomed and brought home ; which act moved the townsmen and
burgesses, and the religious men therein, to contribute towards the
building of these walls.

The question is, Who built these walls ? Some are of opinion that
King John built them ; others Roger de Thornton, King John gave
many privileges to this town, and probably, the new gate and walls
thereabout were built in his time; that north part of the wall being the
oldest, and of another fashion than the other walls.

As for Thornton, who lived in Henry the Sixth's days, all the walls
of the town were then finished. It is prqbable that Thornton built the
west gate, which is a strong and fair gate, in memory that he came from
the west country, according to the old saying ;

In at the West Gate came Thornton in^

With a Hap and a Ualfpenni)) and a Lamb's skin»

NEWCASTLE UPON TINE. 45S

The walls and gates were built by sqveral persons, as by the names
ot the round towers doth appear. Some of them were built by the
friars and monasteries that did dwell in the town, as the White, Black,
Grey, and Austin Friars. Others, named Durham and Carlisle Towers.
Others by noblemen and gentry of the country, as Nevil's Tower, ad-
joining to his house in west gate.

There are seven ports or gates in Newcastle, besides postern gates,
which belonged to the religious houses. In the lower part of' the town
upon the river are many little gates to that famous long key.'

1. West is Close Gate, called so from a street callod the Close,
which * goe^h up the water, a place of recreation, called the Forth f,
given to the town for good services performed by the burgesses of the
same.

In Edward the Third's reign, three-hundred valiant men issued out
of the town, through ^ postern gate; came suddenly in the night upon
a great army of the Scots, which lay in that part west of the town;
raised the army of thc'Scots, put them to flight, and took Earl Murray
prisoner in his tent, and othei-s, '

2. The next west is West Gate, a stately and fair gate, built by
Roger de Thornton, a rich man, that lived in Henry the Sixth's days,
the high-way west into Northumberland and Cumberland.

# 3. Is New-gate, the ancient and strongest of all the ports, having
a causey that leadeth to the town-moor, and towards the north parts of

* Northumberland and Scotland. Now a prison for debtors and felons.

4. Pilgrimstreet-gate; so called, because of pilgrims lodging in that
street; and went out of that gate to the shrine of tfte Virgin Mary in
Gcsmond; to which place, with great confluence and devotion, people
came from all parts of this land, in that time of superstition.

5. Pandon-gate, so called from the ancient town of Parapedcn,
where was the picts Wall, and a Jlomai^ tower, lately decayed; out of
which wall is a causey that goeth into a place of recreation and peram-
bulation, called the Shields-field ; and a way to a village called the
AVall's End, by Beda, Villa ad M,urum, and so into Tinmouth shire.

6. East of the town is Sand-gate, built upon the river-side. Without
this gate are J many houses, and populous, all along the water-side;
where shipwrights, seamen, and keelmcn most live, that are employed
|a^i;)0Ut ships and keels*

The Bridges of Newcastle upon Tine,

7. The bridge of this tower, over the river Tine, consisteth of arches
high and broad, having many houses and shops upon the bridge, and
three towers upon it; the first § on the south side; ^he second in the
middle ||, and the third in Newcastle side, lately built upon an arch
io the bridge, used for a magazine for the town; and an old chapel.

There is a blue stone about the middle of ,the bridge, which is the

• Beginning at the bridge. t Novr a bowling-green. % An hospital for the reception ofi
poor keelnien. {This is demolished. II It is now used as an house of correction, of coufin**
>aeut, for unruljr apprentices; disorderljr women, &;c.

Gg

3

454 CHQROGRAPHIA: OR, A SUEVEY OT

bounds of Newcastle southward from Gate-side in the county palatine
of Durham.

There was a strange accident upon the bridge, happened to an alder-
man of Newcastle, looking over the bridge into the river, with his hands
over ; his gold ring fell off his finger into the water ; which was given for
lost: It chanced that one of his servants bought a salmon in the
market,^ who, opening the belly of the fish, found his master s ring ia
the guts.

The other bridge, within the town, is the upper and nether Deaa
Bridge ; under the last bridge came boats up from the rifer, and the
Picts wall came over that bridge, and so along into Pandon-

The Stock-bridge in Pampeden, where is thought to be the ancient
market for fish; where boats came up frpm the river.

The Churches of Nexocastle^

There are four churches and parishes in this town. The first is Saint
Nicholas •, in the midst of the town ; a long, fair, and high churcbi
having a stately high stone steeple, with many pinnacles ; a stately stone
lanthorn, standing upon four stone arches, built by Robert de Rhodes,
Lord Prior of Tinmooth, in Henry the Sixth's days : It lifteth up a
Lead of Majesty, as high abpve the rest, as the cyprefls-tree above H/^
low shrubs, , '

Ben JohnsoTim

My altitude high, my body four-square,

My foot in the grave, my head in the air.

My eyes in my sides, five tongues in my womb.

Thirteen heads upon my body, four images aloue ;

J can direct you where the wind doth stay.

And I tune God's precepts thrice a day,

I am seen where I am not, I am heard where I is not.

Tell me now what I am, and see that you miss not.

In this church are many porches, especially Saint George's, or the
King's porch; built by some of the Kings of this land.

In it are many sumptuous windows; that in the east surpasseth all
the rest in. height, largeness, and beauty, where tlie twelve apostles,
seven deeds of charity, &c. built by Roger de 1 hornton (a great bene-
factor of this town) with this inscription. Orate fro anima Rogeri de
Thornton f etpro animahus Filiorum et Filiarum,

In the north part of the same is a shrine of Henry Percy, the fourth
Earl of Northumberland, who was killed bv the hands of rebels in York-
fihire, gathering up a subsidy; he was buried at Beverley, and this
made in memory of him in his own country, he having a house in thil
town and parish ; and other noblemen and gentry had in those days in
this town. Orate pro anima H^rici Percif iv. Northumbtice, qui per
l\ebeUium manm occubuiiy SfQ.

* This phaich is a vicarage «xid peculiar of the Bishop of Carlisle

> -NEWCASTLE UPON TINE. 455

■' In the south part of the mid-.lle of this church, under a window^ is
jin ancient tomb of a warlike gentleman, I>ing wjth his legs a-cross, his
escutchieon of arms and sword; alter the fashion in those days were they
only int(»rred, who took upon them the cross, and were marked with the
badge of the cross, for sacred warfare, to recover the Holy Land from
the ^ urks. In the quire and walks about it are many fair monuments,
tombs, and marble-stones of mayors of this town, their names and arms
engraven in stone, with their titles of (sometime mayor of Newcastle)
honours; mitone word of theirgood deeds; their generations and names
are worn out. Only that thrice noble mayor, Mastert Robert Anderson,
whose memory will continue until there be no more time;'^rcre^
marmorc pertnnhis^ viz, his gift of twenty pounds per annum forever to
the four churches in Newcastle,

Dignum htnde tvmm, Musa vetat mori*

There is a tomb, as is reported, belonging to the Fitz-WilTiams, not
placed, who, going ambassador into Scotland, died, and was interred
in Sai^t Nicholas,

2. Is All hallows. Omnium animantm, Panteon /^e*», from the ancient
name of that pairt of the t|)wn Pampeden; haying a broad and square
ichurch, and niore populous than all the three other parishes, and able
to contain more people than the rest, having three galleries.

TherS are few monuments or tombs in it. Only one stately tomb of
that worthy benefector, Roger de Thornton, having a large jet-stone,
curitmsly engraven with his arms, and the arms of that noble family
of the Lord Lumley, who married a daughter of Thornton's. He died
in the reign of Henry the Seventh.

There was one Thomas Smith, ship'wright, of this parish, that gave
four pounds eighteen shilling and ten pence, yearly, for ever, to the
distressed poor of that parish.

3. Church is Saint John's, a pretty little church, commended by *
an arch-prelate of this kingdom; because it resembleth much ai cross.
In this parish the Earl of Westmoreland had his house, as others, good
benefactors to this town.

4. Saint Andrews, the ancientest of all the four, as appeareth by the
old building and fashion of the church. Ih it is to be seen a pardon of a
popi» for nine thousand yt?arsto come.

Likewise there is an ancient large stone of one Adam de Athcll of
Gesmond, with this inscription, Hicjacet DowwiM^ Adamus dc Athcll,
miles, quiohiit, anno 1387.

The parson of the town is the Bishop of Carlisle, who hath his vicar or
substitute, and a fair old house belonging to the vicar.

The Streets and Buildings of the ancient Taram of Pampeden^

I come in the next place to describe every part of this town, what
it was in the times of the heptarchy of this kingdom, and in after
succeeding ages.

*Laud.

G g4

456 CHROROGRAPHIA; OR,. A SURVEY OP

First of Pampeden, alias Pantheon': It hath retained its name,
without much alteration, sincf the Romans resided in it. After the
departure of the Romans, the Kings of Northumberland kept their
residence in it, and had their house, now called Pandon-Hall. It was
a safe bulwark, having the Picts wall on the north side, and the river of
Tineontlje south* This place of Pandon is of such antiquity, that,
if a man would express any ancient thing, it is a common proverb ^,
As old as Pandon, In it are many ancient buildings, houses, and streets.
Some gentlemen of Northumberland had their houses in it. There is
an ancient place called the Wall Knowl, cMled since, Saint Michael
upon the Wall Knowl, having a high and strong tower, now called the
Carpenter's tower, adjoining to that place upon the town wall. There
is below, towards the river of Tine, an ancient religious house, called
Trinity-house not many houses in England named by that name) now
converted tb another use, for the masters of Trinity-house, which have
many privil^es and immunities granted unto them for services done by
seg.

Jn this part of the to\yn of Pandon, beloWt are many narrow streets
or chairs, and ancient buildings; through the midst of it the river of
Tine flows and ebbs, and a burne runs, chilled Pandon-burne. This
place, called the Burnebank, stands very low. It is recorded, tbat^
in Edward the Third's time, an hundred and forty horses wefe drownej
by overflowing of water ; since, the houses towards the key-side are
heightened with ballast, and a high stone wall, without which wall,
is a long and broad wharf or key, which hindereth the like inun«
dation. '

In the upper part of this Pandon is an ancient religious house, founded
by the Kings of Northumberland, now called the Mannors (formerly
Saint Augustine Friars) where the Kings of Northumberland were in-
terred : since, in succeeding ages, enlarged and beautified with stately
buildings, cloisters, and a fair church. The Kings of England, sincp
the conquest, kept house in it, when they came with an army royal
gainst Scotland; and, ^ince the suppression of monasteries, made a
magazine and storehouse for the north parts. Now of late that princely
fabrick is demolished, and laid level with the ground* The pride,
covetousness, luxury, and idolatry of these houses brought a sudden,
rqin upon themselves and houses.

In this place of Pandon is a bridge called Stock-bridge, where flshen
come up with their fish, and sell them here.

The Grants and Charters to the Town^

The antiquity of this town is known to be from that tin^e,
that the Romans had command in the northern parts, who built the
Picts wall. After their departure, the Saxons became masters of this
country ; then the Danes. The Danes being vanquished and expelled
this land, the English enjoyed it, until William the Conqueror made all
England vassals, and obey his Norman laws, as far as the river Tine.

, • At Newpastle.

^ NEWCASTLE UPON TINE. , 457

King William overthrew the northern forces in Gateside Fell, near
Newcastle. Since which time, great . is the privilege that Kings and
princes have endowed this town with.

Robtrt, soil of William the Conqueror, built the castle ♦ called New-
<:astle, against the often inroads of our neighbouring Scots.

King John gave the first grant to Newcastle, and endowed it with
many privileges and immunities to the good men of the same.

King Hfnry the Third made it a corporation, whereas formerly it
belonged to the county of Northumberland, as by Henry the ThirdV
charter doth appear, ** Noveritis nos concessisse et demisisse, et hac
Charta postra confirmasse pro nobis et hseredibus nostris, probis homi-
jiibus nostris, deNovo Castello super Tinam, et hseredibus eorum villam
jiostram cum NovoCastello, cum omnibus pertineptibus suis ad feod*
iirmum," &c.

The town of Pampeden was granted to the beloved burgesses, and
good men of Newcastle, in King Edward the First's reign, as by h\$
charier appears, '' Sciatis quod dedimus et concessimus, et hac Charta
nostra confirmavimus pro nobis, et hseredibus nostris, dilectis Burgensi*
bus, et probis hominibus nostris villse Novicastri super Tinam, omnes
terras et tenementa cum pertinentibus in Pampeden in Biker, juxta
praedictam Villam Novicastri, Sec. £t quod prsedicta Villa Novicastri.
ic.t terrii, et teneoienta praedicta in Pampeden, unica Villa de caetero
sint^ et unus Burgus, ad uniendum et concludendum dicta? Villae
Novicastri in augmentationem, emendationem, et securitatem ejusdem

viii«, &c;'

All the Kings and Queens of England successively granted unto
ihe town some honour and privilege, and enlarged their charters.

Edward the Third gave them the Fortb» for the good services of the
townsmen.

Edward the Fourth gave them power to chooee, yearly, mayor and
aldermen, in lieu of 'bailiffs.

After Kings granted, to the mayor and commonalty, all the royalties
x)f the river of Tine, from Sparrow-Hawkun to Heddon-Streams; and that
no ship load and unload any manner of goods, wares, and merchandises
in, or any place of the river, but only at the key of Newcastle. Also
granted commissioners to measure keels.

King Edward the Sixth grants the town of Gateside to be united to
the town of Newcastle. Repealed by Queen Mary.

Sir Thomas White, Lord Mayor of London, gave one hundred
pounds yearly to the chief cities and towns of England for ever, to be
lent to four clothiers merchants for ten years without interest. The
town of Newcastle enjoyeth her hundred pounds in her turn ; The
first hundred pound which came to Newcastle was in 1599. The
noblest gift that. ever was given in England by any subject. Some
$hink, in time, it will ingross the most of the money in this land*

f I7ow used as a oommoa prUoo for the felons to be tried at tbe Uian for the count/ of

l^orthumberland.

45* CHOROGR APHI A : OR, A SURVEY OF

s

The highest and North parts of the Tatcn.

Tlic ancient parts of the town of Newcastle wore, in the iipp«r parts of
it, about Newgate, where are many old houses and cottages, which
served these religious houses with provisions. This pari ot the town is
called, to this day, the Hucksters Booths. These people, in those
days, had their livelihood from those friars and nuns that lived in that
part of the town.

In after ages, the burgesses and good men of the town began to trade,
and venture beyond the seas into foreign places; they built many ships,
procured a charter from the Kings of England to cairy foils beyond
*eas, and bring in foreign commodities. The staple was then at Ant-
werp in Brabant, called Commune totius Evropce EtHponam, This
charter of the merchant adventurers, was the first charter that was
granted by any King to any town. After which grant, this town
flourished' in trading; built many fair houses in the flesh market, then
called the cloth market. The merchants had their shops and ware-
houses there, in the back parts of their houses; the river of Tine flowed
and ebbed, where boats came up with commodities; which trade of
merchandises continued many years. In that street the mayors, aider-
men, and richest men of the town lived. In after times, the merchants
removed lower down towards the river, to the street called the bide, and
Sand*hill, where they continue unto this day *•

The Sand-hill,

Now let us describe unto you the-other streets and markets in this town.
Tirst of the Sand-hill, a market for fish, and other commodities ; very
convenient for merchant adventurers, merchants of coals, and all those
that have their living by shipping. There is a navigable river, and a
long key or wharf, wht re ships may lie safe from danger of storms, and
may unload their commodities and wares upon the key. In it are two
cranes for heavy commodities, >ery convenient for carrying of com,
"wine, deals, &c. from the key into the water gates, which are along the
key-side, or into any quarter of the town.

In this market-place are many shops and stately houses for merchants,
•with great conveniencics of water, bridge, garners, lofts, cellars, and
houses of both sides of them. Westward they have a street called the
Close. East, the benefit of the houses of the key side.

In this Sand-hill standelh the Town Court or Guildhall, where arc
lield the guilds every year by the mayor and burgesses, to offer up their
grievances, where the mayor keepeth his court every Monday, and the
sheriff hath his county court upon Wednesday and Friday.

In it is kept a court of admiralty, or river-court, every Monday in the
afternoon. This is a court of record for inrolling of deeds and evidences.

There is a court of pie-powder, during the said two fairs, Lammas
and St. Luke; all the privileges and power, that a court-leet can have,
are granted to this court*

NEWCASTLE UPON TINE. 45^

Under the to>¥n-courl is a common weigjji-house for all sorts of com-
modities. King Ht^nry the Sixth sent to' this town, as to other cities and
towns, brass weights according to the standard.

Near this is the town -house, where the dark of the chamber and
chamberlains are to receive the revenues of the town for coal, ballast,
salt, grind stones, &c.

Next adjoining is an alms-house, called the Masott deDieu^ built by
that noble, bent factor Roger de Thornton.

Above which is the stately court of the merchant adventurers, of the
old staple, resident at that flourishing city of Antwerp in Brabant, since
removed to the more northern provinces. under the states. Their charters
arc ancient, their privileges and immunities great ; they haveno depend-
ence upon London, having a governor, twelve assistants, two wardens^
and a secretary.

There is an old chapel upon the bridge.

Next west is a street called the Close, where are many stately houses
of merchants and others. The Earl of Northumberland had his house in
this street.

Near the Sand-hill east, is AUhallows Bank, or Butchers Bank,
-where most butchers dwell, the way to AUhallows church ; on the
south side of which are many chairs or lanes that go down to the key
side

The middle parts of the Tovm.

Next up street is the street called the Side. In the lower part of it
standeth a fair cross, with columns of stone hewn, covered with lead,
where are sold milk, eggs, butter, &c.

in the Side are shops for merchants, drapers, and other trades. In
the middle of the Side is an ancient stone-house, an appendix to the
castle, which in former times belonged to the Lord Lumleys, before the
castle was built, or at least coetany * with the castle.

Next up the town north, is Middle-street^ where all sorts of artificers
have shops and houses.

The west side of this street is the oat-meal market.

On the east side of it is the flesh market, I think the greatest market f
in England for all sorts of flesh and poultry that are sold there every
Saturday ; the reason is not the populousness of the town that makes it,
it is the people in the country, within ten miles of the town, who make
their provision there ; as likewise all that live by the coal-trade, for
working and conveying coals to the water ; as also the shipping which
comes into this river for coals, there being sometimes three-hundred sail
of ships. In this market are kept two fairs in the year, for nine days
together; one of them at that remarkable time of the year, the first of
August ; tlie other is held, the eighteenth of October, upon St. Luke's
Day.

Next above north is the big t and oat-market every Tuesday s^d
Saturday in the week. .

* Of the SMM age* t Except Le«deiibaU*Market, ia Loiidon. 4; Bai ley.

460 CHOROGRAPHIA: OR, A SUEVEY OF

In which street is an ancient house, with a large gate, called tins Scots
Inn, where the Kings, nobility, and lairds of Scots lodged, in time of
truce or league with England.

, Pilgrim Street,

East again is Pilgrim-street, the longest and fairest street in the town.
In it is a market for wheat and rye every Tuesday and Saturday.

Likewise an house called the Pilgrims Inn, where pilgrims lodged that
came to visit the shrine in Gesmond, or Jesu de Munde, which occa-
sioned to call this street Pilgrim Street.

In the upper part of this street is a princely house, built out of the
ruins of the Black Friars.

Both east and west of this street are many passages into other p^rts
of the town, as the nether and higher Dean-Bridge into the west, the
Manour-Chair upon the east, having a way to that sumptuous building
of the Minorites, of old called St. Augustin Friars; also a street called
Silver Street, having a passage down to Pandon.

TVest'gat^ Street*

Upon the west of the town is Denton-Chair, which goeth into Wert*
gate Street, which is a broad street, and private; for men that live there
have employment for town and country. The Earl of Westmoreland
had his house in this street, and other gentlemen.

In this streets an hospital, called the Spittle; in the east of that
chapel is the place for electing of mayors, aldermen, sheriffs, and other
officers in the town next Monday after Michaelmas day. In which
place are made, of late, a famous grammar-school, writing- school, and
houses within the Spittle for the masters. Protos Archididascalos, or
the first head school-master, was that reverend master Robert Fowbeny,
a learned and painful man to indoctrinate youth in Greek and I^atin.

In the north-side of the street, towards West-gate, is an ancient bpjld-
ing, called now Bannet Chessy Friars, where now the nine crafts of
this town have their meeting-houses *• It was called, in old time,
the Gray-Friars.

In the south west of the town is the White-Friars, and near that a
street called BailifF-gate, which, in former times, belonged unto the
castle and county of Northumberland. There is a postern-gate, where
prisoners, taken in time of hostility with Scotland, and felons of the
county of Northumberland, were brought in privately into the castle in
Newcastle, where the common jail for the county is.

Near this street are two ways, which go down into the Close, the lonj
'stairs and Tudhill stairs.

The Government of t/ie Town.

Now let us speak concerning the government of this town. The first
grant was, Burgensibus et probis hominibua Novica$tri super Tinam^ i. e.

* Or halhforUie meetios of their respective coxppaniet.

\

NEWCASTLE UPON TINE. 46l

To the burgesses and good men of the town of Newcastle: Out of
whom yearly were closen bailiffs, which are the ancient officers of cities
and towns in England.

King Edward the Fourth, out of his abundant grace and favour to
the aforesaid town-burgesses, their heirs and successors, grants yearly
to choose a mayor and six aldermen; and that the aforesaid mayor and
aldermen, for the time being, or any four, three, or two of them, have
full power and authority to enquire, hear, and determine all manner of
complaints and causes, appertaining to the office of a justice of thtt
peace.

Instead of bailiffs is chosen a sheriff yearly.

King Richard the Second gave the sword to be carried before the
mayor, which represents royal poyver and authority; delegated, by
charters, to them, their heirs, and successors, from their sovereign.

The power of a mayor is great, the highest dignity or honour that
can be bestowed upon a city or town ; according to that office among
the Romans, of proprietors and proconsuls, who had, in all countries
and kingdoms under their command, their viceroys, or representatives.

In after times, upon a division Bmong the aldermen, there were four
aldermen more added: so now it is goJi^erned by a mayor, recorder, ten
aldermen, and one sheriff. Their officers are two clerks, one for the
town court, the other for the town chamber.

The otf cers that attend upon his person are, a sword-bearer, with
a cap of maintenance, a water-bailiff, and seven Serjeants, in their
gowns and maces. All these nine officers go before the mayor and alder-
men, in their gowns, to churdh, and at any solemnity.

In former times, the aldermen of the town had their scarlet gowns,
but the proud Scot got them by conquest, as they did other ornaments of
the town, thinking no English, in authority, worthy to wear scarlet
but themselves; and so they continued lording over us for two years,
until they were hired out, as they were brought in, being a mercenary
nation, for any nation for money.

There are twelve trades or crafts, which are chief in electing of
mayors, viz. drapers, mercers, glovers, taylors, boothmen, shoemakers,
bakers, tanners, saddlers, butchers, smiths, and dyers.

There are the by-crafts, which are fifteen in number ; every one of
them hath their meeting-houses in the towei;s of the wall, and are called,
at this day, by the name of By-crafts; their ancient name is after the
name of the founder.

The Twenty four Wards of the T(mn^

There are four and twenty wards in the town; every ward bath its
tower or gate in the walls, which they were to keep in timeb of hostility
with the Scots, whereof these are some:

"White Friars Tower-Ward,
Nevil's Tower-Ward.
West-Spittle Tower.
S^anke Tower.

46t CHOROGRAPHIA : OR A SURVEY OF

■

Pink Tower.

Gunners Tower.

West -gate Tower.

Durham Tower.

Thicket's Tower.

Carlisle Tower.

Barthram Mumbugget Tower.

Ever's Tower.

Saint Austin's Tower.

Walk-Knowl Ward, &c.

Of the River Tine, and the Commodities.

The port or haven of this river is able to receive ships of four-hundred
tuns, having rocks on the north side of the Haven, and sta,nds upon tbe
eouth, dangerous in a north-east wind :

Incidit in Set/Ham^ qui vult utare Charybdim.

Upon the north side of the Haven is an ancient strong castle, the scat
of the prior of Tinmouth. King Henry the Eighth converted the castle
from a priory, to be a defence for the river and country, against foreign
invasions.

1. Theisouth s>deof the river is Warwickshire, in the county of Durham,
vrhere are many salt-pans, which make white salt out of salt water,
boiled with coal.

2. Another commodity, that this river bringeth forth, is coal in great
abundance; most of the people, that live in these parts, live by the
benefit of coals, that are carried out of tbis river into most parts of
England southward, into Germany, and other transmarine countries.

John Johnston, out of the poems of the cities of Britain, Newcastle.

Seated upon high rock, she sees Dame Nature's wonders strange,
Or else to others wittily doth vent them for exchange :
In vain why seek you fire from heaven, to serve your turn ?
The ground here either keeps it close, or quickly makes ir burn.
Nor that which folk with stony flesh, or whirl-wind grim affrights.
But giveth life to earthly things, and minds to living wights;
This melteth iron, brass, and gold, so pliable and soft.
What mind the allcctive shade of gold stirs not, nor sets aloft?
Kay, more than so, men say it doth dull metal change to gold;
To say therefore it'is a God, our alchymists are bold.
If God he be, as thougiv'st out, great master, of thy word.
How many Gods then doth this place, and our Scotland afford ?

Many thousand people are employed in this trade of coals; many live
by workir>got them in the pits; many live by conveying them in waggons
and wains to the river Tine ; many men are employed in conveying the
coals in keels, from the Stathes *, a board the ships : One coal-merchant

• Or CoalWharf*.

• . NEWCASTLE UPON TINE. 46J

\

employeth five-hundi^ed, or a thousand, in -his works of coal, yet, for
Sill his labour, care, and cost, can scarce live of his trade; nay, many
of them have consumed and spent great estates, and died beggars. I
can remember one of many, that raised hisestate by the coal-trade; many
I remember, that have wasted great estates. I shall illustrate this by a
story of two Spaniards, brothers, who travelled into the West Indies,
with that estate and means which they had acquired : One of the
brothers was a miner, tOxCmploy many slaves in silver mines; the other
brother was to be an husbandman, to provide com, sheep, and other
provisions for the miner and his men ; much silver was got out of the
ground by these miners; the husbandman got monies out- of his stock
for his commodities. After many years delving and labouring in these
silver-mines, at last the mines were exhausted and decayed, and all the
money, which he had got for many years labour and cost, was run into
his brother's, the husbandman's hands, and all his stock upstanding; he
living all that time of the profit that his ground yielded.

So it is with our coal-miners; they labour, and are at a great charge
to maintain meh to work their collieries ; they waste their own bodies
with care, and their collieries with working ; the kernel being eaten
out of the nut, there remaineth nothing but the shell ; their collieries
are wasted, and their monies are consumed. This is the uncertainty of
mines; a great charge, the'profit uncertain.

Some south gentlemen have, upon great hope of benefit, come into
this country to hazard their monies in coal-pits. Mr. Beaumont, a gen-
tleman of great ingenuity and rare parts, adventured ijito our mines,
"with his thirty-thousand pounds, who brought with him many rare
engines, not known then in these parts; as, the art to bore with iron
rods, to try the deepness and thickness of the coal; Tare engines to draw
out of the pits; waggons, with one horse, to carry down coals if rom the
pits to the stathes, to the river, &c. Within a few years, he consumed
all his money, and rode home upon his light horse.

Some Londoners, of late, have disbursed their monies for the rever-
sion of a lease of colliery, about thirty years to come of the lease: When
they come to crack their nuts, they find nothing but the shells; nuts
will not keep thirty years; there is a swarm of worms under ground, that
will eat up all before their time ; they may find some meteors, Ignis
fatuuSf instead of a mine.

A third commodity, that this river bringeth forth, is grind-stones,
which are conveyed into most parts of the world, according to the
proverb : A Scot^ a rat, and a Newcastle grind-stoney you may find all
the world over.

The fourth commodity of this river is the great plenty of salmon taken
in this water, which scrveth this town, and other parts.

Upon the south side of this river, stands a town, called Jarro, where
lived that venerable Bcde, admired for his learning, in those times of
darkness. Camden intituleth him, " The singular glory and ornament
of England-" Malmcsbury, " Vir erat, quem mirari facilius, quam
dignum praedicari possis, qui extremo natus orbis angulo doctrinae co-
lusco terras omues pcrstrinxerat," -

46* CHROROGRAPHIA: OR, A SURVEY OV

Bcde lived in the time of the Saxons heptarchy in £ng1and| in the
kingdom of Northumbers, seven hundred years after Christ.

Tills river hath two heads, or main streams; South Tine, which mns
though Allendale ; North Tine, which ruqs through Tinedale. They
meet west of Hexami and salute one another.

Divine Providence over qU Nations and Countries^

Our mbst provident and glorious Creator hath so furnished all coun«
tries with several commodities, that, amongst all nations, there might
be a sociable conversation and mutual commerce; one people standing
in need of another, all might be combined in a common league, and
exhibit mutual succours. Non omnia fert anima tellus. From the
Indies; gold, silver, gems, drugs, &c. From Italy; silks. From Spaijs;
fruits, safifron, sacks. From Denmark; amber, cordage, firs, and flax*
From France; wines and linnen. From England} wool, tin. From
these Northern parts; coal, salt, grind-sjtones, ^c. Which trade of
coal bcg;ui not past ifourscore years since. Coals, in* former times,
were only used by smiths, and for burning of lime. Woods in the
south parts of England decaying, and the city of London, and otbes
cities and towns gi owing populous, made the triade for coal increase
yearly, and many great ships of burthen built, so that there were more
coals vended in one year, than were in seven years, forty years by-past.
This great trade hath made this part to flourish in all trades.

Camden calls Newcastle Ocellus, or the eye of the north ; the hearth,
that warmeth the south parts of this kingdom with fire ; an iEgypt to
all the shires in the north (in time of famine) for bread. All quarters
of the country come with money in their purses, to buy corn to feed
their families, thi^ summer.

This town hath been famous, in four ages of the world.

1. In the time of the Romans, being, in these parts, the outmost
limits of the Roman empire,

2. Famous for the monasteries in old times.

3. This town famous, being a bulwark against the Scots^ All the
power of Scotland could never win it, since the walls were built; but of
late*, being assisted by the English, it was stormed, our churches and
houses defacal, the ornaments of both plundered and carried away.
The crown of our heads is fallen; Woe unto us now, for we have
sinned.

4. Famous ^or the great trade of coal, white salt, grind-stones, &c.
which they furnish other countries with.

Newcastle, likewise, excels in four things before spoken:

1. The town, walls, gates, towers, and turrets.

2. St. Nicholas's church-steeple caput inter nubHa condk,

3. The Tine-bridge, consisting of eight stately arches, towers, and
houses.

4. The long and fair key, for ships to unload their commodities. ^
The revenues of the town are not great, considering the disbufsementi

* By th« ParliameBt Army.

NEWCAfeTLfe UPOSr tJNfi. 465

for repairing of streets, highways, bridges; maintenance of miiiistersy

school-masters, poor, &c.

The arms of the town is, the three castles, argent, in a field, gulcsi
Camd. Newcastle, ^2 -^rad. 30. min. long. 54 gr. 57 min. lat.
Hues. Newcastle, 23 grad. 10 min. long. 59 grad. io min^ lat.

The Suburbs of Jftewcdstlem

Gate^side, a borough upon the south side of the river Tine, an ancient
inhabrted place, a parish of itself, in the bishoprick of Durham. King
Edward the Sixth united it to the toWn of Newcastle; since. Queen
Mary gave itagain to the bishop's see of Durham.

The suburbs out of Newgate and Pilgrim-street wfere ruinated in these
late wars. Neat the Barras-bridge is an hospital, dedicated to Mary
JNIagdalciie. There are many closes in that part, and large fields of
meadows, called, the Castle Leases, belonging to the town, the gift of
King John, as some say, to the good men of Newcastle.

There is a postern between Newgate and West-gate, which goeth into
a close, called. The Warden-close, where the warden of the prior of
Tinmouth had his house, garden, fish-ponds, &c. •

The suburbs of Sand-gate escaped the fury of these wars, except some
Inear the walls of the town, which was fired.

One remarkal)le thing is recorded of two carp^ters hewing of a tree;
blood issued out of the timber, in what part of the wood they cut.

Below east is the Ballast-hill, where women upoh their heads carried
ballast^ which was taken forth of small ^hips which came empty for
coals; which place was the first ballast shore out of the town; since
^'hich time, the trade of coals increasing, there are toany ballast-shores
marie below the water, on both sides of the river.

Upon the north side of the river is the Ewcs-Bume, over which is a
wood- bridge, which goeth dowti to a place called the Glass-bouses,.
where plain glass for windows is made*, which serveth most parts of
the kingdom. Below east are many shores built for casting of ballast
out of ships: which brings profit to the town, and the occupiers of the

same.

Of the noble and ancient Families of the Norih^ and their Castles.

The north parts of England have been in the Romans time, and in
after-ages, the bulwarks add fortresses of England against the inroads
of the Scots; Newcastle for the east' parts of this land, and Carlisle for
the west.

The two great princes of the North were, the Earls of Northumber-
land at Alnwick, and Westmoreland at Raby-Castle, in the bishoprick
of Durham: The first, famous for the great overthrow, he gave Malcolm,
King oftheScpfs, and his son Edivard, slain at his castle of Alnwickv
The second carl, made famous for David, King of Scots^ prisoner, and
the overthrow of his army at Nevil's cross -f, near Durham.

• This has been moeh improved »iiic4 that time; for aOw th«j ^Mk% all sorts of i;!aM itf
great perfecUon. + Half a mile out of Cross-gate.

VOL. XI* , U h

4M chorographuj or, a survey op

T\x Lords Dacres and Lttmley were fajnous in their generation ; tlic
first lived in Cumberland, in his many castles; the other, iathe bbbop-
rick of Durham, in Lumley Castle; both of them having lands in Nor*
thumberland, who held their lands o^ the King iaknight^service for his
wars against the Seots.

The bisho|>s of Durham had their castl^ in the frontiers, in Kor«
hamshire and Elandshire.

The nobility and gentry of the north are of great antiquity, and can
produce more ancient families^ than any pan of England; many of
them gentry before the conquest^ the rest came in with WilKam the Con*
qneror. The noblemen and gentry of the North have been always
employed in theif native country, hi the wars of the Kings of England
against the Scots, all of them holding their lands in knights-service to
attend the wars in theif own persons, with horse and spear, as ths
manner of fighting was, in those days*

Some gentlemen held their lands in Comage, by blowing a horn, to
give notice that the Scots, their enemies, had invaded the land *• The
Scots, their neighbouring enemies, have made the inhabitants of
Northumberland fierce and hardy, whilst sometimes they kept them-
selves exerxrised in the wars i being a most warlike nation, and excellent
good light-horsemen^ wholly addicting themselves to Mars and arms; '
not a gentleman among them, that hath not his castle or tower; and so
it was divided into a number of baronies, the lords whereof, in times past,
before King Edward the First^s daysf went, commonly, nnder the name
of Barons; although some of them were'bf no great living. It was the
I^ol\cy of the Kifigs of England to cherish and maintain martial prowesi
among them, in the marches of the kingdom, if it were nothing else,
hut with an honourable bare title. Some genth-men of the north ars
called, to this day, Barons.

The ancient famflics and names of the gentry are many, which have
Continued, from William the Conqoeror, onto these late days.

The Grays, of Chillingham and Horton^ fiarons of Warko

eastle.
Oglcs^ of Oglc'Castle*
Fenwicics, of Wallington.
Widdrington, of Widdrington-castlc
Dclavalc, of Scaton-Dclavale.
Ridleys, of WilKams-Weck.
]\rluschampes, of Barsmore, the chief baron Of North umber^

land, rn Edward the First's reign.
Middlctons, of Bclsey,
Midfords, ofMidford.
Fosters, of Edderstdn.
tllaverings, of Callalie.

Swinboumes, of Swinboume ; now of CapheatoUe
Radcliffes, of Dehton i,
Harbottle, of Harbottlc-castle, extinct.

•Gaadou ^EstisctinUieliteBvtofDcrwtat-fMii'.

NEWCASTLE Ul>ON TINE, »6j^

Haggerston, of Haggenton.
Hebburne, of Hebburne.
Blankcnship, ofBIankenship.
Fetherstonhaugh, of Fetherstonbaugh*
Herons, of Chepchase*
Horsl^y, of-
Craster, of Craster.
Laraines, of Kirkharle.
Collingwoods, of EstingtoiU
Whitfield, of Whitfield.
. Carmtby, of Halton,
Lisles, of Feltoii.
Strudden, of Kirknewton*
Selbyesy of Twisel*
EringtonSy of Bewfronu
Weldon, of Weldon.
Bredfbrth, of Bradforth*
Rodom, of Little-Haughtonj
Carres, of Ford-castle,
Crcswel], of Creswelh
Halls, of Otterbume.
Thirl wall, of Thirlwall-castle.
KiiliDgworth, of Killingworth.

4

These ancient noble families continued many years valfdnt and faith^
jful unto the kingdom of England, and flourished all in their times; until
the two powerful earls of the north rose in rebellion, in Queen £Iisa«
betl/s reign, who drew along with them many gentry of the north, wh6
overthrew themselves aud confederates, and many ancient laniilies of
the north. Since^ many ancient names have been extinct, ibr want of
heirs male, and have been devolved upon other names and &milies.
. Since the union * of both kingdoms, the gentry of this country have
given themselves to idleness, luxury, and covetousness; living not in
their own houses, as their ancestors have done; profusely spending their
revenues in other countries, and haye consumed of late their ancient
houses.

The castles in the north are many and strong*

.Morpeth Castle, so called, from the death of the Picts in that
place. . .

Alnwick-Castle, where the Earls of Northumberland kept their court;
famous for two battles fought against the Scots, who received a shameful
overthrow, by the valour of the Earls of Northumberland.

Upon Tweedeand borders are, Wark-Castle, a barony of the Grays;
Norham-Castle, belonging fo the Bishops of Durham ; Berwick, upon
the left bank and river, a strong town of war, opposite sometimes against
the Scots, the farthest bounds of the English empire. Upon Till (a
river, falling into Tweede above Norham) is Ford-Castle. To the west,
beyond the river, Floddon-Hill, made fam.ous by the death of James tha

* In Uie person of King James the ilrst.

II h 2

4M CHOROGRAPHUs OR, A SU^EIVEY OF

The Lords Dacrcs and Lttmley were famous in their generation; the
first lived in Cumberland, in his many castles) the other, in the bishop-
rick of Durham, in Lumley Castle; both of them having lands in Nor*
thumberland, who held their lands of the King in knight^^ervice for hb
wars against the Seots.

The bisho|>s of Durham had their castl^ in the frontiers, in Nbr«
hamshire and Elandshire.

The nobility and gentry of the north are of great antiquity, and can
produce more ancient families^ than any psitt of England ; many of
them gentry before the conquest^ the rest came in with WilKam the Con*
queror. The noblemen and gentry of the North have been always
employed in theif native country, hi the wars of the Kings of England
against the Scots, all of them holding their lands in knights-service to
attend the wars in theif own persons, with horse and spear, as tbs
manner of fighting was, in those days*

Some gentlemen held their lands in Comage, by blowing a horn, to
ffivc notice that the Scots, their enemies, had invaded the land *« The
Scots, their neighbouring enemies, have made the inhabitants of
Northumberland fierce and hardy, whilst sometimes they kept them-
selves exercised in the wars i being a most warlike nation, and excellent
good light-horsemen^ wholly addicting themselves to Mars and arms^ '
not a gentleman among theth, that hath not his castle or tower; and so
it was divided into a number of baronies, the lords whereof, in times past,
before King Edward the First^s daysf went, commonly, under the name
of Barons ; although some of them were "bf no great living. It was the
]k)l\cy of the Kiligs of England to cherish and maintain martial prowess
among them^ in the marches of the kingdom, if it. were nothing eke,
but with an honourable bare title* Some genthrmen of the north are
called, to this day, Barons.

The ancient families and names of the gentry are many, which have
continued, from William the Conqueror, onto these late days.

The Grays, of Chillingham and Horton^ fiarons of Warkc-

eastle*
Oglcs^ of Oglc'Castle*
Fenwicics, ofWallington.
Widdrington, of Widdrington-castlc
Delavale, of Scaton-Delavale,
Kidleys^ of WilHams-Weck.
Jirluschampes, of Barsmore, the chief baron of North umber«

land, rn Edward the First's reign.
Middlctons, of Bclsey,
Midfords, ofMklford.
Fosters, of Edderstdn.
(]l]averings, of Callalie.

Swinboumes, ofSwinboumc; now of Capheatone
Radcliffes, of Dehton t,
Harbottle, of Harbottlc-castle, extinct.

• Candea. ^ Estiact in the tote E«d of Dcnreot-^itif .

A DECLARATION, &c.

469

This fighting dicy call their feides, or deadly fcides; a word so bar-
barous, that I caoDOt express it in any other tongue. Of late, since
the union of both kingdoms, this heathenish bloody custom is repressed^
and good laws made against such barbarous and unchristian misdemean<k
ours and fighting?.

In this north country, growcth plenty of hadder, or ling, good
for cattle to focd upon, and for moor-fowl, and bees. This herb
yieldeth a flower, in June, as sweet as honey; whereof the Picts, in
.time past, did make a pleasant drink, wholesome for the body of man.

Upon the west parts of Northumberland the Picts wall is, out of the
O'uins of which are built many towers and houses, in that part where the
Picts wall stood. In some of the waste ground, the wall is to be seen of
a great hight, and almost whole; many stones have been found with
Roma upon it-; and all the names of the Koman Emperbrs, consuls,
and proconsuls, both in stone, and in coin of silver and brass, with their
Emperor's image upon them. So the Picts wall goes through North*
^mberland into Cumberland; virhere lend my peregrination and travel^
J^eepjng myself within ttie lii^its and bouncis of Northumberland.

, A DECLARATION *

RIGHT HONOURABLE JAMES, MARQUIS AND EARJu O^

MONTROSE,

^O^D GRESAf AND MUGDOCK,

Captain-Genc^'al of all hi3 Majesty's Forces raised and to be r^scd for
bis Service, in his Kingdonis ol Great Britain, concerning bis Excclr

' Icncy's Resolution to settle his Majesty, Cliarlcs the Second, ia al)
his Domii\ions, July 9, l64«9. .

t

X/)ndon, printed in the year 1649. , Quarto, con^mili^ five pag^es.

ALTHOUGH the universal- and just reputation of that Qausey ia
which at prei^cnt lam eng^ed; the barbarity of those rebels,
against whom I am designed ; my manifest constancy and fidelity to the tru^
reposed in me by the late Ki^ig, of (^ver bjessod memory ; my honest and ho^
pourable behaviour in the late wars; my candid and sincere profession'of
the true protestant religion, might very well wipe away all those foul an4

Set Ko. jif , io the c^jbalogiie of tli« Ilarldta F^suUleti.
■Si, ... • \ ^ >,^v .

MhS

4ro A DECLARATION OF THE

base aspefsiony, which my enemies (and not so mnch mine, as his
Majest/s) have maliciously thrown upon me, and remove all those
jealousies and causeless suspicions, which many have erroneously con-
ceived against me; yet, that I may clearly demonstrate my disposition
and passionate desire to give the world full and perfect satisfaction of
the candour of my intentions in this present design, J will, this third
time, open the book of my soul, and clearly delivet the very sense of
my heart, and tenour of my resolutions, in the prosecution of this
present engagement; wherein 1 shall neglect nothing, that may win
credit to my present undertakings, propagate his Majesty's service to
the best advantage, and stir up all his Majesty s loyal subjects to an
imanimous conjcmction with me in thb pious and honourable enter*
prise«

And, firsts I must, with very affectionate regret, acknowledge myself
to be deeply sensible of that haish and uncharitable censure, which the
parliament and Kirk of Scotland are pleased to pass upon me, giving a
mis-interpretation to the best of my actions; the very worst whereof, I
am well assured, might have justly deserved an honourable reward.
But such is the unhappy fate of some men (in which list 1 am unfortu-
nately inrolled) that even their best actions are clothed with scandal,
and their most faithful services rewarded with disgrace. But, to shew
that there shall be nothing wanting in roe, that may give any satisfaction
to that kirk and kingdom, I do here solemnly protest, in the presence
of Almighty God, who knows the secrets of all hearts, and to whom I
must one day give a just account of all my actions, whether good or
evil. That 1 do intend, nor will act, nothing prejudicial to the well-
being and present government of that kirk and kingdom; but will, with
the utmost hazard of my life and fortune, preserve them in the full perfec-
,tion of their glory and splendor; and» by God*s assistance, will faith-
fully endeavour to settle his Majesty, my drc^d sovereign lord, in the
thrones of his kingdoms; to maintain and continue his just and indubit-
able prerogative, the privileges of the parliament, the authority of the
kirk, and the immunities of the people; and shall freely leave the continu-
ance, or alteration, of government, either in church or state, in his Majesty's
other dominions, to the judgment and discretion of his Majesty and the
parliaments thereof. And, by the same solemn protestation, I do further
engage to intermeddle with nothing, but the affairs of the sword ; wherein
as always, so my behaviour herein shall declare me a Christian, as well
as a soldier; most cordially desiring my proceedings herein no otherwise
to be blessed, or blasted, than I shall exceed^ or confine myself to, the
limits of my present declaration.

And, although the crimes of my combatants are loud and capital^
common even in the mouths of the lowest vulgar; yet I shall thivk it no
▼ain tautology to make a brief repetition of their tedious treasons, that
the world may see with what justice and conscience I am backed, in
parsuing their destruction, who have so far abused the credit of parlia"
nentSy that they have made them odious and terrible to the people. And
certainly, the world cannot but take notice, that their oaths, covenants,
protestations, declarations, &stiugs, and thanksgivings are no other,
but eogiaeM of fraud And decdt to du^l «i^ ^\4^ ^ V^^^e; and

I

k

EARL OF MONTROSE, &c 471

their fears and jcalousiei, and so often suggpstcd dangers, but landskips,
or counterfeit thunders, to amaze and affright the admiring multitude^
while, through large and specious pretences, and expectation of liberty
and freedom, they are cunningly conveyed into a miserable and cteraal
bondage. These are they, who, cancelling the sacred bonds of religion
and loyalty, forfeit iheir trust both with God and man ; and, in pur«
suance of their own Inmc and ambitious ends, eight years since, in the
name, and under the authority of the parliament of England, waged
war against their sovereign, and, under pretence of the defence and
preservation of the protestant religion, his Majest/s royal person, the
privileges of parliament, the law of the land, and liberty of the subject,
drew the over-credulous people into a most intestine and savage rebel-
lion, to the utter ruin and' subversion thereof. For, instead of settling
religion in its ancient purity, they have set open the flood-gates of con-
fusion, and overflowed the church with a whole sea of unheard- of errors,
heresies, -schisms, and damnable blasphemies, to the scandal and ruin
thereof. The privileges of parliament are quite b^'oken, they have de-
stroyed the very being thereof, not having left so much as a picture of
a parliament : The law of the land is quite subverted and annihilated,
the stream thereof being wholly turned into ilic arbitrary channel of
their usurping wills: The liberty of the subject is subjected strangely
to the insupportable slavery of their monstro;us tyranny. And, for his
Majest/s sacred person, it was preserved in.deed, but to a miserable
catastrophe; for, after their many desperate and bloody battles, wherein
they aimed at, but could not reach it, yet at length, being delivered
up to them upon their faith, and the faith of the kingdom, after a long
and tedious imprisonment, wherein he was dcbaired from all the
common comforts of this life, and when he had granted such large and
fnee concessions, as even themselves had voted satisfactory, and tending
to the peace of the kingdom : Yea, and one of his greatest and most
ancient enemies had ingenuously acknowledged, in open parliament,
to be such, so many, and so gracious, as were never before granted by
any King, in any age of the world : Yet, even after all this, laying
aside all principles of honour and honesty, nulling their own faith, and
the whole kingdom's, contniry to all their vows, protestations, and de-
clarations, to the truth whereof they had so often called God to be a
witness; and abjuring all their oaihs, solemn leagues, and covenants,
manifesting their thirsty appetites to royal blood, after a most disgrace-
ful manner, they bring his sacred person to the mock-bar of justice;
where, after many taunts, scorns, and contempts cast upon the brow of
sovereign majesty, permitting Unjcckt, a villain, to spit in his royal
face, their bloody president passed a grim and ugly sentence upon him,
which, upon the thirtieth of January, l648, was barbarously executed
upon a scaffold, in the face of the sun, and sight of his people, before
his royal court-gate, where, as a traitor, they suffered his royal head to
be chopped off, by the bands of the common hangman. Nor did they
'cease to pursue their malice, even after death, laying the odious scandals
of tyrant, traitor, and murderer on his royal name; and yet employ
their most exquisite skill to perpetuate his memory ta posterity, in an
infamous and loathsome character.

u h 4

4r« A DECLARATION OF THE

And, as if thoy had made a covenant with hell to banish modesty,
and put on a resolution to be wicked, that their sin might be as boundr
less as their wills, and their rebellion as unlimited as either; they over*
throw the foundation of government, even in that instant that they
declared to maintain it, and are entered into a solemn agreement to
abolish monarchy, and, in the room thereof, 16 establish an eternal
anarchy; and, to that end, have disinherited alP the royal issue, and
proclaimed that their act, in the customary plaoes, with all solemnity.
For restoring of whom, and reducing all things, both in church and
state, into their ancient and fit channel; although it hath always been
my constant and solUcitous request to his Majesty, to give me leave to
serve him only in a private command, yet I have received a commission,
under his royal hand and seal, whereby I have full and free authority
to raise an army, and therewith to enter any part of his Majesty's king*
doms of Great Britain, and there to fight with, kill, and slay all that I
shall find armed, or acting in rebellion against his Majesty ; and to give
a free and absolute pardon to all such, as, in apprehension of iSkQv
ofiences, shal Hay down their arms, and submit to mercy. Fotthedae
execution of which commission, I declare, that I will, by God's assist-
ance, speedily enter the kingdom of Scotland, through which I will
xnarch into the kingdom of England, where I will receive into mercy all
such, as, by the fifth of November next ensuing, shall lay down their
arms, and, renouncing their rebellion, humbly submit themselves to his
Majesty's obedience, and will give them such entertainment, as 1 shall
find compatible to their capacities. And I do further declare, that,
after that day, I will receive none to mercy ; and do solemnly protest,
never to lay down arms, not doubting of God's assistance to hold them
up, until 1 have reduced all rebels to their due obedience; and I will,
with all violence and fury, pursue and kill them, as vagabonds, rogues,
and regicides : not sparing one that had any hand in that Horrible and
barbarous murder, committed upon the sacred person of our late dread
sovereign; but utterly extirpate and eradicate them, their wives, chil-
dren, and families, not leaving one of their cursed race, if possible, to
breathe upoii the face of the earth.

And I do now conjure all his Majesty's good subjects, by all ties,
sacred and civil, by the duty they owe to God, by their loyalty to their
sovereign, by their love to their native country, and by their tender
affection to their dear wives, children, and posterity, that they make
their speedy repair to Enderness in Scotland, or to any other place
upon my march, and to join with mc in this pious and honourable
engagement, for the defence of the protestant religion, the privileges of
parliaments, the laws of the land, the due execution of justice, and
their rcdcnoption from bondage, and, as a necessary means hereunto,
for the speedy establishing of his Majesty in his thrones, in power and
greatness, wherein, I doubt not, but We shall meet with the blessing of
God, and prosperous success.

Fro?n Uqfnia, in the kingdom of Denmark,
July 9^ 1649.

HP)

A WINTER DREAM.

'Qnct me suspensum insomnia torrent f Vlig*

Scepefuturammprcesagia somnia rerum»

printed Anno Domini QuanDo ReX Anj^LoruM Tectl victltaliat Captlfns^

1649. Quarto^ containing twenty-tw* pagQi* ^

The Prif^er to theB4ad€r^ '

Because the ipterpretation of this dreafn may be obvious to all capa^
ities, I have presumed, with the author's le^vci to -px^x here th«

pties

names of those countries he bints*

1. The States of KfollatiJ.

2. High Germany,

3. The Kingdom of Naples*

4. The Repiiblick of Venice,

5. The Kingdoms of Spain.

6. The Kingdom of France.

7. The Kingdoms of England^ and the conAision»

thereof, by way of apology.
^. The Scots. •

IT WHS in the dead of a long winter night, whep no eyes were open
but watchmen and centinels, that I was fallen soundly asleep ; the
Cinque out-posts were shut up closer than usually, and the senses so
treble locked, that the moon, had she descended from her watery orb,
might have done much more to me than she djd to Endymion, when he
lay snoaring upon the brow of Latmus's hill; nay, be it spoken without
prophaneness, if a rib had been taken out of ine that liight, to have
made a new model of a woman, I should hardly have felt it.

Yet, though the cousin-german of death had so strongly seized thus
ppon the exterior parts of this poor tabernacle of flesh, my inward
were never more active, and fuller of employmentSi than they were that
iiight :

Picftts imaginilniSf fonmsque fitgadbus adstdi
MorpheuSy et variis^ngii nova vultibus ora.

IMcthought ray soul made a sally abroad into the world, and fbtched
a vast compass. She seemed to soar up and slice the air, tp c^oss seas^

474 A WINTER DREAM.

damber up huge hillsi and never rested till she had arrived at the
i^ntipodes. Now^ some of the most jjudicious geometricians and cbo-
rographers hold, that, the whole mass of the earth being round like the
rest of her fellow-elements, there, are places, and poising parts of the
continent; there are peninsula's, protnontories, and islands upon the
other face of the earth, that correspond and concenter with all those
regions and islands that are upon the superficies which we tread ; cooo-
tries that ijymbolise with them ift qualities, in temperature of air and
dime, as well as in naturQ of soil : The inhabitants also of those places,
which Bxe so perpendicularly opposite, do sympathise one with another
IB dlipontiohy complexions, and humours, though the aatronomen
would have their east to be our west, and so all things vice versa in
point of position, which division of the heaven is only man's institu-
tion.

But, to give an account of the strange progress my soul made that
night, the first countiy she lighted on was a very low flat countiy,
and it was such an odd amphibious country, being so indented up and
down with rivers, and arms of the sea, that I made a question whether
I should call it water or land; yet, though the sea be invited and
ushered in into some places, he is churlishly penned out in some others;
80 that, though he foam and swell, and appear as high walls hard by,
yet they keep him out, maugrc all his roaring and swelling.

As I wandered up and down in this watery rc^on, I might behold

from a streight strong dike, whereon I stood, a strange kind of forest,

for the trees moved up and down; they looked afar off, as if they bad

been blasted by thunder, for they had no leaves at all; but, makings

nearer approach unto them, I found tlicy were a numberless company

of ship-masts, and before them appeared a great towti * incorporated up

and down with water.' As I mused with myself upon the sight of all this,

I concluded that the inhabitants of that country were notable industrious

people, who could give law so to the angry ocean, and occupy those

places where the great Leviathan should tumble and take bis pastime

a* As my thoughts ran thus, I met with a man, . whom I conjectured

to be betwixt a merchant and a mariner ; his salutation was so homely,

the air also was so foggy, that metbought it stuck like cobwebs in his

mustacheos; and he was so dull in point of n\otion, as if his veins bad

been filled with butter-milk in lieu of blood. I began to mingle words

with him, and to expostulate something about that country and people;

and then I found a great deal of downright civilities in him. He told

me that they were the only men who did miracles of late years ; those

innumerable piles of stones, you see before you in such comely neat

fabricks, is a place (said he) that, from a fish-market in efiect, is come

to be one of the greatest marts in this part of the world, which bath

made her swell thrice bigger than she was fifty years agd ; and, as you

behold this floating forest of ma?ts before her mole, so, if you could see

the foundations of her houses, you should see another great forest, being

reared from under ground upon fair piles of timber, which, if they

chance to sink in this marshy soil, we have an art to scrue them up

f AmiterUtBit

A WIMTER DREAM. 475

l^in. We have, for seventy years and above, without any intermission,
except a short-lived truoe that once was made, wrestled with one of the
greatest potentates upon earth, and borne up stoutly against him,
gramercy our two next neighbour Kings, and' their reason of state, with
the advantage of our situation. We have ioaght ourselves into a free
state, and now quite out of that ancient allegiance we owed him; and
though we pay twenty tiroes more in taxes of all sorts^ than we did to
him, yet we are contented: We have turned -war iato a trade, and
that, which useth to beggar others, hath benefited us : Besides, we
have ^been, and are still,' the rendezvous of most discontented subjects,
when, by the motions of unquiet consciences, in points of religion, or
by the fury of the sword, they are forced to quit their own countrieiSj
vrho bring their arts of manulaiMure and moveables hither; insomuch
that our Lombards are full of their goods', and our banks superabound
with their gold and silver which they bring hither in specie. To secure
ourseWes, and cut the enemy more work, and to engage our confede^
rates in a war with him, we have kindled fins in every corner; and,
now that they are together by the ears, we have been content lately,
l^ing long wooed thereunto, to make a peace with that King to whom
we once acknowledged vassalage; which King, out of a height of
spirit, hath spent fi ve*hundrcd times more upon us for our reduction,
than all our country is worths But now he hath been well contented to
renounce and abjure all claims and rights of sovereignty over us; inso-
znuch that, being now without an enemy, we hope, in a short time, to
he masters of all the commerce in this part of the world, and to eat our
neighbours out of trade in their own commodities. We fear nothing but
that excess of wealth, and a surfeit ofVase, miay ma;ke us careless, and
breed quarrels among ourselves, and that our geriejral, being married to
a great King's daughter, may— -

Here he suddenly broke the tliread of his discourse, and got hasUly
away, being hailed by a ship that was sailing hard by.

Hereupon my soul took wing again, and cut her way through that
foggy condensed air, till she lighted on a fair, spacious, clear, continent,
a generous and rich soil, mantled up and down with large woods, where,
as I ranged to and fro, I might see divers fair houses, towns, palaces,
and castles, looking like so many carkases, for no human soul appeared
in them. Methought I felt my heart melting within me, in a soft re-
sentment of the case of so gallant a country; and, as I stood at amaze,
and in a kind of astonishment, a goodly personage makes towards me,
whom, both for his comportment, and countenance, I perceived to be
of a finer mould than that companion I had met withal before. By
the trace of his looks, I guessed he might be some nobleman that
had been ruined by some disaster. Having accosted him with a
fitting distance, he Ix^an in a masculine strong-winded language, full of
aspirations and tough collisions of consonants, to tell me a^ tolloweth:
Sir, I find you are a stranger in this country, because you stand so
Aghast at the devastations of such a fair piece of the continent; then
know, sir, because I believe you are curious to carry away with you tho
causes thereof^ that these rueful objects, which you behold, are the
effects of a long liogering war, and of the fury Q(\h&«v(Ot^t^ cx^^^o^.^^^i^

476 A WINTER DREAM*

civil war, that hatb raged here above thirty years. One of the grounds
of it was the unfortunate undertaking of a prince, who lived not far off,
in an affluence of all earthly felicity; he had the greatest lady to his wife,
the best purse of money, the fmrcst stable of horses, and choicest libraiy
of books, of any other of his neighbour princes. But, being by des-
perate and aspiring counsels put upon a kingdom, while he was catchiov
at the shadow of a crown, he lost the substance of all his own aDcJent
possessions. By the mi^ny powerful alliances he had (which was the
cause he was pitched upon) the fewd continued long; for, among others,
a Northern King took advantage to rush in, who did a world of m\^-
chiefs; but, in a few years, that King and he found their graves in their
own ruins, near upon the same time. But now, may heaven have doe
thanks for it, there is a peace concluded; a peace which hath been
fourteen long years a moulding, and will, I hope, be shortly put ii
execution ; yet it is with this fatal disadvautagc, that the said northern
people, besides a mass of ready money we are to give- them, are to have
firm footing, and a warm nest, ever in this country hereafter, so that
I fear we shall bear from them too often. Upon these words this noUe
personage fetched a deep sigh, but in such a generous manner, that k
•eemed to break and check it before it came half forth.

Thence my soul taking her flight over divers huge and horrid cacami-
nous mountains, at last I found myself in a. great populous. town; hot
her buildings were miserably battered up and down : She haci a workl
of palaces, castles, convents, and goodly churches. As I stepped out of
Curiosity into one of them, ^pon.the west side there was a huge grate,
where a creature all in white beckoned at me; making my approach to
the grate, I found her to be a. nun; a lovely creature she was, fbrl
could not distinguish which was whiter, her hue or her habit, her veil
or her face: It made me remember (though in a dream mysclO that
saying, If dreams and %vishes had been true, there had not been found
a true maid to make a nun of, ever since a cloistered life begap first
among women. I asked her the reason how so many ugly devastations
should befall so beautiful a city ? She, in a dolorous gentle tone, and
ruthful accents, ithe tears trickling down her cheeks like so many pearls,
such pearly tears that would have dissolvjed a diamond, sobbod put unto
Tfnc this speech : ' Gentle Sir, it is far beyond any expressions of rnine^
and indeed beyond human imagination, to conceive the late calamities
which have befallen this fair, though unfortunate city: A pernicious
popular rebellion broke out here, upon a sudden, into most horrid bar-
barisms, a fate that hangs over most rich popular places, that swim in
luxury and plenty; but, touching the grounds thereof, one may say,
that rebellion entered into this city, as sin first entered into the world,
by an apple : For, our King, now in his great extremities, having
almost half the world banding against him, and putting but a small tax
upon a basket of fruit, to last only for a time, this fruit-tax did pat
the people's teeth so on edge, that it made them gnash against the go-
vernment, and rush into arms; but they are sensible now of their own
follies, for, I think, never any place suffered more in so short a time:
The civil combustions abroad, in other kingdoms, may be said to be
put small squibs, compax^\A\\io^ V>r64 ^hiIks qC tite which havt

A WINTER DREAM* 4^7

ragpd here, and much ado we bad to keep our vestal fire free from the
fury of it* In less than the revolution of a year, it cotisumed above
four-score thousand souls within the walls of this city : But it is not
the first time of forty, that this luxurious foolish people hath smarted
for their insurrections and insolencies; and that this mad horse hath
overthrown his rider, and drawn a worse *upon his back ; who^ instead
of a saddle, put a pack-saddle and panniers upon him. But, indeed,
the voluptuousness of this people was grown ripe for the judgment of
heaven*.' She was then beginning to expostulate with me about the
State of my country, and I had a mighty mind to satisfy ber ; for I
could have corresponded with her, in the . relation of as strange things ;
but, the lady abbess calling her away, she departed in an instant, obe^
diencc seemed to be there so precise and punctual.

I steered my course thence through a most delicious country, to
another city, that lay in the very bosom of the sea. She was, at first,
nothing else but a kind of posy, made up of dainty green hillocks, tied
together by above four-hundred bridges, and so coagulated into a curious
city. Though she be espoused to Neptune very solemnly once every year,
yet she still reserves her maidenhead, and bears th^ title of the Virgin
City in that part of the world : 3ut I found her tuning mainly with a
huge giant, that would ravish her. He hath shrewdly set on her skirts,
and a great shame it is, that she is not now assisted by her neighbours,
and that they should be together by the ears, when they should do so
necessary a work, considering how that great giant is their common
enemy, and hath lately vowed seven years wars against her; especially
considering, that, .if he comes once to ravish her, he will quickly ruin
them ; she, to her high honour be it spoken, being their only rampart
against the incursion of the said giftut, and, by consequence, their
greatest security.

From this maiden city, methought, I was in a trice carried over a
long gulf, and so though a midland sea, into another kingdom, where
I felt the climate hotter by some degrees; a rough-hewn spil, for the
most part, it was, full of craggy barren hills; but, where there w«re
vallics and water enough, the country was extraordinarily fruitful,
whereby nature, it seems, made her a compensation for the sterility of
the rest Yet, notwithstanding the hardships of the soil, I found her
full of abbies, monasteries, hermitages, convents, churches, and other
places of devotion. As I roved there a while, I encountered a grave
man in a long black cloke, by the fashion whereof, and by the brims
of his hat, I perceived him to be a Jesuit : I closed with him, and
questioned with him about tha^ country. He told me, the King of
that country was the greatest potentate of that part of the world ; and,
to draw power to a greater unity, they of our order could be well con-
tented, that he were universal bead over temporab, because it is most
probable to be efiected by him, as we have already one universal head
over spirituals. This is the monarch of the mines, I mean of gold and
silver, who furnishes uU the world, but most of all his own enemies
.with money, which money foments all the wars in this part of the world.
Never did any earthly monarch thrive so much in so short a tract of
time ; but of late yean he bath bcei^ iU-£(vooredlY shak^i\ b^ x!d5i x^^:^x.

478 A WINTER DREAM« .

and utter defection of two sorts of subjects^ who are now in aettial arms
against hiniy on both sides of him, at his own doors. There hath been
also a bng deadly feud betwixt the next tramontan kingdom and him,
though the Queen that rules there be his own sister^ an unnatural odious
thing : But it seems God Almighty hath a quarrel of late years with all
earthly potentates ; for, in so short a time, there never happened such
strange ishocks and revolutions. The great Emperor of Ethiopia bath
been outed, he and all his children, by a petty companion. The King
of China, a greater Emperor than he, hath lost almost all that hugs
monarchy by the incursion of the Tartar, who broke over the wall
upon him. The grand Turk hath been strangled, with thirty of his
concubines. The Emperor of Muscovy hath been content to beg his
life of his own vassals, and to see before his fiicc divers of his chief
officers hacked to pieces, and their headscut oflf and steeped in strong
water, to make them bum more bright in the market-place* Besides
the above-mentioned, this King hath also divers enemies more, yet he
bears up against them all indifferently well, though with infinite expence
of treasure ; and the church, especially our society, hath stutlt close
unto him in these his exigents. \Yhence may be inferred, that, let nea
repine as long as they will at the possessions of the church, they are the
best anchors to a state in a storm, and in time of need, to preserve it
from sinking. Besides, acts of charity would be quite lost among men,
did not the wealth of the church keep life in them. Hereupon, drawing
a huge pair of beads from under bis cloke, he began to ask roe of my
religion. I told him I had a long journey to go, so that I could not stay
to wait on him longer ; so we parted, and methought I was very glad
to be rid of him so well.

My soul then made another flight over an assembly ot hideous high
hills, and lighted under another clime, on a rich and copious country
resembling the form of a losenge,' but methought I never saw so many
poor people in my life. I encountered a peasant, and asked him what
the reason was that there should be so much poverty in a country wher6
was so much plenty? Sir, they keep the commonalty poor in pure
policy here ; for, being a people, as the world observes us to be, that
are more humorous [thaii others, and that love variety and change, if
we were suffered to be pampered with wealth, we would ever and anon
rise up in tumults, and so this kingdom should never be quief, but
subject to intestine broils, and so to the hazard of any invasion. But
there was of late a devilish cardinal, whose humour, being as sanguine
as his habit, and working upon the weakness of his master, hath made
us not only poor, but stark beggars, and we are like to continue so by
an eternal war, wherein he hath plunged this poor kingdom, which
war must be maintained with our very vital spirits ; but, as dejected
and indigent as we are, yet, upon the death of that ambitious cardinal,
we had risen up against this, who hath the vogue now, with whom he
hath left Ikis principles, had not the fearful example of our next trans-
marine western neighbours, and the knowledge we have of a worse kind
of slavery of those endless arbitrary taxes, and horrid confusions they
have fooled themselves lately into, utterly deterred us, though we have
twenty times more reason lo tVse ^au«N^i \!i&^>l >daA\ ^[^\^\xt ^:eat city

/I WINTER DR£AM* 479

Iiafh shewed her teeth^ and gnashed them ill-favouredljr of late. But
• v'e find she hath drawn water only for her own inill ; we fare littie the
better^ yet we hope it will conduce to peace, which hath heen so long
in agitation. I cannot remember how 1 parted with that peasant, but,
in an instant, I was landed upon a large island/ and methoughjt it was
the most temperate region I had been in all the while ; the heat of the
nun there is as harmless as his light ; the evening serenes are as whole-
some there as the morning dew ; the dog-days as iuocuops as any of the
two equinoxes. As I ranged to and from that fair island, I espied a
huge city, whose length did far exceed her latitude, but neither, for
length or latitude, did she seem to bear any political proportion with
that island. She looked, methought, like the Jesuit's hat whom I had
met withal before, whose brims were' bigger than the crown, or like a
petticoat, whose fringe was longer than the body. As I did cast my
eyes upwards, methought I discerned A strange inscription in the air,
which hung just over the midst of that city, written in such huge visible
charactere, that any one might have read it, which was this: Woe be to
the bloody city.

Hereupon a reverend bishop presented hjmsclf to my view ; his grey
hairs and grave aspect struck in me an extraordinary reverence of him ;
so, performing those compliments which were fitting, I asked him of the
condition of the place. He, in a submissive sad tone, with clouds of
melancholy waving up and down his looks, told me: Sir, this island
was reputed few years since to have been in the completest condition of
happiness of any part on earth, insomuch that she was repined at for her
prosperity and peace by all her neighbours, who were plunged in war
round about her ; but now she is fallen into as deep a gulf of misery and
servitude, as she was in a height of felicity and freedom before. Touch-
ing the grounds of this change, I cannot impute it to any other than to
a surfeit of happiness ; now there is no surfeit so dangerous as that of.
happiness. There are such horrid divisions here, that, if they were a
foot in hell, they were able to destroy the kingdom of Satan. Truly,
Sir, there are crept in more opinions among us^about matters of religion^
than the pagans bad of old of the Surmmm bonum^ which Varro saith
were three-hundred; the understandings of poor men were never so
puzzled and distracted ; a great while diere were two opposite powers^
who swayed here in a kind of equality, that people knew not whom to
obey ; many thousands complied with both, as the men of Calccut, who
adore God and the Devil, Tanium Squantum^ as it is in the Indian lan-
guage; the one for love^ die other for fear. There is the most monstrous
kind of wild liberty here that ever was upon earth ; that, which was
complsdned of as a stalking-horse to draw on our miseries at first, is
now only in practice, which is mere arbitrary rule; for now both law,
religion, and allegiance are here arbitrary. Touching the last, it is
quite lost ; it is permitted that any one may prate, preach, or print
what they will in derogation of their anointed King; which word King
was once a monosyllable of some weight in this island, but it is as little
regarded now as the word pope, among some, which was also a mighty
monosyllable once among us. The rule of the law is, that the King can
do no wrong; there is a contrary rule now crept in, that the King cian

480 A WtNtEfe DREAM.

receive no wrong ; and truly, sir, it is a great judgment botb upoii
prince atu) people ; upon the one, that the love of hi$ vassals should be
IK) alienated from him; upon the other, that their hearts should be so
poisoned) and certainly it is the effect of an ill spirit. - Both the one
and the other, in all probability, tend to the ruin of this kingdom* I
will illustrate this unto you, Sir, by an apologue, asfblloweth :

There happened a shrewd commotion and distempei^ in the body
natural, betwixt the head and the members; not only the noble
parts, some of them, but the common inferior organs also banded
against him in a high-way of unnatural presumption. The heart, which
is the source of life, with the piericardium about it, did swell against
him; the liver, which is the shop of sanguification, gathered ill blood;
all the humours turned to choler against him ; the arms lifted up them-
selves against him ; neither back, hams, or knees would bow to him^
nay, the very feet offered to kick him ; the twenty-four ribs, the reins,
the hypochondrium, the diaphragma, the miseraic, and emulgent vein§
vfere filled with corrupt blood against him ; yea, the hypogastriuhn and
the bowels made an intestine war against him. While the feud lasted,
it happened that these tumultuary members fell out amongst them-
selv^ ; the hand would have all the fingers eqtial, nay, the toes would
be of even length, and the rest of the subservient members would' be
independent. They grew so foolish, that they would have the funda*
ment to be where the mouth is, the breast where the back, the belly
where the brain, and the yard where the nose is ; the shoulders should
be no more said to be backwards, nor the legs downwards ; a bloody
quarrel fell betwixt the heart and the liver, which of them received
the first formation, and whether of the two be the chicfest officinc
of sanguification, which question bred so much gall betwixt the Aris^
totelians and the Galenists. While this spleen and strange tympany of
pride lasted, it caused such an ebullition and heat in the mass of blood,
that it put the microcosm, the whole body, in a high burning fever, of
frenzy rather, which, in a very short time, grew to be a hectick, and
to all perished by a fatal consumption.

I fear the same fate attends this unfortunate island ; for such as was
the condition of that natural head, this apologue speaks of, the same
is the case of the politick head and body of this island. Never was
sovereign prince so banded against by his own subjects; never was the
patience of a prince so put upon the tenter; he is still no less than a
captive; his children are in banishment in one country, his Queen in
another, the greatest Queen of blood upon earth; a Queen that brought
with her the greatest portion that ever Queen did in treasure; yet, in
twenty years and upwards, her jointure hath not been settled as it
should be; nor hath she been crowned all this while, according to
matrimonial articles; notwithstanding that, for the comfort of this
nation, and the establishment of the throne, she hath brought forth so
many hopeful princes.

But now, sir, because I see you are so attentive, and seem too much
moved at this discourse, as I have discovered unto you the general
cause of our calamities, which was not only a satiety^ but a surfeit of

A WINTER DREAM. ^ 481

bapj>iues9 ; so I jiv^l /descend now to a more particular cause of them ; it
was a northern pation tl^at brought these cataracts pf mischief upon us ;
and you know the old -^aying^

Out of the Ninth
All ill comaforth. '

far be it from me to charge the whole nation herewith ; no, hut only
some peraicious instruments, that had insinuated themselves, and incor-
porated among us, and swayed both in our court and councils. They
had a hand in ^very monopoly ; they had, out of our exchequer and
customsj near four-hundred thousand crowns in yearly pensions, viis et
modis; yet they could n>t be content, but they must puzzle the peace
and policy of this church and state; and, though they are people of
different intellectuals, different laws, custoips, and manners unto us,
yet, for matter of conscience, they would bring our necks into their
yoke, as if they had a greater talent of reason, and clearer illuminations;
us if they understood scripture better, and were better acqtiainted with
Cod Almighty, than we^ who brought them first from Paganism to .
Christianity, and also to be reformed Christians. But, it seems^
mitters have little thriven with them; nay, the visible hand of heaven
hath been heavily upon them divers ways, since they ^id lift their hands
against their native King: For, notwithstanding the vast sums they
had hence, yet is the .generality of them as beggarly as ever they were;
besides, the civil sword hath raged there as furiously as here, and did
as much execution among them. Moreover, the pestilence hath been
more violent and sweeping in their chief town, than ever it was since
they were a people. And now lately there is th^ notaUlost dishonour
befallen them, that possibly could light upon a nation, in that seven
thousand of ours should, upon even ground, encounter, kill, slay, rout,
and utterly discomfit thrice as many of theirs, though as well appointed
and armed as men could be. And truly, Sir, the advantages, that
accrue to this nation, are not a few, by that exploit; for, of late years,
that nation was crjed up abroad to be a more martial people than we,
and to have bafiled us in open field in divers traverses; besides, I hope
a small matter will pay now their arrearagejs here and elsewhere; but
principally, I hope they will not be so busy hereafter in our court and
council, as they have been formerly. ^

Another cause of our calamity is a strange race of people sprung up
among ourselves, who were confederate with those of the north. They
would make God's house clean, and put out the candle of all ancient
learning and knowledge ; they would sweep it only by the light of an
IgtUs fatuus; but it is visibly found, that they have brought much
more rubbish into it ; and whereas, in reforming this house, they should
rather find out the groat that is lost, they go nbuut to take away the
mile that is lefr, and so put Christ's spouse to live on mere alms. True
it is, there is a kind of zeal that burns in them (and I could wish there
were as much piety) but this zeal burns with too much violence and
presumption ; which is no good symptom of spiritual health, it being a
rule, i bat, as the natural heat, so the spiritual should be mode ate^^

VOL. XI. I i

482 A WINTER DREAM.

else it commonly tunis fo a frensy ; and that it the thing, vhich causetk
sitcb a giddiness and distraction in the brains. Tl^is, proceeding from
the suggestions of an ill spirit, puffs them up with so much mental
pride ; for the devil is so cunning a wrestler, that he oftentimes lifts
men up to give them the greater fall. They think they have an un-
erring spirit, and that their dial must needs go true, howsoever the
sun goes. They would make the gospel, as theCaddi's make the alcoran,
to decide all civil temporal matters under the large notion of slander,
whereof they to be the judges, and so in time to hook in all things into
their classis. 1 believe, if these men weie dissected, when they are
dcady there would be a great deal of quicksilver found in their biaiitt:

Proh superi, quantum mortalia pectora aecce
Koctis habcnt I

But I could pity the giddiness of their brains, had they not so mnif6
gall in their breasts, were they not so thirsting after blood, so foil of
poison and irreconcileable malice; insomuch that it may be very well
thought, these men are a-kin to that race which sprung out of the
serpent's teeth. These arc they which have seduced our great council,
and led this foolish city by the nose, to begin and foment this ugly
war; insomuch that, if those numberless bodies, which have perished
in these commotions, were cast into her streets, and before her doois^
many thousand citizens noses would bleed of pure guilt.

Not to hold you long, these are the men who have baffled common
sense, blasted the beams of nature, and offered violence to reason ; these
are they who have infatuated most of the people in this island. So that,
whereas, iu times past, some called her the Isle of Angels, she maybe
termed now the Isle of Gulls, or more properly the Isle of Dogs, or
rather, indeed, the Isle of Wolves, there is such a true lycanthropy
come in among us ; I am loth to call her the Island of Devils, though
she hath been branded so abroad.

To conclude, Sir, the glory of this isle is quite blasted. It is true,
they speak of peace, but, while the King speaks to them of it, they
make themselves ready for battle. I much fear, that, Ixion-like, wc
embrace a cloud for peace, out of which there will issue out centauri^
and monsters, as sprung out of that cloud.

Touching that ancientest holy order, whereof you see me to be, I
well hoped, that, in regard they pretended to reform things only, they
would not have quite extirpated, but regulated only, this order. It
had been enough to have brailed our wings, not to have seared them;
to have lopped and pruned, not to have destroyed root and branch of
that ancient tree, which was planted by the hands of the Apostles thenr-
selves. In fine, Sir, we are a lost people; it is no other Da^alus, but
thejiigh Deity of heaven, can clue us out of this labyrinth of confu-
sions; can extricate us out of this maze of rarseries. The philosopher
saith, it is impossible for man to quadrate a circle; so it is not iu the
power of man, but of God alone, to make a loyal subject of a round-
head. Among other things, that strangers report of this inland, they
say. That winter here hala too many tears in his eyes, Alas ! Sir^^ it

:A winter dream. 485

"is impossible he^sboulB have too many, now^ to bewail thb liiroentable
; baiK; slavery, that a free-born people is come to ; and, though they are
grown so tame, as to kiss the rod that whips them, yet their task-masten
willnot throw it into the fire.

Truly, Sir, as my tongue is too feeble to ext)res8 our miseries, so the
plummet of the best understanding is too short to fathom the depth of
them.

With this, the grave venerable bishop, giv-ing me his bcnedictioHi

fetched such a sigh that would have rended a rock asunder ; and sud**

r denly vanished, 'methought, out of my sight uptowards heaven. I presently

after awoke about the dawnings of the day, when one could hardly

discern dog from wolf; and my soul, my Ammtla vagula blandulHf

■ being reH*ntered through the horn gate of sleep into her former mansion,

half tired after so long a peregrination ; and, having rubbed my eyes,

' distended my limbs, and returned to a full expergefactioni I began to

. call myself to account, touching those vrorlds of objects my faticy had

represented unto me that night; and, when by way of reminiscence I

(fell to examine and ruminate upon them, Lord, what a mass of ideas

.ran ih my headii but, when I called to mind the last country my soul

wandered in, roethought I felt my heart like a lump of lead within m^,

when 1 considered how pat every circumstance might be applied to the

.present condition of England/ I was meditating with myself, what

kind of dream this might be; whereupon I thought upon the common

division that philosophers make of dreams; that they arc either divine^

diabolical, natural, or human.

For the firsts they are visions more properly or revelation?, whereof
there are divers examplci in the holy oracles of God, but the puddled
crannies of my brain are not rooms clean enough to entertain such.
Touchihg the second kind^' which come by the impulses of the devil, I
have heard of divers of them, as when one did rise up out of his sleep,
and fetched a poniard to stab his bedfellow; which ht had done, had
he not been awake ; another went to the next chamber a bed to his
mother, and would have ravished ber ; but I thank God this dream of
mine was not of that kind. Touching the third species of dreams^ which
are natural dreams, they ate according to the humour which predomi-
nates; if melancholy sway, we dream of black darksome devious places^
if phlegm, of waters; if choler, of frays, fightings,<and troubles; ifsan*
gume predominate, we dream of green fields, gardens, and other pleasant
representations; and the physician comes often to know the quality of a
disease by the nocturnal objects of the patient's fancy.

Human di^Qams relate to the actions of the day past, or of the day
following, and some representations are clear and even ; others af6
amphibious, mongrel, distorted, and squalid objects, according to the
species of things in troubled matters; and the object is clear or othei>
wi^, according to the tenuity or the grossness of the vapours which,
ascend from the ventricle up to the brain^

Touching my dream, I think it was of this last kind^ f<ir I was dis*
coursing of, and condoling the sad distempers of our times, the day
before* I pray God some part of it prove not prophetical) fotf

< is

4fi4 A WFKTEft mCEAM.

aUhongh tlie Frenchmen fiiitb, Songet aont JSensengis, areannt m
delasioDB, and that they tttrn. to contrariety yet the Spaniard ha^ a
aaying,

Ei ckgo stmnata que via,

Y era lo que querria.
The blind man dream'cf he did see light,
The thing he wish'd for happened right.

Insomuch that tome dreams oftentimes prove ttue; as St. Austin makes
mention of a rich merchant in Milan^ who being dead, one of his ci»-
ditors comes to his son to demand such a snm of money which .he had
lent his father; the son was confident it was paid, but, not iinding the
creditor's receipt, he was impleaded and like to be cast in theiBuite,.had
not his fathers ghost appeared to him, and .directed him to the plaoe
where the acquidimce was, which he found the next day accordingly.

' Gakn speaks of one that dreamed he had a wboden leg, and > the next
day he was taken with a dead palsy in one whole side. S«ich a drtem
was that of William Rufus, when he thought be baft. felt a cold gvst
passing through his bowels; and the neKt da^He n^as skiLin in the guts,
by the glance of an arrow, in New Forest, a place where he lind his
father had committed so many sacrileges. I have read in Artemidonis,
of a woman that dreamed she had seen the pictures of three faces in the
moon like herself, and she was brought to bed of three daughters a little
after, who all died within the compass of a month. Another dreamed,

"* that Xanthus^s water ren red, and the next day he fell a apitting blood. '
• To this, J wili add another foretelling dream, whereof I have read,
.which was thus: Two young gentlemen travelling labroad in strange
countries, and being come to a^reat town^ the one lay far in the city,
the other in an hostry without the walls in the suburbs. He ki the city
did dream in the dead of night, that his friend which he had left in the
jsuburbs rushed into bis chamber, panting and blowing, being punued
by others ; he. dreamed so again, and the third time he might see his
friend'9 ghost appearing at his bed's lide with blood trickling- down his
■throat, and a poniard in his breast, telling him : , Dear friend, I am
,come now to take my last &iiewel of thee, .and, if thou rise betimes,
thou shalt iheet me in the way going to be buried. The next mornings
bis friend going with his host towards the inn in the suburbs where be
jefthis friend, they met with a cart laden with dung in the way, which
being staid and searched, the dead body was found naked in the dung.

1 will conclude with a notable dream that Osman the great Turk had, '
not many years since, aiew days before he was mutthered by hii
janisaries, l623. He dreamed that, being mounted .upon a hug^'
camel, he jcouid not make him go, though he switched and spurred
bim jaever so much ; at last the camel overthrew him, and, being upon
the ground, only the bridle was left in his hand, but the body of th^
«amei w^ vanished. * The mufti not being illuminated enough to inter*
pnst this dream, . a San ton, who was « kind of idiot, told him, the
camel re^^cnted. tbe'Ottoinan Empire, which he not being able to

govern, he should be ovetlhio\Nn,/«\i\eV\wod^.YS after proved true.

A LETTER TO THE Wf^ FAIRFAX, &c, 4SS

•By these^ and. a claod of examples mor^, we may conclude, that
dreams are not altogether impertinent, but something may l^ gathered
out of them ; thou^ the application and meaning of them be denied to
man, unless by special illumination:

Somnia venturi stmt prascia si;tpe di/sL
By dreams we oft may guess
^t the next day'^s success.

Thus have you a rough account of a rambling noctivagatlon up and
^QWii the world;* I m^^y boldly say, that neither Sir John Mandevile,
nor Coryat himself, travelled more in so short a time. Whence you
see what nimble postillions tlie animal spirits are ; and with what incredible .
celerity the imagination can cross the line, cut the tropicks, and pass to
the other hemisphere of the world ; which shews, that human souls have
something in thcQi of the Almighty, that their faculties have a kind of
ubiquitary freedom, though the body he never so under restraint, as
the author*s was.

The last country, th^ is here aimed at, is known already ; I leave
the application of the rest to the discerning reader, to whom only this
4 ream is addxesse^. >

aeai

A UETTER TO THE LORD FAIRFAX,

AKD HIS COUNCIL OF WAR,

Wiik dhers Questions to the IfOzpj^rg andMiauftrs:

proving it an undeniable Equity, Th^t the common People ought to dig,
plow, plant, and dwell upon the Commons, without hiring them, or
paying rent to any. Delivered to jLhe General and the chief Officers,,

. on Saturday, June 9- By Jerrard Winstanly, in the Behalf of thosa
who have begun to dig upon George-hill in Surrey,

Ilrf>ndoii : Printed for Giles Calvert, at the Black-Spread-Eagle, at the West)
Endof St. Paal*s, 1649; Quarto, containing sixteen Pa^.

To the Lord Fairfax, Gtnendcf the English Forces^ and his Councii

of War.

Sir,

/^UR digging and plowing «pon George-hill in Surrey is not un«
y^ known to you, since you hawe sees some of our< ]MhrsoM, and
heard us speak in defence thereof ; and we did reoeive mildness and

ii3

486 A LETTER TO THE LORD FAIRFAX, &c;

moderation from you, and your council of war^ both when some of m
were at Whiteball before you, and \vhc*n you came in person to George-
hill, to view our works. We endeavour to lay open the- bottom and
intent of our busineai, as much as can be, that none may be troubled
with doubtful imaginations about us, but may be saiisfied in tbe sin*
cerity and universal righteousness of the work.

We understand that our digging upon that common is the talk of the
whole land ; some approving, «>me disowning; some are friends, filled
with love, and see the work intends good to the nation, thepeace wher^f
is that which we seek after; others are eneoiies filled with fury, and
falsely report of us, that we have intent to fortiiy ourselves, and after-
wards to fight against others, and take away their goods from them,
which is a thing we abhor ; and many other slanders we rejoice oye ri
because we know ourselves clear, our endeavour being no otherwise,
but to improve the commons, and to cast off that oppression, and oat-
ward bondage, which the creation groans under, as much as in us lies,
and to lift up and preserve the purity thereof.

And the truth is, experience shews us, that in this work of community
11^ the earthy and in the fruits of the earth, is seen plainly a pitched
battle between the lamb and the dragon, between the spirit of Ipve,
humility, and righteousness, which is the lamb appearing in flesh, and
the power of envy, pride, and unrighteousness, which ih the dragon ap-
pearing in flesh ; the latter power striving to hold the creation under
slavery, and to lock and hide the glory ihcreof from man ; the former
labouring to deliver the creation from slavery, to unfold the secrets of
it to the sons of men, apd so to manifest himself to be the great restorer
of all things.

And these two powers strive in the heart of every single man, and
make single men to strive in opposition, one against the other; and
these strivings will be till the dragon be cast out« and his judgment and
downfal hastens a-pace; therefore let the righteous hearts wait with
pUience upon the Lord, to see what end he makes of all the confused
hurlyburjics of the yrorld.

\Vhei) yoii y/exe a\ our works upon the hill, wc told you, many of
the CQi]ptry«people, that were offended at first, begin now tube moderate,
and to se^ righteousness ip our wofk^ and to own it, excepting one or
two covetous free-holders^ that would have all the commons to them-
selves ; and that would uphold the Norman tyranny ovt r us, which,
\fy the victory that you have gpt over the Norman successor, is plucked
tip by the roots, therefor^ ought to be casf away. And we expect,
that these our angry neighbours, whom we never wronged, nor will
not wrong, will in time see their furious rashness to be their folly, and
become moderate, to speak and carry themselves like men rationally,
V\A ^es^ye off pusbipg with their horns like beast^. They ^hall have n>
cause to say we wrong them, tii^less they count us wrongers of them,
for seeking a livelihood, out of the common*land of England, by our
righteous lahpur» which is our freedom, as we are Englishmeti, equal
iprith them ; aiul rather our freedom than theirs,, because they are elder
bothers, and frecholderSt a^d caU the indosLures their own land, and

A XETTER TO THE LORD FAIRFAX, &c. 487

we arc younger brothers, and •the poor oppressed, and the common-Umds
are called ours, by their own contession.

We told you, upon a question you put to us, that we were not
against any that would have magistrates and laws to govern, as the
nations of the world are governed; but,, as for our parts, we shall need
neither the one, nur the other, in that nature of government. For as
our land is common, so our cattle is to be common, and our corn and
fruits of the earth common, and are not to be bought and sold among
US, but to remain a standing portion of livelihood to us, and our chil-
dren, without that cheating intanglement of buying and selling, and
we shall not arrest one another.

And then, What need haye wa of iroprisoQing, wbipping, or hanging
laws, to bring one another into bondage? And we know, that none
of those that are subject to this righteous law dares djrrest or inslave his
brother for, or about the objects of the earth, because the earUi is n^adc
by our Creator, to be a common treasury of livelihood to one equal with
another, without respect of persons.

But now, if you that are elder brothers, and that call the inclosurcs
your own land,' hedging out ochers, if you will have magistrates a,nd
laws in this outward manner of the nations, we are not against it, but
freely, without disturbance, shall let you alone; and if any of we com-
moners, or younger brothers, shall steal your corn, or cattle, or pull
down your hedges, let yjouT laws take hold upon any of us thusu so
offends.

But, while we keep within the bounds of our commons, ami none of
lis shall be found guilty of meddling with your goods, or inclosed pro-
prieties, unless the spirit in you freely give it up, your laws then shall
not reach to us, unless you will oppress or shed the blood of the Iaho-
cent ; and yet, our com and cattle shall not be locked 4ip, as though
.wc would be proprietors in the middle .of the nation: No, no, we freely
declare, that our corn and cattle, or what we have^ shall be freely laid
open, for the safety and preservation of the nation, and -we, as younger
brothers, living in love with you our elder brothers, for we shall en-
deavour to do, as nve would be done unto ; that is, . to let ev«ry one
enjoy the benefit of his creation, to have food and raiment free by the
labour of his hands from the earth.

And, as for spiritual teachings, we \ewjti every man to stand and fall
to his own master. If the power of covetousness be his master, or Kii g,
that rules in his heart, let him stand and fall to hjm ; if the power of
love and righteousness be his master or King» that rules in his heart,
let him stand and fall to him; let the bodies of men act love, humility,
and righteousness, one towards another, and let the spirit of righteous-
ness be the teacher, ruler, and ju<ip^ both in us and over us; and, by
thus doing, we shall honour our father, the spirit that gave us bi ing.
And, we shall honour our mother, the earth, by labouring her in right-
. eousness, and leaving her free from oppresuon and bondage.

Wc shall then honour the higher powers of the left-hand man, which
IS our hearing, seeing, tasting, smelling, feeling, and walk in the light of
reason and righteousness, that is the Kii^.and judgp that sito upon this
£ve*cordened throne; and we shall be strengthened by those five well-

114

4iS A LETTER TO THE LORD FAIRFAX, &d.

■

ipringi 6f life, of the right-hand man, which ra, undentandingy wHk»
affections, joy, and peace, and so live like men, in the light and powcf
of the sun of righteousness within ourselves R*elingly. What need,
then, have we of any outward, selfish, contused laws aaade, to up*
hold the power of covetousness, when we have the ri<*hteoas law written
in our hearts, teaching us to walk purely in the creation?"

Sir, the intent of our writing to you, is not to request your protect
tion, though we have received an unchristian<like abuse from some of
your soldiers ; for, truly, we dare not cast off the Lord, and make
choice of a man or men to rule us. For the creation hath smarted
deeply for such a thing, since Israel chose Saui to be their King;
therefore, we acknowledge before you, in plain Lnglish, That we have
chosen the Lord God Almighty to be our King and protector.

Yet, in .regard you are our brethren, as an English tribe, and for the
present are owned to be the outward governors, protectors, and savioait
of this land, and whose hearts we question not, but that you endeavour
to advance the same King of righteousness with us, therefore, we are
free to write to you, and to open the sincerity of our hearts freely to
you, and to all the world.

And if, after this report of ours, either you, or your forces, called
soldiers, or any that own your lawsof propriety, called freeholders, do abase
or kill our persons, we declare to you, that we die, doing our duty to
our Creator, by endeavouring, from that power he hath put into our
hearts, to lift up his creation out of bondage ; and you and they shall be
left without excuse in the day of judgment, because you have been
spoken to sufficiently.

And, tberefo^^, our reason of writing to you is this, in regard some
of your foot soldiers of the general's regiment, under Captain Strarie,
that were quartered in our town, we bearing part therein as well as our
neighbours, giving them sufficient quarter, so that there was no com-
()laining, did, notwithstanding, go up to George hill, where was only
one man and one boy of our company of the diggers. And, at their
£rst coming, diversof your soldiers, before any word of provocation was
spoken to them, fell upon those two, beating the boy, and took away
his coat off his back, and some linnen and victuals that they had, beat-
ing and wounding the man very dangerously, and fired our house.

Which we count a strange and heathenish practice, that the soldieiy
should meddle with naked men, peaceable men, countrymen, that
meddled not with the soldiers business, not offered any wrong to them
in word or deed ; unless, because we improve that victory, which yon
have gotten in the name of the commons over Kii^ Charles, do oijfend
the soldiery, in doing whereof, we rather expect protection from yon,
than destruction. But, for your own particular, we are assured of your
'■ moderation and friendship to us, who have ever been your friends in
times of straits; and that you would not give commission to strike us,
or ifire or pull down out houses, but you would prove ua an enemy
first.

Yet, we do not write this, that you should lay any punishment upon
them, for that we teava to your discretion; only we desure, in the requctt'

A LETTER TO THE LORD FAIRFAX, ice. 4^

of brethren, that you would send forth admonition to your soldiers, not
to abuse us hereafter, unless they have a commission from you; and
truly, if our offences should prove so great, you shall not need to
send soldiers for us, or to beat us, for we i^all freely come to you upon
a bare letter.

Therefore, that the ignorant, covetous freeholders, and such of your
ignorant soldiers, that know not what freedom is, may not abuse those,
that are true friends to England's freedom, and faithful servants to the
creation, we desire, that our business may be taken notice of by you,
and the highest council the parliament; and if our work appear right-
eous to you, as it does to us, and wherein our souls have sweet peace^
in the midst of scandals and abuses :

Then, in the request of brethren, we desire we may enjoy our free^
dom, according to the law of contract between you and us, that we^
that are younger brothers, may live comfortably in the land of our
nativity, with you the elder brothers, enjoying the benefit of our crea«
tion, which is food and raiment, freely by our labours; and that wa
may receive love, and the protection of brethren from you, seeing we
have adventured estate and persons with you, to settle the land in peace;
and that we may not be abused by your laws, nor by your soldien^
unless we break over into your inclosures, as aforesaid, and take away
your proprieties, before you are willing to deliver it up.^ And, if this
you do, we shall live in quietness, and the nation will be brought into
peace, while you, that are the soldiery, are a wall of fire round abou^
the nation, to keep out a foreign enemy, and are succourers of your
brethren, that live within the land, who endeavour to hold £onh the
sun of righteousness in their actions, to the fflory of our Creator.

And you and the parliament, hereby, will be feithful ih your coven-
ants, oaths, and promises to us, as wc have been faithful to you and
them, in paying taxes, giving freen^uartcr, and afibrding other assist-
ance in the publick work, whereby, we, that are the common people^
are brought almost to a morsel of bread; therefore- we desxand our
bargain, which is freedom with you in this laud, of our nativity.

But, if you do slight us and our cause, then know we shall not strive
with sword and spear, but with spade and plou^, and such like instru-
ments, to make the barren and common lands fruitful ; and we have, and
still shall, commit ourselves and our cause unto our righteous Kin|^
whom we obey, even the prince of peace, to be our protector; and unto
whom you likewise profess much love, by your preaching, prayi^
fastings^ and in whose name you have made all your covenants^ oaths,
and promises to us: I say, unto him we appeal, who is and. will be
our righteous judge, who never yet failed those that waited upon ium^
but ever did judge the cause of the oppressed righteously.

We desire that your lawyers may consider these qUrstions, which we
affirm to be truths, and which give good assurance, by the law of the
land, that we that are the younger brothers, or common people, ha:ve a
true right to dig, plow up, and dwell -upon the commons, as we have
.declared.

1. Whether William the Conqueror came not to be King of England
by conquest, turned the English out of their birth-rk|itiy burned di^'ess

490 A LETTER TO THE LORD FAIRFAX, kp.

towns, whereof thirty towns were burned by him in Windsor Forest,'
by reason whereof all sorts of people sufftrcd, and compelled the con*
quered English, fot necessity of livelihood, to be servants to him
and his Norman soldiers?

2, Whether King Charles was not successor to the croi^n of England
from William the Conqueror? And whether all laws, that have been
Inadein every King's reign, did not confirm and stnngthen the power
of the Norman conquest, and so did, and do still hold the commons of
England under slavery to the kingly power, his gentry, and clergy ?

9. Whether lords of manors were not the successon of the colonels
and chief officers of William the Conqueror, and held their royalty to
the commons by lease, grant, %nd patents from the King, and the
power of the sword was and is the seal to their title?

4. Whether lords of manors have not lost their royalty to the common*
land, since the common people of England, as well as some of the gentry,
have conquered King Charles^ and recovered themselves frcm under the
Norman Conquest ?

5. Whether the Norman conqueror took the land of England to him-
self, out of the hands of a few men, called a parliament, or from the
whole body of the English people? Surely he took freedom Irom every
one, and became the disposer both of incfosures and commons ; thea**
fore every one, upon the recovery of the conquest, ought to return into
freedom again, without respecting persons, or else >^ hat benefit shall
the common people have, that have suffered most in these wars, by the
victory that is got over the King ? It bad been better for the common
people there had been no such conquest ; for they are impoverished in
their estates by free-quarter and taxes, and made worse to live than they
'were before. But, seeing they have paid taxes, and given free-quarter,
according to their estates, as much as the gentry to theirs, it is both
reason and equity, that they should have the freedom of the land for
their livelihood,' which is the benefit of the commons, as the gentry have
the benefit of their inclosures.

6. Whether the freedom, which the common people have got by
casting out the kingly power, lie not herein principally, to have the
land of their nativity or their livelihood, freed from the intanglement of
lords, lords of manors, and landlords, which are our taskmasters?
As, when the enemy conquered England, he took the land for his own,
and called that his freedom ; evc;n so, seeing all sorts of people have
given assistance to recover England from under the Norman yoke,. surely
all sorts, both gentry in their inclosures, and commonalty in their com*
mons, ought to have their freedom, not compelling one to work for
fmgdn for another.

7. Whether any laws, since the coming in of King^, have been'made
' In the light of the righteous law of our creation, respecting all alike;

or have not been grounded upon selfish principles, in fear or flattery of
their King, to uphold freedom in the gentry and clergy, and to hold the
common people under bondage still, and so respecting persons ?

8. Whether all laws, that are not grounded upon equity and reason,
not giving an universal freedom to all, but respecting persons, ought

'MPt £9 be cut off with the K\n|f s Yi<^\ W^^nny they oughts

A LfeTTER TO THE LORD FAIRFAX, &c. 491

If all laws be grounded iij[K>n equity and reason, then the whole land of
England is to Ix: a common treasury to every one that is born in the
land; but, if they be grounded upon selfish principles, giving freedom
to some, and laying burdens upon others, ^uch laws are to be cut off
with the King's head, or else the neglecters are covenant, oath, and
promise-breakers, and open hypocrites to the whole world.

- 9. Whether every one without exception, by the law of contract, '
ought not to'have liberty to enjoy the earth for his livelihood, and to
settle his dwelling in any part of the commons of England, without
buying or renting land of any, seeing every one, by agreement and
covenant among themselves, have paid taxes, given free-quarter, and
adventured their lives to recover England out of bondage ? We affirm,
they ought.

10. Whether the laws, that were made in the days of the Kings, do
give freedom to any other people, but to the gentry and clergy? All
the rest are left servants and bond-men to those taskmasters; none have
freedom by the laws, but those two sorts of people ; all the common
people have been, and still are, burdened under them.

And, surely, if the common people have no more freedom in England,
but only to live among their elder brothers, and work for them for hire.
What frc'edom, then, have they in England, more than wc can have in
Turkey or France ? For, there, if any man will work for wages, he
may live among them, otherwise not'; therefore consider, whether this
be righteous, and for the peace of the nation, that laws shall be made
to give freedom to impropriators and freeholders, whereas the poor,
that have no land, are left still in the streights of beggsiry, and are shut
out of all livelihod, but what they shall pick out of sore bondage, by
working for others, as masters over them; and, if this be not tho
burden of the Norman yoke, let rational men judge: Therefore take
not away men, but take away the power of tyranny and bad government
(the price is in your band), and let no part of the nation be wronged, for
want of a representative.

And here now we desire your publick preachers, that say they preach
the righteous law, to consider these questions, which confirm us in the
peace of our hearts* that we, that are the common people born in £ng«
land, ought to improve the commons, as we have declared, for a publick
treasury and livelihood ; and that those that hinder us are rebels to their
Maker, and enemies to the creation.

First, We demand, Yea or No, Whether the earth, with her fruits,
was made to be bought and sold from one to another? And whether
one part of mankind was made a lord of the land, and another part a
seivant, by the law of creation before the fall ?

1 affirm (and I challenge ^ou to disprove) That the earth was made
to be a common treasury of livelihood for all, without respect of persons,
and was not made to be bought and sold : And that mankind, in all
his branches, is the lord over the beasts, birds, fishes, and the earth ;
and was not made to acknowledge any of his own kind to be his teacher
fmd ruler, but the spirit of righteousness only his Maker, and to walk
in ]|is light| and so lo live in peaces and, uiii being a truth, as it ii|

49: ' A LETTER TO THE LOftD FAIRFAX, lee.

then none ought to be lords or landlords over another, but tlic #arth ii
free for every son and daughter of mankind to live free upon.

This question is not to be answered by any teatt of scripture, or
eKamplc since the fall ; but the answer is to be given in tb<^ light of
itielf, which is the law of righteousness, or that word of God that wa*
in the beginning, which dwells in man s heart, and by which be was made,
even the pure law of creation, unto which the creation is to be restored.

Before the fall, Adam, or the man, did dress the garden, or the cartb,
in love, freedom, and righteousness, which was hfs rest and peace; but,
when covetousness began to rise up in him, to kill the power of love
and freedom in him« and so made him (mankind) to set hiaoself one man
above another, as Cain lifted up himself above Abel; which was but
the outward declaration of the two powers that strive in the man Adam's
heart : And, when be consented to that serpent, covetousness, then he
fell from righteousness, was cursed, and was sent into the earth to eat
his bread in sorrow. And from that time began particular propriety to
grow in one man over another; and the sword brought in propriety,
and holds it up, which is no other but the power of angry covetousnen,;
for Cain killed Abel, because Abel's principles, or religion, were coih
trary to his. And the power of the swocd is still Cain killing Abel,
lifting up one man still above another. But Abel shall not always be
slain, nor always lie under the bondage of Cain*s cursed propriety, for
he must rise ; and that Abel of old was but a type of Christ, that is now
rising up to restore all things from bondage.

Secondly, I demand, Whether all wars, bloodshed, and miaery came
not upon the creation, when one man endeavoured to be a lord over
another, and to claim propriety in the earth one above another ? Your
scripture will prove this sufficiently to be true. And whether this
misery shall not remove (and not till then) when all the branches of
mankind shall look upon themselves as one man, and upon the earth as
a common treasury toall, without respecting persons, every one acknow-
ledging the law of righteousness in them and over them, and walking in
his light purely? Then cast away your buying and selling the earth
with her fruits; it is unrighteous, it lifts one above another, it makes
one man oppress another, and is the burden of the creation.

Thirdly, Whether the work of restoration lies not in removing covet-
ousness, casting that serpent out of heaven (mankind) and making roan
to live in the light of righteousness^ not in words only, as preachers
do, but in action, whereby the preation shines in glory? I affirm it.

Fourthly, Whether is the King of Righteousness a respecter of persons,
yea, or no? If you say no, then Who makes this difference. That the
^Idcr brother shall be lord of the land, and the younger brother a shive
and beggar? !• affirm, It was and is covetousness since the ikll, not
the King of Righteousness before the fall, that made that dilfercnce;
therefore, if you will be preachers, hold forth the law of righteousness
jpurely, and not the confused law of covetousness, which is the mur*
ilerer. The law of righteousness would have every one to enjoy the
henefit of his creation, that is, to have food and raiment by bis labour
Iveely in the land of bis nativity ; but convctousneas will bave none to
live free, but he that bath th^ strongest arm ofjesh^ all et)iea:a must be
trrvants.

' A LETTER TO THE LORD FAIRFAX, tcif.' 4S3

FiftKly^ Whcfber cun a toiah bdre true p^ce bj walking m the law
fofcoveiousncss and self, as generally all do, or by walking in tbe law of
universal righteousness, doing as he would be done by? lafHrm, there
is no true peace, till men talk less, and live more actually in the power
of Unfversal righteousness. Then, you preachers, lay aside your mul-
titude of words, and yout selfish doctrines, for you confound and delude
the people.

Sixthly, Whether does the King of righteousness bid you love or hate
your enemies ? If you say, Love them, ^then I demand of you. Why
do some of you, in your pulpits, and elsewhere, stir up the people to
beat/ to imprison^ put to death, of banish, or net to buy and sell with
those that endeavour to Testore the eartK to a common treasury again ?
Surely, at the worst, you can make them but your enemies; there-
fore love them, win them by lovcj do not liate them, they do not hate
ydu»

Seventhly, Whether it be not a great breach of the national co-
venant to give two sorts of people their freedom, that is, gentry and
clergy, and deny it to the rest? I iaffirra. It is a high breach; for
man^s laws make these two sorts bf ^ people the antichristian task-masters
over the common people'; the bne fofciujj the 'people to give them rent
for the earth, and to work for hire for them; the other, which is the
clergy, forcing a' ' maintcnaTice of tithes -from 'the people: A prac-
tice, which Christ, the Apostles, sx^d prophets never walked in; tbeic-
for^, surely, you are ^c:falsb Christs, and false prophets^ that are
risen up in these latter days.

Thus I have declared to you, and to all in the whole world, what
that power of life is, tbatisintne; and, knowing that tbe spirit of
righteousness does appear, in many in this land, I desire all of you
ieriously, in love and humility, to consider of this business of publick
community, which 1 am carried forth in the power of love, and clear
light of universal righteousness, to advance as much as I can; and I
can do no other, the law of love in myheart does so constrain me ; by
reason whereof i am called fool and madman, and have many slanderous
reports cast upon me, and meet with much fury from some covetous
people ; under all which my spirit b made patient, and is guarded with
joy and peace. J hate none, I love all, I delight to see every one liv^
comfortably, I would have none live in poverty,* streights, or sorro\vs;
therefore, if you find any selfishness in this work, or discover any thing
that is destructive to the whole creation, that you would open your
hearts as freely to me, in declaring my weakness to me, as I have been
open-hearted, in declaring that which I find and feel much life and
strength in. But, if you see righteousness in it, and that it holds
forth the strength of universal love to all, without respect to persons, ho
that our Creator is honoured in the work of his haod, then own it, and
justify it, and let the power Of love have his freedom and glory.

JERRARD WINSTANLY.

The reformation, that England now is to endeavour, is not to remove
the Norman yoke only, and to bring us back to be governed by those
laws, that were before William the Conqueror came in, as if that wej^
the rule or mark we aim at : JSo, that is uot il^ b>aX >b& i^o^refia^^'Q^Nak

494. NATURAL AMD REVEALED REUGION, -frc

according to the word of God, and that is the pure law of rigbteoa^m
beibrethc fall, which made all things, and nnto which all things are to
be restored ; and he, that endeavours not that^ is a covenant-breaker.

This letter, with the question^ was delivered by the author's owa
hand to the general and the chief officers; and they nt^i'^ mildly promised^
they would read it, and consider of it.

NATURAL AND REVEALED RELIGION

EXPLAINING EACU OTHER.

IH TWO EMAY*.

The first shewing what religion is essential to man. The lecond^ the
state of souls after death, as disooterH by levelation.

M; S. Never before publiilied.

ESSAY ^HE FIRST.
On the Religi9H e$$ential to Man.

IN religion all true principles must depend upon one only principle;
this only principle is that of a self-sufficient being.

Every relation between two intelligent beings is necessarily founded
in the nature of both. Now religion is essentially no more than a re-
lation between God and man. It can therefore be founded only in the
nature of these two beings.

Then every point of doctrine, every opinion, which is evidently oppo-
site as well to the nature of God, as to that of man, ought to be deemed
false, or at least, foreign to man s essential religion.

From hence it is plain, that the religion, essential to roan, must be
simple, evident, free from all contradiction; that it must exclude every
thing false and imaginary; that it cannot require any man to strain bis
belief to what savours of an impossibility, much less to what savours of
contradiction.

If God is self-sufficient, he is perfectly disinterested ; for what is in-
finite can lose nothing, as it can gain nothing. Therefore he did not
malwc man out of nothing to increase his own happiness; consequently
his Crt ating him capable of happiness could be for no other end, but to
render him happy. If this be his end, which ^annot be doubted, this
end subsists invariably. God is therefore concerned for the happiness
of those; beings whom he has created.

The conclusion from hence is plain, that, since God does nothing for
his own advantage, he has nothing in view but the advantage of his crea*
til res; that, whatever is called religion, is reduced to this. (If it beob^
jected to this, that the scripture say3, God made all things for his own
glory: 1 answer, that it is not from the expressions of scripture we form
the idea of God, but on the contrary, -by the idea of God we rectify
nhafrvcr these expressions seem to ascribe to him, that is either imper-
kct vr contradictory ;) thctrfote c^t^ oJOkRt v^^Oi ^ trfiv^^wa. w so far

NATURAL AND REVEALED REUGION, Stc *96

from honouring God, that it really dishonours him, by supposing him to
be like unto men, who, in consequence of' their insufficiency, cannot be
perfectly disinterested.

The first idea a man has, is, that' he exists* He finds he could
not be the author of his own existence, so that the source of existence
' resides elsewhere. Where must it reside? It must be in some being that
has not received its existence from any other; man, therefore, is obli-
ged to own, that there is a first, a self-existent being. This first disco-
very (which you see is only an unavoidable consequence of experience)
is sufficient to lead him to others, I mean to more particular ideas con-
cerning the attributes of that First Being ; as whatever we are ca-
pable of feeling, tasting, or knowing, must necessarily proceed from that
First Cause. This idea leads us to discover in the First Being, not onlf
power but also wisdom audgoodness, and this discovery also arises from
•experience.

Nothing is more familiar to experience than the sentiment of joy.
This sentiment, which is only momentary in man, gives him some idea of
a more real felicity, whereof that which he feels is only a specimen or
sample. From this experience he concludes that the author of hb being,
having made him capable of so delicious a sentiment, must be the
source of all felicity.

Another thing, which he feels, leads him still farther, I mean the in-
vincible inclination he has to happiness; and, as this desire is insepa*
rable to his being, it must likewise be ascribed to the Author of his Be-
ing; from whence he justly concludes, that happiness is the end of hit
being. This conclusion leads him to another; he finds it is not com*
pletely attained in this world, consequently there must be one hereafter,
which will accomplish that end. All these sentiments naturally arise
from a man'» considering himself only. Let us now introduceUm into so-
ciety. He observes that the earth produces all the necessary things for
man^s subsistence, but this being not equally divided, begets the Ian*
guage of mine, and thine; this language occasions another, namely, that
of just and unjust, true and false.

• When we hear men say to one another. This is false, that is unjust, ho
enquires into the nieaning of these terms. He finds that the word false,
consists in the denying what we know to be true, or affirming what we
know not to be so.

That what is called unjust, consists in taking from another what is al-
lowed to be his, or in not keeping one's promise.

But notwithstanding he has clear ideas of what is truth oi* falshood,
justice or injustice, yet, upon examining things more, he sometimes ob-
serves, that falshood lends such assistance to injustice, that judges are
sometimes at a loss to discern who is in the right, and who in the wrong,
so that sometimes the innocent suffer, and the guilty escape, fie then
concludes, that if a being, equitable in the highest degree, suffers for a
time, that justice should not be rightly administered, it is, because he
reserves to himself the care of distributing it hereafter in the most exact
proportion, when the unjust, and the murtherer, will receive the retribu-
tion due to their violence, and the poor and innocent persons, who sunk
under the weight 0/ injustice, will receive a proportionable recompence.

496 NATURAL AKD REVEALED It£LJKiIOK> Ac

Hence we may see that real religion it not ao mttch aboye Ihe ieae]i
of man, as some would peraaade us; for it does not consist ao much in
a knowledge acquired by the instruction we receive from others* as in
that we receive or attain from our seives by sentiment and experience.

But some perhaps will say, that such a religion as this founded on o«r
•atural Vacuities is not sufficient for salvation; this is only the celigioo of
nature, which is infinitely inferior to revealed religion, which is not
founded on sentiment and experience, but on bith, since the ChrisUan
is obliged to bclicfe what he does not see.

Don't let attachment to words mislead us. Natural religion^ sty
'these anen, is greatly inferior to revealed. This is u lame propcmtion.
(Here is one equivalent to it. Nature in children is gi:eat]y inferior to
^ucation.

The use of education is most certainly not to destroy nature, but to
bring it to perfection. Revealed religion ought to be with respect to
men, what education is with respect to children, it can only i>iuid upon
th^ foundation of nature.

Ti»is being supposed, 'tis plain, reiroalcd religion bears a relation tt
4>ur nafuml faculties, and ought m^cr to destroy them, or be sjubstitu-
ted in their xoom.- This idea of substitution, which we adopt without
being aware of it, would appear ridiculous in any other case, as may
he proved by an example taken from education. A school-boy has a
"good natural genius for arithmetick, and desires to learn the rules of it.
A master gives him a book of sums, all done to his hand : the scholar
then has no more to do but to believe, without examining, the exactness
t)f every one of the rules, being pretty sure the master is not mistaken.
J say this book would in that case be substituted in the rooin of the
tmtural capacity, which the boy has for cyphering. He will hot exert
it, as finding the work ready done to his band, but what is the boy the
better for this? All that he will know is this, That he must beUeve,
without knowing why, that such and such figures so put together make
such a sum.

Thus you tell me I must believe without examining, because God hath
aaid it ; but this examination, which you exclude, necessarily supposes
another, or perhaps several, before I can be convinced of this. For^
from my knowing there is a God, it does not follow that 'tis he that
speaks in such a book. That book, say you, carries with it the marks
of truth, for which it ought to be recei%^. Yery well. You no longer
then insist that I should believe without examining, since you yourself
invite me to judge of this book by the marks it carries with it. But how
shall I judge of them ? By what rule shall I be inabled to discern wiiat
you call the marks of truth f In order to do this, I must consult the
principles of truth, and from them form my notion of these marks.

People are undoubtedly guided by a false notion, when they consider
revealed religion, and the religion of nature, as opposite to one another*
To decide the matter, a person need only ask himself, Whether the
means can be opposite to the endf And whether we can warrantably
extol the means above the end, to which they are subservient ?

Well now, allowing that our rational man has examined, iand is
iotiiieiy satisfied by the marks, tbaX vicb a book coigns the sevealed

EXPLAINING BACH OTHER. 4,91

^w^Vl of God j for be cannot think it strange that the deity should interest
himself for men, who are the work of his own hands, and that for the
. ^me reason he should employ different means to form and perfect them,
like a fisither wKo takes pains to form and perfect his children; that^
God having placed us amongst such a number of di^rent objects, he
should condescend to warn and instruct us as to the use we are to make
ef tbem, and that, considering the shortness of life, he should also warn
tis of what is to be our future portion, according to the use we shall
Riake of our time here.

By examining this revelation, he finds it exactly agree with the religion
of his understanding. He finds the author of it, Jesus Christ himself,
declaring that both the law and the gospel center in the accomplishment
of this immutable law : Do to others as you would that they should do to
you. And this he has made good by most of his precepts.

But it will be said, If the whole doctrine of Christ centered there,
"What did he teach men that they did not know before? I answer, That
Jesus. Christ has (properly speaking) required nothing of men, but what
they themselves could perceive to be just. He appealed on all occasions
to their discernment. He never grounds his precepts upon his own
authority, but upon their agreement with common sense, upon the force
of truth, which they are^ capable of feeling, when they do not wilfully
oppose it. If I do not speak truths said he,"cfo not believe me.' He invitey .
men to examine, and made the most simple amongst them judges of hii»
actions.

Now such is the nature of the understanding, that it can believe
nothing but what it discovers to be true. If God should require men to
believe what they can't discern to be true, he would in that case disown
the intelligent faculty which he has given them ; truth would no longer
have any force to convince and persuade; they must become like those
idols of whom 'tis said, that they have eyes, but see not^ &c. If men
could believe what they please, to what purpose should we appeal to
common sense, and ask those questions in every body's mouth. Is it not
true ? Is it not just f Accordingly we find Jesus Christ speaking to men,
always supposing them to have understanding and liberty. He appeals
to the understanding of the Jews against their laws and customs, which
they reckoned to be most sacred, such as observing the sabbath, 6lC«
For common sense woiild have told them, that the sabbath must have
<been made for man, and not man for the sabbath. If so, the doing er
receiving good^ on that day, wotild iiot have been looked upon as they
pretended or imagined a breach of it. He does not stop at the letter of
the law we see, but enter into the spirit of it; he appeals to themselves,
whether any of them would not, or ought not to take care of his oX or
his ass on that day.

But then 'tis urged, Tliattfthe natiire of the understanding be such,
^at it can believe nothing but what it discovers to be true. What must
■we do with the mysteries of revealed religion ? The word mystery denotes
ijomothing hid, the knowlcdgeof which God has reserved to himself; let
us therefore confine ourselves to evident and undoubted truth ! and if so,
what would be. the consequence of such a conduct? Would it hinder
«s from knowing and practising the duties of natural and revealed religion?

vo L. XI, K k

«9» NATURAL AND REVEALED RELIGION

No, but we should be ignorant of a great many things. Wc ahouUT
indeed be ignorant of that art \v|;iich passes under the name of contro*
versy; wc should have no idea of those distincti<ms of words, and of
those subdivisions in wjiaitum, which have inriched dictionaries. Wt
should be ignorant of those names of sects, A nanism, Pelagianism, So*
cinianUm, iic. We should not have known to what a pitch animosity,
•rancour, bigotry, and ambition can be carried under the name of zeal.
If we had born ignorant of those things, would not the world have been
againer in other respects? Wars about religion, which of all wars ai^
the bloodiest, had never been known. Christians would have madr
(wiihout thesi* controversies) the study of religion to consist in being
good men. The gospel would only lead them to that ; in every pagje of
it, they will find instructions tending to make them sincere, equitable,
and beneficent. Every man then who should be wanting in »uch virtues,
or have their opposite vices, would be deemed (as indeed they are) void
of religion. For what is called devotion, would not supply the pkice of
religion where the fundamentals of it are wanting. Men would not
damn one another then; that privilege would be unknown to them; and
they would be as little acquainted with that of tyrannising over the con*-
sciences of others.

But, if you set aside mysteries, religion would be reduced to some-
thing so very simple, that the most illiterate men may understand it*
What advantage would the learned have over them ? And would it bt
reasonable that they, who consume themselves in laborious researches
about mysteries, should have made no farther progress than the greatest
part amongst the illiterate! In answer, I say that I know the gospel
was preached to the illiterate, and I know that the religion proper for
all mankind pught to be within the reach of the illiterate. From whence
I may justly conclude, that Christ did not require of any one to pene-
trate into things which are obscure; nay I go farther in my belief that
what is a mystery to the illiterate, will be equally so to those .learned
men who have exhausted themselves perhaps in useless researches. Is
tliis a conjecture only ? Not in the least. These learned men have
multiplied contradictions, in proportion as they attempted to explain
those mysteries. THcrefo'*e let those who are lovers of truth embrace in
its full force this maxim : Things which are hid are to God, but thxng$
revealed are to uSy and to our children^ to do them.

Whenever we put this question to ourselves, What is the end, or design
of religion ? The most natural answer that occurs is. That religion is
intended to make us good men, that is, upright, equitable, beneficent,
sincere, or true in our discourse, as well as in our conduct. This answer
all Christians unanimously approve of. If this be the end, as we are
all agreed in it is, must w^e, before we are capable of attaining it, know
thoroughly all the different senses which are put upon the different
passages in scripture? And also which is the true genuine sense? But
perhaps my whole life would not be sufficient for such a study. At
what time then must I begin to be a good man ? From hence I may
safely conclude, that the essential part of religion is uprightness aiid
sincerity, and the accessory part is a knowledge of particular things
oiJkred to us inscriptura .

EXPLAINING EACH OTHER* *»

When a thing contains two parts, the one iessential, the otlier acces-
sory, in order to know which part is essential, if you cut off one part,'
and, by so doing, you do not destroy the^ssence of the thing, then it is
"plain, the part cut off is only accessory.

Now I ask : If you remove from the idea of religibh that ' fund of
uprightness abovementioned, and place in its room all the Acquired
knowledge, which the written revelation offers, What would happen f
Would a man, in this case, have any religion? On the other hand.
If you remove from religion that acquired knowledge, and substitute
in its room a fund of uprightness, as before described; I ask. Whether
such a man vould be void of religion?

It may, however, and ought to be observed. That what is only ac-
i^essory, with respect to one man, may be essential in respect to another;
for, if sincerity requires me ■ to assent to every truth, that is either
sensible, or evident, all the truths, which appear to me as suth, become
essential with respect to me.

Le« us now proceed to shew how this essential religion is to be prac-
tised. The comparison, we are apt to make upon all occasions, between
the Supreme Being apd those men we caH sovereigns, is apt to lead us
into numberless mistakes. Christians, by it, are accustomed from their#
infancy to consider religion as something by which God is honoured.
So early do they fancy to themselves, that, when they pray to hin^ or
praise him, he is much obliged to them for it ; and that, by giving alms,
and doing what we call good works, they honestly purchase heaven.

If afterwards they do not think so grosly, this opinion subsists in the
main, though, perhaps, so secretly, that they themselves are not aware
of it. We find our common discourse receive some tincture from this
opinion; we talk of glorifying* God, and paying him the homage that is
due, as a thing advantageous to him; we insinuate, that he must be
highly offended (not to say affronted) by those who refuse to pay hlni this
homage.

The usual distinction between what we owe to God, and what we
owe to ourselves, gives many people room to make separate articles of
them. They give him his portion, if we may use the word ; they set
a-part a certain time for worshipping him; in short, they render unto
God what they think is his due; so that it would be hard to convince
many people, that this part of religion, which seems only to relate to
God, does, like all the rest, tend solely to the advantage of man. For,
if, according to the foundation-principle here laid down, God is a
Belf-sufficient Being, our worshipping him can benefit none biit our-
selves. V

Yet, what strange metamorphoses some people imagine are produced
by devotion i During these unhappy mintftes, an unjust man puts on
sentiments of equity, a severe man sentiments of humanity, a proud
nan sentiments of humility. Now let us examine, whether there is any
thing in all this, whether we do not impose upon ourselves. Sentiments
put on ! Does not this phrase seem to imply a contradiction ? Is it in
a man's power to assume what sentiments he pleases? No, but he may
•trongly imagine them; and these imagined, not to say imaginary sent!-

x:k2

503 NATURAL. AND REVEALED RELIGION

This idea of goodness in the Deity is a positive one, which justice if
not. Equity therefore constituting without dispute the essence of justice,
I would asic whether infinite goodness and perfect equity do not har-
moniously agree ? And whether they can be set in opposition?

Hence it follows that the eflects of sovereign goodness are never sus-
pended, but that WjB even share of them when under punishment ; some
Tescmblance we see of it in the chastisements that parental affection
inflicts. Thus the Deity, by iho small portion of benevolence we feel
HI ourselves, invites us to judge how far his own immense goodness may
reach.

Now let us suppose that a man who has this idea of infinite goodness*
but has never heard talk of a miserable eternity. How do we imagine
such a man would relish the first proposal of it ? What horror would
not such an image give him? He would conclude that those, who
admit of such a state, have a God different from his ; that they were
never acquainted with the immense goodness of the supremely happy
being. He would even conjecture, that those, who espouse thib opinion,
feel not within themselves, those characters of beneficence which^are
inseparable from human nature* i ;. : .

In reality, this strange o^mvioiv 'degrades the «iivine goodness, and
places it below human goodness. For it supposes that God could not
foresee what would befall the work of his own hands; that he ventured
to give being to an infinite nuinber of creatures, without any certainty
of being able to make them happy.

It will be granted, that this plan is worthy of God, and its end above
all fully satisfactory. But still it may be objected, That, in order to
arrive at this happy end, there is a terrible interval ; the unavoidable
miseries of the present life are light, and will soon have an end ; but
the additional prospect of future sufferings, the end of which we ktlow
not, is terrible. Would it nt)t be more worthy of immense goodness to
exempt men from all manner of punishment after this life, since they
were formed and infallibly destined for bliss ? Why does not that now
happen, which one day will certainly be brought about ?

This question amounts to the same as that concerning the fall of th6
first man : Why did not God prevent his making that tiy^ of his liberty ?
Or rather, why did he create him a free agent ? For a tonfined liberty
is no liberty. Sirch difficulties as these take their rhe from our igno-
tance, and our short-sighted views of things. A being without liberty
would no longer be a man, and then we might ask, Why God thought
it to make men? ' Now let us return to something certain.

It is certain, that infinite goodness cannot make a present of any thing
to man, but what is for his good. Since therefore man is endowed
with liberty, and that this might prove prejudicial to him, it necessarily
follows, that it is in its(*lf so essential to man's nature, that Divine
wisdom could not divest Him of it, without divesting him of the quality
of man.

We likewise clearly see, that the good, accruing to him from it, must
infinitely surpass the damage he may possibly sustain from it ; without
which we may preisumc that divine wisdom and goodness would ncveft
have made bim a present of so ^imdoui z, \xaX\ixe«

I

. . -EXPLAINING EACH OTHER. 503

Let «8 now examine whether the scripture contradicts this notion.
Indeed, there are repeated expressions of Eternal JirCf and the norm that
dieth notj &c. But are not the terms, eternal, eternity, and never, wry
equivocal, both in Greek and Hebrew, most commonly signifying a long
period of time, and sometimes an indefinite time? It is said the slave
shall continue ki his master's house j&:)r ever : and Jeremy speaks of the
temple and sacrifices, as of things that never were to be abolished.
<jod sw^re to David, that a successor upon hi« throne should never
feiU

Now let us agree upon an incontestable principle for understanding
the scriptures. It contains truths which we may call eternal and un-
changeable, which are the foundation of all the rest, independent of
expressions, figures, parables, &c. Of this sort are the spirituality,
eternity, omnipotence of God, and whatever else we can know of his
erfections. Next to these, which serve as a foundation to all the rest, we
nd in scripture God's design of saving men through his Son. These
truths, which are the basis of all religion, and as there are in scripture
a prodigious number of figurative, allegorical, equivocal, and even
contradictory expressions, must we not then judge of their true sense,
ncAt by what the words seem to import, but by those unshaken truths
that never can vary ?

Thus we seethe spirituality of God takes away the literal sense of his
eyes, hands, nostrils, &c. In like manner his sanctity will not allow us
to ascribe to him the passions of wrath, jealousy, fury, and partiality
Thus this unerring rule is applicable to a thousand places in scripture,
and would clear up abundance of difficulties, if rightly applied.

Let us try it upon the present subject. What supports the eternity
of hell torments? Why only three or four expressions of. eternity, ihe
tdorm that never dicth^ &c. which may be taken in different senses. But
what supports the contrary opinion? Why, those very unchangeable
truths which are the basis of all religion.

God is wise, just, and good. Justice is not opposite to goodness, nor
goodness to justice. J go a step farther, and say they are so inseparable,
that we cannot s-upposc a man to bejust,^ unU^s he is good, or^ood
unless he is just. In God goodness and justice are boundless. If God's
justice is not attended either with hatred, fury, or revenge, but is in-
separable from infinite goodness, can we conceive it \u]\ condemn millions
of creatures, formed after God's own image, to dreadful and never
ending misery, and even doom them to the hatred of God, to lage, to
despair and blasphemy to all eternity ? May we not rather on the
contrary say, that the chief busini^ of this sovereign justice, is to make
just whatever is unjust, and Render the crooked straight? What is more
unjust and contrary to the views of the Creator, than that myriads of
his creatures should for ever hate him ? Once more I ask, Can sove*
reign justice will injustice, or permit it to subsist to all eternity ?

Let us now proceed to consider the design of Jesus Christ's coming
into the world. The New Testament tells u§, in almost every page, that
It was to save all men. And is it not surprising that the expression,
^mefif so often repeated, should make no impression on the minds of
fii€u, while those of eternity and for ever buvc been received without

" K k 4

im NATURAL AKD REVEALED REUGION

rtttriction. The ParticuhofiRb tell ui by Ail mem b meant flie tktt
only. The Univerealists say 'tis an offer of grace to all men. But thoit
Universalists, that are against the eternity ot hell torments, think that
God's declaring his desire, that all men should he raved^ will accomplish
it in its utmost extent, it expresses, say they, a positive will, wfaick
sooner or later will have its effect, and not a bare wish that all men tiny

ht saved.

No sooner did Adam fall, but the promise of salvation was made to

bim and his posterity. St. Paul is very exprt^ss on this subject: A$im

Adam all die, so in Christ shall all be made alive. This prcx>f I think is

exceeding strong, by the comparison made between Adam and Christ

Therefore, as it is past dispute, that in Adam all die, so it is unexcep-

tionably true, that in Christ all shall be inade alive. But what the

Apostle subjoins is a proof, that this will happen at very difiKpKnt

periods : But every man, says he, m his awn order ; Christ the first*

fruits, afterwards they ^ahich are Christ^s at his coming. 'Tis plain, by

this coming, he means the last judgment, and, by thobe that are Christ^

the souls of the just. Nevertheless, he afterwards speaks of another

future period, which he calls the End: And then the tnd shall came,

tfhen he shall have delivered vp the kingdom to God^ even to the father.

But what is this end ? Tliat all things should be sultjected to him* Bat

Is it a forced or voluntary subjection ? If the former, he would never

fpeak of it as a thing to come, because, from the foundation of the

iKrorld, all things are subject to him. If the latter, there is no mott

bell. What follows seems tc prove this clearly : The last enemy that

fhall be destroyed is Death. Is the separation of the soul from the body

the death here meant? No, for after the coming of Christ there b no

room for that death.

Another proof, that the death here mentioned is not temporal deatti,
}s, that St. Paul ranks it with the enemies of God, over whom Jesw
Christ should reign till they were all destroyed. Temporal death is no
eneniy, but an agent in God's hands to execute his orders ; but 'tis
spiritual death which is called Etifnity agaimt God, a rebellion of the
Creature against the Creator; 'tis this death to which the title of enemy
perfectly agrees.

Now, when Christ hath delivered up his kingdom to his father, then
God is said to be All and in all. Now these words could have no sense,
if hell torments were eternal. God can never be All and in ail, but by
restoring the order of things. Indeed, these words are an irrefragable
argument for the abolition of sin altid hell, and the restomtion of all the
creatures; which is farther confirmed by St. Paul's exclamation,
O Death, where is thy sting f 0 grave, where is thy victory f Now if
Death and the grave have no Other sting bnt sin, and this sting must be
destroyed, does it not follow that hell must be destroyed also? Since
'tis certain that, if sin were killed in men, there Vvould be no hell.

This chapter alone affords sufficient arguijienu for the support of this
doctrine, but we will not intirely stop here. In the siecond of Hebr^v/t
'tis said, that Jeius Christ f Med' death for all men* Atid elsewhei^, Thiii
he is made the propitiation ftr the sins of the 'whdle ^tecfrld, and that eoehf
knee shall bow at the name ofjesus, vf things in heaven, '^c* il 4ba\l cvliy

EXPLAIKING EACH DTHER. BOS

clwell alitHeoB the last wnest^f th^ fifth of the iRouMkitt, thatareyerf
clear-in this cast, where the ApOstle coitopares Jesus Christ to Adam;
and also the Ituits we reap from <^ach : M by one num sin entered i$fio
the worlds and Death by eitiy so that Ihath is passed ttptm oilmen : Ik
like inannery by the righteousness of ofi«, 4he gift is -come upon all mem t9
jwHftcatitiRoflife. For, adds he, As by the dmbedienee of one rMny^ Arc*
This Word, many^ here undoubtedly oomprehends all mankind. All
were made sinners by Adaro, tfaeicfdre all ought to bemadttighteoua
by Christ. And here we may very justly apply that exoellem but
abused text, Where sin did dboundy grace did much mare dboundi That
is, the grace of Christ Jesus is so abundant that it shall at last destroy
thesinsof all mtokind, so that, as sin has reigned unto death, in Irkb'
Hianner grace should reign by righteousness unto eternal life. As if he
had said, the retgn of sin and<ieath m«st come lo an end, to make room
ioT that of grace through all eternity.

Let us now, after having considered the %tid of Chri^fs coming, in
aupport of this subject, examane the nature of justide. At the end of
the second Commandment^ -we ihid a positive declaration of the tfternat
liftws of justice and mercy. In the first part God shews himself as a
pK)werful and jealous God, punishing iniquity to the fourth genisration ;
but, in the last, he is represented as ekcrting taatc^ to thousands of
generations. Doth not this shew plainly, that justice in his punidhmcntg
is restrained within certain boundis, whcridis mercy ^nows tio limits >
To this it may be objected. If bounds beset to the divine justice, what
becomes of its infinity ? I answer, that di'^itie justice, considcted in
itself, is without bounds; but its infinity docs tiotcoaMst in punishing
without bounds, but in being infinitely ipquitable, ^titc^ring into an i)>-
finite detail of what can rendter every cwattfre, mora, «r Iws, culpaWe,
and more, or less, pardonable, in weighing with a perfect eqiial bailanee^
not only actions, but particular intemious, -motivcis, knowledge, cir**
cumstances, temptations; in a word, in ^t^fhig into the infinite pro^
portions of rewaitls and panishments, 190 that it incline hot to one side
more than another: Now, was it to paaish infinitely, -there mudt
needs be a heavier weight in the scale of rigour, than in thatofd^mei^i
which cannot suit with the idea of jnstice.

The first verse of tbe<rviith psalm is, as it wste^analyridgemdntof tb«
whole, saying, O gvoe thanks unto ihe Lord, fot"he''^is 'good, because hk
mercy endureth for ever* What do^ this ^daratidn tell as? That
immense goodness -is not coafincd lofhe^i^art space df'this lifb; 'sinca
it endureth for cvWr, it must Gevtainly be ^mploiyed in the life to come,
for tiie bcncffit of such subjects as shall be capable of F^eehing its in-
fluence. Bert who arethose subjects ? The "satoe psalm is very express
on that article. They ave stick HSb,- having bei^n K)b€4s against Ood,
have been humbled, mortified, and ci^shcfl by his justice, whohav^
felt inexpressible anguish on tllea^contit of their transgre^ions. But
then here follows one of the Strongest expr*sions against thceternitydf
their torments: He tnllnot ^Itoays chide, >idr keHp-kis anger for ever.

But, granting my arguments fer a i^toraiion be true, I have made
this-objectron to myielf; To what purpode is it to set in too clear a
light truths that'Diay possibly encourage liccncloueikieBS'and remkenM*^

508 NATURAL AND ^REVEALED RELIGION

Would it not be better to have mankind in no error, that may be a mem
to awaken their attention, and lead them to virtue f I own that the
knowledge of this truth is not absolutely necessary. We may rest
satisfied with the speaking of hell in the terms of scripture, and leave
every one to explain them in the sense he likes best. However we doi/t
find, that the opinion about the eternity of helUtorments pnxluccs any
very remarkable cfiect, or proves a sufficient curb to prevent mankind's
going on in wicked courses. The fear of a violent distemper, of twenty
or thirty years continuance, w6uld make a deeper impression on them.
What c^n be the reason of this amazing indifference about an evil of so
desperate a nature, which they profess to believe, and yet do nothing
towards avoiding it? It is true they imagine they believe it, but see
how they make themselves easy ! Every one is persuaded that he him*
self is not of the number of the wicked, whose portion shall be in the
lake of fire and brimstone ; they cannot conceive, if they be not noto*
rioiisly wicked, that God will condemn them to frightful and endless
torments. They arc sensible, indeed, that they are guilty of several
faults; but. Where is the man, say they, without sin ? Besides, for
these they ask forgiveness daily; and what arc the merits of Christ good
for, if they do not deliver men from everlasting misery ? Nay, even
sinners of the first magnitude hope to escape hell, either by repenling,
as they propose to do sooner or later, or through the infinite mercy of
God ; for it is as easy, say they, for God to pardon the greatest as the
least sinners. By a single act of his will he can make a creature happy
for ever, or let him perish eternally; surely then ho will notch use the last,
because that would suppose cruelty in an infinitely merciful Being.
Thus it is plain, that, the more terrible hell becomes, by supposing it
eternal, every one more easily persuades himself that divine mercy will
exempt him from it.

Hence it is evident, that the greater number of Christians, who
profess the belief of the eternity of hell -torments, arc so far from using
it as a motive to holiness, that it is only made a handle to sloth and
security. This may seem to be a paradox, but it is no hard matter to
explain it.

For, the greater disproportion the punishment men are threatened
with seems to have, either with their crimes, or the ideas they form to
themselves of the mercy of God, the more confidently they persuade
themselves that eternal fire will not be their lot. But if, instead of dc*
termining the duration of the torments which sinners must undergo, we
should rest satisfied with telling them what we find in the second chapter
to the Romans, That there shall be tribulation and anguvth upon everif
soul of man that doth evilf and that in so just a proportion, that every
one shall hear the punishment of his iniquity^ and shall vat the fruit qflui
toorks : It would then be impossible for the conscience of the most
profligate not to acquiesce in this judgment, nor could any one flatter
himself with impunity under any pretext whatever. This unchangeable
truth, 2'hat God snail render to everif man according to his xoorks, so often
rc'pi'Htcd in scripture*, is written in indelible characters on the conscicn*
ces ot all men. They all know that the idea of proportion is inse-
parable from that of equity *, no proportion can be found betwixt a

EXPLAIKING EACH OTHER. SOT

kicked life, of a few yean, and eternal tonnents : Nor is tbere lest
disproportion found between such punishment and boundless mercy.

By this time we see, that the objection against making known this
doctrine dwindles almost into nothing; nay, if we compare the eflfctta
arising from the two opinions, Which is most likely to be productive of
good ? Persons in the first case are only actuated by servile fear, which
makes them easily satisfied, if they forsake scandalous sins, which put
them in fear of hell ; therefore, when once they come to lead a good
life according to the world, they fancy themselves intirely skreened from
eternal damnation, so that they need not give themselves any farther
trouble; they are content with the lowest place in Paradise: and,
provided they do but escape hell, they aspire at nothing more. But
those that are actuated by the strong impression of this truth. That God
will render to every man according to hi$ works ^ are set to work after
another manner : They know that God cannot be mocked ; but that,
whatever a man tvms^ that shall he reap. Does not St John say (which
is the summary of all that I have said) We kntm^ when the son of' God
shall appear^ we shall he like him^ and shall see him as he is: therefore
every one that hath this hope^ purifieth himself^ even as he is pure. We
cannot see God as he is, without being like him ; it is impossible to bel
like him, without being purified not only from acts of injustice, but also
from the whole source of wickedness which is as it were incorporated
with us; therefore such as in this life have only touched on, or begun
Ibis great work, must certainly continue it in the next till they become
like Jesus Christ, otherwise they cannot sec him as he is. If it be ob-
jected that there is no condemnation for those who are in Christ Jesqs :
My first gives a solution to this difficulty, viz. That God, properly
speaking, does not punish men, but leaves them to reap the fruits of
what they have sown.

Upon this principle it must be observed, that the souls which after
this life suffer torment, proportioned to the evil which is in them, da
not pass into that state of suffering by a sentence positively pronounced
by God. God has no torment to inflict upon his creatures; whence
then can they proceed ? I answer, which cannot be too often repeated,
from ourselves.

1 ask, What is sowing to the flesh? It is gratifying our vicious in-
clinations, and thereby riveting those habits which at last tyrannise over
us* What is reaping corruption f It is experiencing the torment
resulting from that tyranny, being deprived of the objects which we
could not part with, without feeling cutting remorse, for having volun-
tarily attached ourselves to them. When therefore we suppose hpll-
torments will one day end, we do not depart from the ideas' which both
scripture and good sense give us of it ; such as an eternal fire^ a wonik
that never dieth : for it is but too probable, that the sufierers of those
dreadful torments will reckon every hour an age, and cyery age an
eternity.

" To conclude then: Let us see, whether the doctrines of purification
and restoration in another life will not reconcile the disputes, that have
so long subsisted between those two grand parties of divines, called
Particularists and Univcrsalists. The former restrain God's will to a

Mi KATURAL ASTD KEVEAL&D REUGIO^

flroall number, called theElect, whereas the Ulter miBataio, Tkat ^oi
will save all men. The former reply,

^ That the will of God is cfficaciou«, and therefore he cannot iall
short of bis purpose ; that, if be willed all men to be aavcd, he woui4
save them efioctually : that it is annibilatii\g hia omnipotence to say, be
desires to save all men, but ihat be cannoL'*

The Uoiversaliita, on the other hand, maiotaint ^ That it n injurious
to the goodacss of God to say, that he cannot save all men, and will
only save a part; that is, is accusing him of cruelty, who desires that
none should periskf but theiaUmaii come to repentance ; that, if this will
has not its effect, the &ult is not vn Godi part, but on man's, who
mists the 4{Tacious will of his Creator,''

Hence it appears, that the divines of both denominationB, after they
kave assented to the thesis in general, deny it, when they come to par-
ticulars* The former injure the idea we have t)f the goodness of God ;
the latter, those we entertain of his omnipotence. Let us new see,
whether we cannot unfold the riddle« And, first, it is granted to the
ParticularisU, That the will of God is efficacious; that he cannot be
frustrated of hts purpose,; and that all those, whom he has piedesli noted
to salvation, and for whom Christ died, will be infollibly saved. It is
likewise granted the Universalists, That God wills aH men should be
saved ; that he destines no one to mifiery ; and that Christ hatktcutti
death for every man*

This secm6 contradictory; bui we shall be able to clear up ih»
xnatteir, if we here join toggether the di&rent theses of each party.

Particularists. The acts of the divine will are efficacious.

Universalists. God wills all men to be awvod*

Therefore all men will one day he saved.

Part. All those, whom God has predestiaated to salvatioo^ irill ja«
(allibly be saved.

Univ. God predestlnateth none to wrath, but to jalvatioo*

Therefore all will be infallibly sa'oed,

ParL All those, ^for whom Ch^st di«4, ^11 partake of sal<«at]on.

Univ. Jesus Christ tasted death for ail, and was lifted up £rom earth
to xl raw all men to him.

Therefore all wU ffortake ef ttalxnUioMf and at lost it draxom t^er
him.

Iriorcscc.thc juBgument will be iktued^ end Tctorted as fellows, ni^

Balvatum is promised only to those zoho 4tre mnet^al.
Jitfinitdy more die, Juho are siot sanctified^ than 'Oiho arc*
Therefore mU men viiU not be saved^

'Now, to shew, that the first conclusion is just, -and the second ffdse,
wcjieed only join to these two propositions a third, drawn. from.thr
principles of the Univei'saiists : . .

Salvation is f roamed QnljiM}.thQsctDhoitre.$auctjfedm

k:"

EXPLAmiKG EACH OTHER. 509

God wills, that all own come to rcpeaftftice and t{ie knowkdge of
the truth. »

JUtf ihemdofiotMamtOftm this life.
Tkarefore this must be done ki the other.

Ib order to suppoit this coneluBiODy I«t us make use of some p'tincift
jhe% of ike same divines :

Qod offers all men the mean^ of sanctifkratioft, but commits no vm«
iwce on their liberty; all do not make the advantage of the proffer;
Skil do not make use of those means to come to repentance and sane*
tMcation.

I adk now. Shall the parpPOMS of God be frttstnrted by the resi&tanc#
of man ? Will he not find some method for bringing them to repentance
^aid holiness without forcing their liberty ? If they do not correspond with
those means in this Ufe» which is but of a minute^s duration, when
compared with eternity, will he confine his concern for the restoration
of his work to that short span? Shall not be, who is so well acquainted
with all its springs, be able to bring it back to himself at last?

By the knowledge of these truths, we manifestly perceive the UA-
icifaaAgeable attributes of the Deity, his goodness, his omnipotence^
"wisdoro, justice, holiness, feithfulness, and mercy. first, I say,

bis goodness, as God wills the happiness of all his creatures, and their
return to the primitive perfection they had received at his hands. His
^mnipotefice, as it hence appears, that the will of God is efficacious,
that his arm is not shortened, but that he is able, sooner or later, to
accomplish all his designs. His ftitthfuht^s, as it hereby appears, that
his 6ifU And calling are %oithout repentance ; that, having once destinatcd
man to bliss, he doth doc desist from his first design. His mercy, as
he furnishes the most rebellious with the means of sanctification; as ha
extends the effects of his mercy, not to some only, but to all without
exception, not only in this life, but also in the life to come. His justice,
by leaving every one to reap the fruits of what he has sown : by making
tribulation and anguish fall upon every soul that doth evil, and making
them eat the fruit of their own doings and devices. His holiness, in his
not being re-anited to his creatures before he has sanctified them, till
they become children of light.' Divine justice will be the same to them,
that fire is to hay and stubble; and this fire will not cease to bum till all
unrighteousness is consumed ; then only justice will cease to be rigorous^
without ceasing to be just*

And when we take a view at large, and see how disproportioned the
means of salvation are offered to nmnkind in general, or even to Chris-«
tians in particular, some of whom are, in respect of others, like so many
beasts of burthen, bowed down from their youth under the weight of
toil and labour, which scarce allow them time to enquire, whether they
have souls to cultivate, and prepare for a future life; and who, on
observing such disproportions between those, who, by nature are of
equal dignity, can discern impartiality in God? Surdy, nothing can
account for this conduct, but the knowledge of a state of purification,
where those, who have been unprovided with the means of coming to
the knowledge of the truth in this life, will find them in another. This
also justifies the equity of God, ia lUl the dreadful judgments iniSicted

510 NATURAL AND REVEALED RELIGION, ka

on whole nations, t great part whereof knew neither good not eviL tn
jreality, did we nut know that in the other life tliere will be a perfect
compensation, both in regard to the means of salvation, and blessings
and miseries, should we not be tempted to cry out, Is there knowledge
in the Lord^ and does he weigh all men in an equal balance f

Now let us sum up all briefly, recounting the practical uses of these
opinions. Is any thing more proper for overturning the false maxims so
much in vogue, in which numbers securely lull themselves asleep, than
the knowledge of an unchangeable justice, that constantly judges of -
things as they really are. And of a mercy, which is so far from being
contrary to justice, that it concurs with it in the grand design of
purifying mankind?

This being laid down, what will become of the hopes of those, who
imagine that mercy will prevail against justice and stop its course, so
that they shall feel none of its effects? i

If God is incapable of anger, provocation, and revenge, as we have
proved, he is incapable of being appeased, of being moved with repeated
cries,, or feeling compassion like ours, which proceeds only from the
weakness of our nature. This being supposed. What will become of
those flattering hopes, that we shall appease the Deity with tears;
that, on begging grace and mercy, he will be easily prevailed on tu
relent?

If the greatest favour God can do men is to purify them, and if
this is the only way by which they arrive at happiness. How can they
desire mercy to exempt them from purification? Could they obtain
their request, they would obtain eternal torment, since, without holiness, -
they will never see Grod.

Upon the whole, I know not whether any other system contains
motives so efficacious for engaging mankind to walk in the ways of
real holiness; any system, which can make religion more venerable,
in the eyes even of libertines, or more lovely to the lovers of truth ; that
places, in a clearer light, the wonderful harmony of the divine attri*
butety and tho reasons we have to love sovereign perfection*

( in )

A VIEW OF ST. HELENA,

AN ISLAND IN THE ETHIOPIAN OCEAN, IN AMERICA,

Now io posMuion of the honoorable Eait-India Company,

Where their Ships usually refresh in their Indian Voyages^

With an Account of the admirable Voyage of Domingo Gonsales,- the
little Spaniard, to the World in the Moon, by the Help of several
Gansa's, or large Geese. An ingenious Fancy, written by a late
learned Bishop.

Duodecimo^ contsiniiif forty-three pages.

BEFORE I come to relate the acquisitions of the English in Tndia»
&c. I will make a halt, at St. Hellens, or Helena, which is now
possessed by the honourable East-India ^company. It is called the Sea-

» Inn, because the English, and other nations stop there, as a place for
watering and refreshment, in their long vbyages to India. It was for*
merly seized by the Dutch, but retaken May the 6th, 1673, by Captain
Munday, with a squadron of English ships, and three rich Dutch East*'
India ships made prizes in the harbour ; since which the company have

^ fortified, and secured it, against any future invasion of Dutch, Portu-
guese, or Spaniards. It was called St. Helena, by the Portuguese,
who discovered it on St. Hellen's Day, being April the second. There
is no island in the world so far distant from the continent, or main land,
as this. It is about sixteen leagues in compass, in the Ethiopick Sea,
in sixteen, degrees of south latitude; ahbut fifteen hundred miles from
the Cape of Good Hope; three-hundred and sixty from Angola, ia
Africa ; and five-hundred and ten from Brasile, in America. It lies
high out of the water,and surrounded on the sea-coasts with steep rocks,
having within many clifife, mountains, and vallies, of which one is named
Church-Valley, where behind a small church they climb up .to the
mountains* To the south is. Apple- Dale, so called from the abundance
of oranges, lemons, and pomegranates, enough to furnish fiye or six
ships. On the west side of the church* ships have good anchorage close
under the shore, to prevent the winds which blow fieircely from the ad«
jacent high mountains.

The air seems temperate, and heafthful, so that sick men brought a
ihore there in a short time recover: yet the heal in the vallies is ai
intolerable as the cold upon the mountains. It commonly rains there
five or six times a dayi to that the barrenness of the bilk i^ not ocaa«

.5 It A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, &c.

•ioned for want of water, of which it hath two or three good springs
for furnishing ships with fresh water ; the ground of it$ own accord
brings forth wild pease, and beans, also whole woods of orange, lemon,
and pomegranate [trees, all the year long laden both with blossoms and
fruit,, good figs, abundance of ebony, and rose trees, parsly, mn&tard-
seed, purslain, sorreU and the Irkc ; ibe woods aid mountains are full
of goats, large rams, and wild swine, but difficult to be taken. When
the Portuguese dis(^vered it, they found neither four-footed bve^^ts npr
'fruit trees, but only fresh water ; they afterwards planted fruit-trees,
which so increa«ed since» th^t all tjie vallies stand full of them;
partridges, pigeons, moot-hens, and peacocks breed here numerously,
whereof a good narksman may soon provide a dinner ibr h'i« iriends.
On the cliff islands, on the south, are thousands of grey and black mews»
•or sea^pies, aiul white and coloured l>i{'ds, some with lomg, others with
abort necks, who lay their eggs on the rockcy and sufiPer themsieivfis to
he taken with tbe hsj^d^ g^ing at th^ ^urpriser^, till they are |jE«oekcd
on the head with sticks.

From the salt water beating against the cliffs a froth, or scum, remains
in some places, which the h^t of the sua ^o purifies, that it becomes
white and good salt ; some of the mountains yield bole armoniack, and
a fat earth like Terra Letnnia. The sea will answer the pains of a patient
fsherman, who must use an angle, not a net, because of the foul ground,
" and beating of the waves; tho eliief are mickarel, roaeh, carp, hut
-difTering 'in oolour from those among us; eels as big as a main's arm,
and well tasted crabs^ loi^ters^ oysters, and museels as good as Englisl^.

•
It 16 in thi« island 'that the scene of that notable iancy, eaikd. The

•Man in the Moon, or a Diecourse of a Voyage* thither, by Dofningo

Gonsalas is laid; written by a learned bishop, saith the i|>genious

Sishop Wilkins, who calls it a pleasant afid weli contrived Ikncy, io

his owa book intitlcd, ' A Diecourse of the new World, tending to

ftov% lkk9X it is possible there may be another habitable Word iii the

Moon :' Wherein, among othor curious aff^roeiits, he affirms, that this

hatk been tbe direct opinion of divers ancient, and some modera

mathematicians, and may probably be deduced from thetenents of others,

neither does it contradict any principle of reason, nor fai^; and that,

•as their woHd is our moon, so o«r world i% theiris.

Now this email tract having so worthy a person to vouch ibr k, and

many of our English historians having publit^bed, for triitb, what is

tiniest as improbable as this, as Sir John Mandevi} m his travels and

others, and this having what they are utterly destitute of, that is,

li^vention mixe^ with judgment; and w.as judged worthy to be licensed

ififty years ago, and not since repiintedi whereby.it would hte utterly

^ost : I have thought fit to repablieh the aubsCance thereof, wh^reiti

'fhe author eays he does ciot de^n to disoouwe \m Isadora into a belief

of each particular circumstance, but expects that his new dL^eoverv -qf

« Dew world may find 'little be^cer entertainraeiyt <khanColu«ib«6 hsA in

bis tirst discovery of America, ^^ough yet thiaft poor espial 4)otrayed-80

fnttdb 'kiiow'iedge as haoh since ificveased, to vqst impro^mBenls, €md the

Hfc^ imiinowfi is ttow^found xj^^jq^ m )kif9e.#Hteiit4i$ «11 the4>ther

A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, Sec. 613

known world ; that there should be Antipodes \ya9 once thought as
great a paradox as now that the moon should be habitable. But the
knowledge of it may be r( stTvi^d for this our discovering age, wherein
our Virtuosi can by their telescopes gaze the sun into spots, and descry
mo^untains in the moon. But this and much more must be left to the
(friticks, as well as the following relation of our little eye witness, and
great discoverer, which ^-uu shall have in his own Spanish stile, and
delivered with that grandeur, and thirst of glory^ which is generally
imputed to that nation.

it is known to all the countries of Andalusia, That I Domingo Gonsales
was bom ot a noble family in the renowned city of Seville. My father's
name being Tuerando Gonsales, near kinsman, on the mother^s side, to
Don Pedro Sanches, the worthy Count of Almenera; my mother was
the daughter of the famous lawyer, Otho Perez de Sallaveda, governor
of Barcelona, and corrigidor of Biscay ; I, being the youngest of seven*
teen children, was' put to school, and designed to the church ; but
^ heaven proposing to use my service, in matters of far another nature^
inspired me with spending some time in the wars. It was at that time,
that Don Ferando,the renowned Duke d'Alva, was sent into the Low^
Countries, in 1568. 1 then following the current of my desire, leaving
the university of Salamanca, whither my parents had sent me, without
giving notice to any of my friends, got through FraRce, to Antwerp,
where I arrived in a mean condition. For having sold my books^ bed*
ding, and other things, which yielded me about thirty ducats, and
borrowed twenty more of my fothcr*s friends, 1 bought a little nag,
wherewith I travelled more thriftily, than usually young gentlemen do,
till arriving within a league of Antwerp, some of the cursed Guesesset
upon me, and brreaved me of my horse, money, and all ; so I was
forced thro' necessity to enter into the service of Marshal Cossey, a
French nobleman, whom I served in an honourable employ, though hay
enemies, to my disgrace, affirm, I was his horse-keeper's boy ; but for
that matter, 1 ref^r myself to Count Mansfield, and other persons of
condition, who have often testified to many worthy men the very truth
of the business, which indeed was this: Monsieur Cossey being about
this time sent to the Duke d'Alva, Governor of the Low Countries, he
understanding the nobility of my birth, and my late misfortune, judging
it would be no small honour to him, to have a Spaniard of that quality
about him, furnished me with a horse, arms, and whatever I wanted,
using my service, after I had learned French, in writing his letters,
, because my hand was irery fair. In time of war, if u)x>n necessity, I
sometimes drdlssed my own horse, I ought not to be reproached there-
with, since I count it the part of a gentleman, to submit to the vilest
office for the service of his prince.

The first expedition I was in was, when the Marshal, my friend, met
the Prince of Orange making a road into France, and forced him to fiy,
even to the walls of Cambray. It was my good fortune to defeat a trooper,
by killing his horse with my pistol, who, falling upon his leg, could not
•tir, but yielded to my mercy. I knowitig my own weakness of body,
and seeing him a lusty tall fellow, thought it the surest way to dispat<;;h
: liin ; which having done, I plundered him of a chain, money, and otb^r
yo^.xu ' Ll

514 A VIEW OP ST. HELENA, teci

things, to tlie value of two-hundred ducats. This money wa« no iDOWir
in my pockeis, but I rosuimNl the remembrance of my nobility, and
taking my audi«*ncc of leave fmm Monsieur Cossey, I instantly repairvd
to the Duke d* Alva's court, where diven of my kindred, airc-ing my
pocket full of ^>d cmwns, were ready enough to acknowledge me. hjj
their means 1 was received into pay, and in time obtained ^vour with
the Duke, who would Mimctimes jest a litde mora si^verely at my per-
aona^> than I could well bear; for though I mu^t acknowledge nj
stature w so little, as I think no man living is less, yet since it is the
work of heaven, and nut my own, he oucht not to have upbraided a
gentleman therewith ; and those glorious things that have happened to
me may evince, that wonderful matters may be performed by vny
unlikely bodies, if the mind be good, and fortune second our endea-
vours.

Though the Duke's jokc« a little disgusted me, yet I endeavoured to
tonceal my resentment; and, accommodating myself to some other of hb
bumoura, I was so far interested in his favour, that at his going into
Spain, whither I attended him, by his kindness, and other accident!,
wherein, by my industry, I was seldom wanting to myself, I was aUe
to carry home three-thousand cro^vns in my pocket.

At my return, my parents, who were extremely disturbed atny
departure, received me with joy ; which was increased, l>ecause tbfy
found I had brought wherewith to maintain myself, without being chtl){^
able to them, or lessening the portions of my brothers and sisters. Bst
doubting I would spend it as lightly as I got it, they sollicited me to
marry the daughter of John Figucres, a considerable merchant of Lisbon,
to which I complied, and putting my marriage-money, and good part
of my own, into the hands of my father, I lived like a gentleman manj
years very happily^ At length a quarrel arising between me, and
Iredro Delgades, a gentleman, and kinsman of mine, it grew to
high, that whvn no mcdiaticm of friends could prevail, we two
went alone with our swords into the field, where it was my chance
to kill him, though a stout proper man; but what 1 wanted in strength
I supplied in courage, and my ngility countervailed for his stature. I'bii
being acted in Carmona, 1 fled to Lisbon^ thinking to conceal myself
with some friends of my father-in-law, till the business might be sc
commodated. At which time, a famous Spanish count, coming iron
the West Indies, published triumphant declarations, of a great victoiy
he had obtained against the English, near the Ish; of Pines, whereas in
reality he got nothing at all in that voyage but blows, and a considr^
'able loss, it had been Well, if vanity and lying had been his only
crimes; his covetousness bad like to have been my utter ruin, tboagh
since it hath proved the occasion of eternising my name, I verily believe,
to all posterity, and to the unspeakable benefit of all mortals, for ever
hereafter ; at least, if it pleatie heaven that I n^turn home safe to nlj
country, and give perfect instructions how these almost inrredible and
impossible ncquircnicnts may be imparted to the world, you shall then
see men flying in the air, from one place to another ; you shall then be
able to send messages many hundred miles in an instant, and receive
answers immediately, without the help of any creature upon caitb;
you shall then presently impart yoUr mind to your friend, though ia ths

A VIEW OF 8T. HELENA, &c* . 51Jf

most retnote and obscure place 4>f a populous city, and a multitude o£
other notable experiment*. But what exceeds all, you shall then
have the discovery of a new world, aod abundance of rare and incredi*
ble secfetB of nature^ which the philosophers of former ag^ never so
much as dreamed oL But I must be cautious in publishing these won-
derful mysteries, till our statesmen have considered how they may
consist with the policy and good govemmeiit of our country, and whe#
ther the fathers of tlie chnrch may not judge the divulging them pre*
judicial to the catbolick faith, which^ by those wondcis 1 have seca
above any mortal floan before m.e, I am instructed to advance, without
respect to any temporal advantage whatsoever.

. But Co proceed : This huffing captain pretended m-uch discontent for
the death of Delgiides, who was indeed some kin to him; however he
was willing to he^ttiet, if I would give him a thousand ducats. 1 had
now, besides a wife, two sosis, whom I was not willing to beggar, only
toaatisfy the avajicious htiroour of thb boaster, and so was necessitated
to take some other course. I imbarqued in a stout carrick bound for
the East-Indies, carrying tde value of two-thousand ducats to trade
with, leaving as much morefor the support of my wife and children
behind, whatever misfortune might happen to roe. in the Indies I
thrived exceedingly, laying i>ut my stock in diamonds, emeralds, and
pearls, which I bought at sudi easy rates, that my stock safely arriv*
log in Spain, as I understood it did^ must needs yield ten for one.
But liaiving doubled Cape Buona Esperanza in my way home, 1 fell
dangerouriy sick, expecting nothing but death, which had undoubtcnily
happened, but that we just then discovered the blessed Isle of St. HeU
lens, the only paradise I believe on earth, for health fulness of air, and
frnitfulncssof soU, producing ail necessaries for the life of man. It is
about sixteen leagues in compass, and has no firm land or continent
within three-hundred leagues, nay, not so much as an island within an
hundred leagues of it ; so that it may seem a miracle of nature, that,
out c^so vast and tempestuous an ocean, such a small rock or piece of
ground should arise and dbcover itself. On the south is a good bar*
hour, and near it divers small houses built by the Portuguese to ac-
commodate strangers, with a chapel handsomely beautified with a
tower, and bell therein. Near it is a stream of excellent fresh water,
divers handsome walks planted on both sides with orange, lemon,
pomegranate, almond- trees, and the like, which bear fruit all the
year, as do also divers others. There is store of garden-herbs, with
wheat, pease, barley, and most kinds of pulse ; but it chiefly abound-
eth with cattle and fowl, as goats, swine, sheep, partridges, wild hens,
pheasants, pigeons, and wild fowl beyond credit. But especially
about Febmary and March are to be seen large flocks of a kind of wild
swans, whereof I shall have occasion to speak more hereafter, who,
like our cuckoes«nd nighting/Bles, go away at a certain. season, and are
no more seen that year.

'On tihishappy island did Ihey set me a-shore, with a.iiegro toatten4
xne, where I recovered my health, and corilinued a whole year, . solac-
ing/myself, for want of human society, with thirds and brute jbeaats*
fiiBgOy tag Mickmaoiy w«i fosced to live in « xaxe^at thle w«ii;«iMi.d[

1.12

ilC A VIEW OF ST. HELEHA, &e.

the isle, for, haid wc dwelt together, Tictaab would not have beeft w
plenty with us ; but now, if one succeeded well in hunting or fowhng,
the other would find means to treat him, and, if both missed, we were
fain to look out sharply. But this seldom happened, srnce no creature
there fears a man more than a goat or cow, whereby I easily tamed
dWers kinds of birds and beasts by only roussling thrro^ so that till
they came either to me, or Diego, they could not feed. At first I
iDUch delighted in a kind of partridges, and a tame fox, whereof I made
|ood use; for, if I had occasion to confer with Diego, I would take
one of them muzzled and hungry, and, tying a note abont his neck,
beat him from me, whereupon he would straight away to Diego*s care,
and, if he were not there, would beat about till he found him. Yet,
this conveyance being not without soma incontenience, I persuaded
Diego, who, though a fellow of good parts, was content to be ruled by
ne, to remove to a cape on the north-wett part of the island, being,
though a league off, yet within sight of my house and chapel; and so,
when the weather was fairt we could, by signals, declare our minds
each to other in an instant, either by night or by dey^ wherein we took
much pleasure. If in the night I would signify any thing to him, I let
up a light in the boll-tower, which was a- pretty large room, with a frir
window well glazed, and the wall9 within plaibtered white, so that,
though the light were but smaU, it made a great show. After this
light had stood half an hour, I covered it, and then, if I saw any sig*
nal of light a^n from my companion, 1 knew he waited for my notice;
and so, by biding and shewing tny light, according to the agreement
betwixt us, I certified him of what I pleased, in the day, 1 advised
him by smoke, dust, and other refined ways#

After a while I grew weary of it as too painful, and again used mj
winged messengers. Upon the shore, about the mouth of our riverj I
found store of a kind of wild swans feeding upon prey, both of fish and
birds; and, which is more strange, having one claw like an eagle, and
the other like a swan. These birds breeding here in infinite numbers, I
took thirty or forty of them young, and bred them up by hand for
recreation ; yet, not without some thoughts of that experiment which I
after put in practice. These being strong, and able to continue a great
flight, I taught them, first, to come at call afer off^ not using any
noise, but only shewing them a white cloth; and here I found it true
what Plutarch affirms, That creatures which eat flesh are more docibis
than others. It is wonderful to think what tricks I taught them before
they were a quarter old ; amongst others, 1 used them, by degrees, to
dy with burdens, wherein I found them able beyond belief, and a white
sheet being displayed to them, by Diego, upon the side of a hill, they
would carry from me, to him, bread, flesh, or whatever I pleased, and,
upon the like call, come to me again. Having proceeded thus far, I
consulted how to join a number of them together, so as to carry a
heavier weight, which, if I could compass, 1 might enable a man to be
earned safely in the air from one place to another. I puailed my
wits extremely with this thought, and, upon trial, found, diat, if
many were put to the bearing of one great burden, by reason it was
smpufisible all of them should rise together just at one instant^ ihefint

A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, &c. $17

that rose, Ending' himself stayed hy a weight heavier than he could stir,
vould' soon give over, and so the second, third, and all the rest, I
contrived, at last, a way, wherehy each might rise with only his own
proportion of weight, 1 fastened about each gansa a little pulley of
cork, and, putting a string of a just length through it, I fastened one
end to a block of almost eight pounds weight, and tied a two-pound
weight to the other end of the string, and then, causing the signal to be
erected, they all rose together, being four in number, and carried away
my block to the place appointed. This hitting so luckily, I added
two or three -birds niore^ and made trial of their carrying a lamb, whose
bappiness i much envird, that he should be the first living creature to
partake of such an excellent device.

At length, ailer divers of trials, I wassurpnsed with a great longing
to cause myself to be carried in the same manner. Diego, my Moor,
was likewise possessed with the same desire, and, had I not loved him
well, and wanted his service, f «hould hiivc resented his ambitious
thought; for I count it greater honour to have been the first flying man,
than to be another Neptune, who first adventured to sail on the sva.
Yet, seeming not to understaHd his intention, I only told him, that all
my gansa^s were not strong enough to carry him, being a man, though
of no great "bulk, yet twice iieavier than myself. Maving prepared ail
necessaries, I, one time, placed myself, and all my utensils, .on the
top of a rock at the river's mouth, and, putting myself upon my engine
at full sea, I caused Diego to advance the signal: whereupon my
birds, ^twenty-five in number, rose all at once, and carried me lustily
over to the rock on the other side, being fibout a quarter of a league.
I chose this time and place, because, if any thing had fallen out con-
trary to expectation, the worst that could happen was only falling into
the water, and being able to swim well, I hoped to receive little hurt
in my fell. When I was once safe over, O how did my heart even
swell with joy and admiration at my own invention ! How often did I
wish myself in the midst of Spain, that I might fill the world with the
fame of my glory and renown? Every hour I had a longing desire for
the coming of the Indian fleet, to take me home with them^ which then
staid three months beyond their usual time. At length they arrived,
being three carricks, much weather-beaten, the men sick and weak,
and so were constrained to refresh themselves in our island a wholo
month. The admiral was called Alphonso de Xima, a valiant wise
man, desirous of glory, and worthy better fortune than afterwards be-
fel him. To him I discovered my device of the gansa's, being satisfied
that it was impossible, otherwise, to persuade him to take so many
birds into his ship, who, for the nicenefis of their provision, would be
more troublesome than so many men. Yet I adjured him, by oaths and
imprecations, to be secret in the business, though I did not much
idoubt it, assuring myself he durst not impart the experiment to any,
before our King was acquainted therewith. 1 had more apprehension,
lest ambition, and the desire of gaining to himself the hoft)ur of so
admirable an invention, should tempt him to dispatch me. However,
i was forced to run the ris^uC; unless I would adventure the loss of my

.1.13

\

ill A VIEW OF ST. HEL^A, &c.

birds, the like whereof, for my purpose, were not to be Iiad in Chn»*
tcndom, nor was I sure ever to bring up others to serve my turn*

It happened all these doubts were causeless; the man I believe was
honest, but the misfortune we met with prevented all these thoughts*
Thursday, June the 21st, \599t ^^ *^^ *^^ ^^^ Spain, I having allowed
me a convenient cab bin for my birds, and engine, which the captain
would have persuaded me to have left behind, and it was a wonder I
did not; but my good fortune saved my life, for, after two months sail,
we mot with an English fleet about ten leagues from the island of Te-
neriffc*, one of the Canaries, famous for a hill therein called Pike, which
is discerned at sea above an hundred leagues off. We had a- board five
times their number of men, all in health, and were well provided widi
ammunititin; yet, finding them resolved to fight, and knowing what
infinite riches we carried, concluded it better, if possible, to escape,
than, by encountering a crew uf desperate fellows, to hazard not onl^
our own lives, which a man of courage does not value, but the estates
of many poor merchants, who, 1 am afraid, were undone by the mis*
carria;;e of this business. Our fleet consisted of five sail, that is, three
Carrie ks, a barque, and a caravel, who, coming from St. Thomas's
Isle, had, in an ill hour, overtaken us some days before. The EngUsk
had three ships well provided, who, no sooner espied, but presently
ingagcd us, and, changing their course, endeavoured to bring us under
their lee ; which they might easily do as the wind then stood, they
being light nimble vessels, as English ships generally are: ours heavy,
deep-laden, and foul with the sea. So our captain resolved, wisely
enough it may be, but neither valiantly nor fortunately, to fiy, com-
manding us to disperse ourselves. The caravel, by too much baste,
fell upon one of the carricks, and bruised her so, that one of theEng*
lish easily fetched her up and entered her, the caravel sinking before
our eyes. The barque escaped unpursued, and another of our carricks,
pfter some chace, was given over by the enemy, who, expecting a suf-
ficient booty of us, and getting us between them, ifell upon us with
much fury. Our captain, hereupon, gave direction to run ar-shoreupon
.Teneriffo, the port whereof we could not recover, saying. That he
hoped to save part of the goods, and some of our lives, and he had ra-
ther the rest should be lost, than all fall into the mercy of our foes.

When 1 heard this resolution, observing the sea to work high, and
knowing all the coast to be so full of rocks and shoals, that it was im-
possible our ship should come near the laud, unless broken into a thou-
sand pieces, I i^epresented to the captain 'the desperateness of the at-
tempt, wishing hjm rather to try the kindness of the enemy, than
throw Hway himself and so many brave men. But he would by no
remonstrances be removed from his resolution; therefore, finding it high
time to shift for myself, I locked up my little casket of jewels, which
putting into my sleeve, I then betook me to my gansa's; and, having
harnessed them to my engine, and put myself thereon, supposing, as
indec>d it happened, that, when the ship should split, my birds, thoiigh
they wanted their signal, yet, for saving their own lives (which nature
hath taught all creatures to preserve) would make toward land; which
Cell out according to my expectation. The people in the ship wondered

A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, ko. 519

what I vts doing, nonte being acquainted with the use of my birds, but
the captain, Diego being in the other ship, which fled away unpursued.
We were about half a league from land, >vhen our carricic struck upon
a rock, and split to pieces; upon which 1 let loose the reins to my
birds, having tirst placed myself upon the top of the deck, and with,
the shock they all arose, carrying me fortunately to the land; of which
you need not doubt but I was very joyful, though it was a miserable
sight to behold my frifnds and acquaintance in that woeful distress; of
whom yet many escaped better than they expected. For the English,
launching out their cock-boats, discovered more generous tempers than
we are pleased to allow them, taking compassion of their calamity, and
endeavouring with all diligence to save them from the fury of the
waves, though with much danger to themselves. Among others they
took up our captain, who, as Father Pacio since told me, having put
himself with twelve others into the cock-boat, was forced to yield to
one Capt. Raymundo, who carried him and our pilot along with them
in their voyage to the £ast-Indies, whither they were bound ; but it wag
their hard fate, by a breach^ of the sea near Cape Buona Jilsperancai
to be swallowed by the merciless waves, wlA>s%rafl^g||ey a while before
had so hardly escaped. The rest, agUkewis^^^^^ho w( re about ,
tweniy-six persons, they took into ^^Mhip, *Vmi||Pbem on land at
Cape Verde. ^^

As for myself, being now a-shorc in an island inhabited by Spaniards^
I reckoned I was safe, but found myself mistaken; for it was my hap
to pitch upon that part of the isle where the Pike begins to rise, which
IS inhabited by a savage people who live upon the sides of that hill,
the top whereof is for the most part covered with snow, aiid formerly
accounted, for its steepness, inaccessible, either for man or beast. B\i%
these savages, fearing the Spaniards, keep as near the top as they can,
never coming down into the fruitful vallies, but to seek for booty. A
crew of these out-laws happened to espy me soon after I landed, and,
thinking they had got a prize, approached me with all speed. I guessed
their dtsign before they came within half a mile, when, percei^g
them come down the hill directly towards m**, with long staves and
other weapons, I thought it necessary to secure myself from these viU
lains, who, out of hatred to us Spaniards, would have cut me to
pieces. The country was sandy, but, the Pike beginning to lift up
itself, I espied in llie side a white cliff, which I hoped my gansa^s
would take for a mark, and, being put up, would make all that way;
whereby I might be carried so far, that those barbarous rascals should
not overtake me, before i got to bomo Spaniard's house, or hide myself/
till by the covert of the night I might travel to Laguna, the chief city
of the island, three miles of*, fio I settled myself upon my engine, and
let loose the reins to my gansa's, who by good fortune took all ona
cout^, though not just the way I aimed at. But what of that? O
reader, .prick op thy ears, and prepare thyself to hear the strangelt
chance that ever happened to any mortal^ and which I know thou wilt
not have the gr^ce to believe, till thou seest the like experiment, which
I doubt not in a short time may be pi^rformed. My yansa's, like so
many honet that had gotten the bit between their tecti^, made not their

l14

520 A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, Sec.

flight towardii the cliff I intended, though I usrd my wonted means to
direct the leader of the flock that way^ but with might and main took
up toward the top of the Pike, and never stopped till they came there;
a place, in vulgar estimation (though since experimentally runt radicted)
fifteen miles in height. What kind of place this was 1 would gladly
relate, but that I hasten to matters of greatt>r importance. When I
was set down there, my poor gansa's fell to panting, blowing, and gap*
iDg for breath, as if they would all have died; so I did not trouble them
a while, forbearing to draw them in (which they never use to endure
without struggling) but little did I expect what iollowcd.

It was now the season that these birds take their flight away, as our
cuckows and swallows do in Spain towards autumn; and, as 1 after*
wards found, being mindful of their usual voyage, just when 1 began to
* settle myself to take them in, they with one tonsent rose up, and, hav<«
ing no other higher place to make towards, to my unspeakable fear
and amazement, struck bolt upright, and never left towering upward
still higher and higher, for the space, as I guessed, of- an hour; after
which,! thought,they laboured less than before, till at length (ah wonder*
ful !) they remain^ymoy viable, as steadily as if they had sat upon so
many perches. ^^BM£ slackttiMieither 1 nor the engine moved at
all, but coDtiotlHHPHl liavi^^p manner of weight. I found then
by experience whafiiophiloBOph^Wer dreamed of, namely, That those
things, we call heavy, do not fall towards the center of the earth as
their natural place, but arc drawn by a secret property of the globe of
the earth, or rather something within it, as the load-stone draweth
iron which is within the compass of its attractive beams. For, though
/ my gansa's could continue unmoved, without bc*ing sustained by any
thing but the air, as easily and quietly as a fish in the water, yet, if
they forced themselves never so little, it is impossible to imagine with
what swiftness they were carried, either onward, downward, or side-
ways. I must ingenuously confess, my horror and amazement in this
place was such, that, had I not been armed with a true Spanish reso*
lu^n, I should certainly have died for fear.

' The next thing that disturbed me was the swiftness of the motion,
which was so extraordinary, that it almost stopped my breath ;' if I
should liken it to an arrow out of a bow, or a stone thrown from the
top of an Bigh tower, it would coiqc vastly short of it* Another thing
was exceeding troublesome to me, that is, the illusion of devils and
wicked spirits, who, the first day of my arrival, caipe about me in
great numbers, in the likeness of men and women, wondering at me like
so many birds about an owl, and speaking several languages which I
understood not, till at last I met with some that spoke good Spanisbt
some Dutch, and others Italian; all which I understood; and here I
had only a touch of the sun's absence once for a short lime, having
him ever after in my sight. Now, tho' my gansa's were entangled in
my lines, yet they easily seized upon divers kinds of flics and birds,
especially swallows and cuckows, whereof there were multitudes, even
like motes in the sun, though 1 never saw them eat any thing at all. I
F^ much obliged to those, (whether men or devils, 1 know not)fSKho,
aixtoDg (diteiy discouises, X(Ad mt* ^ Ml \Kould £ollow their directions, I

A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, *c. 521

should not only be carried safe l^ome, but be assured to command at
all times all the pleasures of that place/ To which motion not daring
to give a flat denial. I desired time to consider, and withal intreated
them (though I felt no hunger at al^ which may seem strange) to help
me to some victuals, lest I should starve in my journey; so they readily
brought me very good flesh and flsh of several sorts, and well dressed,
but that it was extreme fresh, without any relish of salt. Wine like-
wise I tasted of divers kinds, as good as any in Spain, and beer, no bet*
ter in all Antwerp. They advised me, that, while I had opportunity,
I should make my provisions, telling me, that till the next Thursday
they could help me to no more; at which time they would And means
to carry me back, and set me safe in Spain, in any place f would
desire, provided 1 would b^orae one of their fraternity, and enter into
such covenants as they had made to their captain and master, whom
they would not name. I answered civilly, I saw little reason to rev
joice in such an offer, desiring them to be mindful of me as occasion
served. So for that time I was rid of them, having flrst furnished my
pockets with as much victuals as I could thrust in, among which I
would be sure to find a place for a small bottle of good Canary.

I shall now declare the quality of the place wherein I was; the
clouds I perceived to be all under between me and the earth. The
stars, because it was always day, I saw at all times alike, not shining
bright as we see in the night upon earth, but of a whitish colour, like
the moon with us, in the day time* Those that were seen, which were
not many, shewed far greater than with us, yea as 1 guessed no less
than ton times bigger; as for the moon, being then within two days of
the change, she appeared of an huge and dreadful greatness. It is not
to be forgot, that no stars appeared, but on that part of the hemisphere
next the moon, and the nearer to her, the larger they appeared again ;
whether I lay quiet, and rested, or were carried in the air, I perceived
myself to be always between the moon and the earth, whereby it is
plain that my gansa's took their way directly towards the moon, and
that when we rested, as we did at first for many hours, either we were
insensibly carried round about the globe of the earth, though I per«
ceived no such motion, or else, according to the opinion of Copernicus,
the earth is carried about, and tumeth round perpetually from west to
cast, leaving to the planets only that motion, which the astronomers
call natural, and is not upon the poles of the equinoctial, commonly
called the poles of the world, but upon those of the zodiack. The air in
that place I found without any wind, and exceeding temperate, nei-
ther hot nor cold, where neither the sun-beams had any subject to
reflect upon^ nor the earth and water so near to aflect the air with their
natural quality of coldness. As for the philosophers attributing heat
and moisture to the air, 1 always esteemed it a fancy. Lastly, I remem-
ber, that, after my departure from the earth, 1 never felt either hun-.
ger, or thirst, whether the purity of the air, freed from the vapours of
the earth and water, might yield nature suflicicnt nourishment, or
what else might be the cause, I cannot determine, but so 1 found it,
though I was perfectly in health, both of body, and mind, even above
my usual vigour.

^M A VIEW OF ST. Hf^LEMA, ^e»

Some hours after the departure of that devilish compaoyt my fftm^f^
be{;an to b(t»tir tbemselves, still directiag their course towards the globfi,
or body ot the moon, making their way with such incredible swiftnesf,
that I conceive they advanced little h^^s than fifty leagues in an hour*
in which passage lubserycd three thing/i very remarkable ^ one, that the
fiirthcr we went, the less the globe ot the earth appeared to us, and that
of the moon still larger. Again the earth, which I bad ever in my eye,
leemcd to mask itself with a kind of brightness like another moon, and
as wp discern certain spots, or clouds as it were in the moon, so did I
then see the like in the earth; but whereas the form of those spots in the
IDoon is always the same, these on the earth set^med by degrees to
change every hour; the reason whereof seems to be, that whereas the
.earth, according to her natural motion (for such a motion I am jdow
latisfied she hath, according to the opinion of Coperniciis,) turns round
Upon her own axis, every four and twenty hours, from wc^t to east, I
should at lirst see in the middle of the body of this new star, the cartb,
A spot like a pear with a morsi4 bit out on one ^ide, m some houis I
should observe this spot move away towards the east, tius po doubt was
the main land of Africa; then might 1 perceive a great shining bright-
.oess in tliat place which continued about the same time, and was ques-
tionless the vast Atlantick Qcean. After this succeeded a spot almost
oval, just as we see America described in our maps; then another im-
mense clearne:» representing Mqre del Zur^ or the South Sea; and
lastly a number of spots like the countries and islands in the East-
Indies, so tnat it oeepacd to me no other than an huge lua^bematicfd
globe turned round leisurely before me, wherein successively all the
countries of our earthly world were within twenty-four hours n^pre-
•ented to my view ; and this was all the mcmi% I Qow bad to number
the days, and reckon the tiipe.

I could now wish that philosophers and mathematician^ would cop-

feas their own bhndness, who have hitherto made the world believe

that the earth hath jio motion, and to confirm it arc forced to attribute

.to every one of the celestial bodies two motions directly contrary to

each other; one from the east )t.o the west, to be performed in twenty-

fbur hours, with an impetuous rapid motion; the other from west to

' east in several proportions. O incredible supposition 1 That those

huge bodies, oi the fixed stars in tiic high^t orb, whereof they confess

divers are above an hundred times bigger than the whole earth, should

like so many nails in a cart-wheel be whirled about in so short a time;

, whereas it is many thousand years, no less (say they) than thirty-tho|i-

IRjid, before that orb fii^ishes hl^ course from we^t to east, which they

. call bis natural motion. Now whereas they allow thei;* natural cottme,

from west to east, to every one of them therein, they do well; tj^e

moon performs it in twenty-scyen days, the Sun, VenuSi ai^ jVIefrcury,

in a year, or thereabout^ ; IVJars ip t.hrec y«;axs» Jupiter in twelve, and

Saturn in thirty. But to attribute to these celestial bodies contrary

motions, at once, is an absurd conceit, and much n^ofe to imagipe

that the satnc orb, wherein the hxed stars are, whose natural coujosc

takes up so many thousands of years, should be turned about eviery

twenty 4o\xx hours. 1 wiU not sp^^^x a& Co^micu^^ who mj^jk^ 4ie

A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, &c. $as

sttQ the center of the earth, and immoveahle, neither will I be positive
in any thing, only this I say, alTow the earth its motion, which tbeso
eyes, of mine can testify to be true, and all those absurdities are re*
moved, every one having only his own single and proper motion.

But where am I ? I promised an history, and am unawares tume4
disputer. One accident more befel me worth mention, tl^at during my
stay, I say, I saw a kind of a reddish cloud coming toward me, and
continually approaching nearer, which at last I perceived was nothing
but a huge swarm of locusts. He that reads the discourses of learned
men concerning them (as John Leo, of Africa, and others, who relate
that they are seen in the air several days before they fall on the earth)
and adds thereto this experience of mine, will easily conclude that they
can come from no other place, than the globe of the moon. But now
give me leave to go on quietly in my journey for eleven or twelve days,
during all which time! was carried directly toward the globe, or body
of the moon,with such a violent whirling as is inexpressible, for I cannof
imagine a bullet out of a cannon could make way through the vaporous
and muddy air near toe earth with half that celerity ; which is the
more strange, since my gansa*s moved their wings bul now and then^
and sometimes for a quarter of an hour, not at idl, only holding them
stretched out, as we see kites and eagles sometimes do for a short space;
during which pauses, I suppose they took their naps, and times of
sleeping, for other times I could perceive they never had any; for my*
self, I was so fastened to my engine that 1 durst slumber enough tp
serve my turn, which I took with as great ease as if I had lain on th#
best down bed in Spain.

After eleven days passage, iii this violent flight, I perceived we be*
gan to approach to another earth (if I may so call it) being the globe or
very body of that star, which we call the moon. . The first difference I
found, between this and our earth, was, that it appeared in its natural
colours, as soon as ever I was free from the attraction of the earth ;
whereas, with us, a thing, a league or two from us, puts on tha^
deadly colour of blue. I then perceived also, that this world was tbp
greatest part covered with a huge mighty sea, those parts only being
dry land, which are to us somewhat darker than the rest of her bpdy»
1 mvan, what the country people call, The Man in the Moon; and
that part, which shines so bright, is another ocean, besprinkled with
islands, which, for their smallness, we cannot discern so far off; sp
that the splendor, which appears to us in the night, is nothing but the
aeflexion of the sun-beams, returned to us out of the water as from a
looking-glass. How much this disagrees with what our philosopher^
teach in the schools is evident; but alas! how many of their errors
hath time and experience refuted, in this our age? And among other
vain conjectures. Who hath not hitherto believed the upper region of
the air to be very hot, as being next, forsooth, to the natural place of
the element of fire? Mere vanities^ fancies, and dreams. For,' after
I was once free from the attractive beams of that tyrannous loadstone,
the earth, I found the air altogether serene, without winds, rain, mists,
or clouds, neither hot nor cold, but constantly pleasant, calm, and
comfortable, till my arrival in that new world of the moon. Asipr that

524 A VIEW OP ST. HELENA, &c.

region of fire, our philosophers talk of, I heard no news of it; mjtjn
havcsufHciently informed me, there is no such thing.

The eartli had now, by turning about, shewed me all her parts twelre
times, when I finished my course; for when, by my re^ckoiiing, it seemed
to be (as indeed it was) Tuesday, September the eleventh ; at which
time, the moon, being two days old, was in the twentieth degree of Libra;
my gansa's seemed, by one consent, to stay their course, and rested fur
certain hours, after which they took their flight, and in less than an hour
Kt me on the top of an high hill in that other worlds where many won-
derful things were presented to my sight, ^or I observed first, t)iat
though the globe of the earth appeared much greater there than the
moon doth to us, even three times bigger, yet all things there were tra,
twenty, yea thirty times larger than ours; their trees were thrice as highi
and above five times broader and thicker; so were their herbs, birds,
and beasts, though I cannot well compare them to ours, because I found
not any kind of beast or bird there, which any way resembled ours, ex-
cept swallows, nightingales, cuckows, woodcocks, batts, and some kind
of wildfowl; and likewise, such birds as mygansa's, alt which, a^ loow
perceived, spend their time, in their absence from us, in that worid;
neither do they differ in any thing from ours, but are the very same
kind.

No sooner was I upon the ground, but I found myself extremely Jiaih
gry. Stepping, then, to the nexX tree, I fastened my engine and g^nsa's
thereto, and in great haste fell to examining my pockets, for the victoals
I had reserved there ; but, to my great surprise and vexation, instead of
partridges and capons, which 1 thought I had hoarded there, I found
nothing but a medley of dry leaves, goats hair, sheep or goats dung, moss,
and the like ; my canary-wine was turned, and stunk like horse-piss.
bh the villainy and cheats of these cursed spirits, whose assistance if I
had depended on, in what a condition had I been! While I stood musing
fit this strange metamorphosis, on a sudden, 1 heard my gansa's fluttering
behind me, and looking back, I espied them falling greedily upon a
ahrub, within the reach of their lines, whose leaves they fed earnestly
upon, whereas, before, 1 had never seen them eat any green thing what-
soever; so stepping to the shrub, I put a leaf to my mouth; the taste
was so excellent, that I cannot express it, and, if 1 had not with discre-
tion moderated my appetite, 1 should have surfeited thereon ; yel it hap-
pened to be a good bait fur both me, and my birds, when wc haci inost
need of refn^shment.

Scarce had we ended our banquet, when 1 saw myself surrounded
ivith a strange kind {of people, both in feature, manners, and apparel.
Their stature was very different, hut they were generally twice as high as
ours ; their shape and countenance plrasant, and their habit hardly to be
described ; for I never saw either cluth, silk, nor other stuff, like that
whereof their cloalhs were made ; neither cun 1 possibly relate their co-
lour, they being m a manner all cloathed alike. It was neither black,
white, yelluw, red, nor blue, nor any colour composed of these; if you
ask what was it thi n, 1 must tell you, it was a colour never seen in our
earthly world, and so neither to be described nor conceived by us ; for,
98 it ia batd to make a mun, bom blind) understand the difference bctweti^

A VIEW 6P ST. HELENA, &c. iSt5

green and blue, so neither can t decipher this moon calonr, as having no
affinity with any I eter beheld. I can only say, it was the most glorioui
and delightful that can be imagined, neither was aiiy thing more plea«
tant to me, during my stay there.

Being surprised at the appearance of these people, so suddenly, and ifi
such accoutrements, I crossed myself, and cried out, Jcsu Maria ^ no
sooner was the word Jesu pronounced, but young and old fell on thcit
knees (wher^t I not a little rejoiced) holding up their hands on high,
and repeating certain words whichi understood not; and, presently rising
again, one much taller than the rest came and kindly embraced me, and
ordering, as I perceived, some of the rest to attend my birds, he took me
by the hand, and led me to his dwelling, down toward the foot of thd
hill, which was a building so great and beautiful, as nothing in ouf ^
world is comparable thereto^ yet afterwards I saw such as this seemed
but a cottage, in respect of them. There if as no door about the house
less than thirty feet high, and twelve broad ; the rooms were forty or fif-
ty feet in heightj and answerable in proportion ; neither could they be
much less, the master thereof being full twenty-eight high, and I sup-
pose his body would weigh twenty-five or thirty of ours. After I had
rested with him about one of our days, he led me five leagues off to the
palace of the prince of the country, the stateliness whereof I have not now
leisure to describe. This pnnce was much taller than the former, and
called (as near as I can, by letters declare it, for their sounds are not
perfectly to be expressed by our characters,) Pylonas, which, in their
language, is first or chief, if it doth not rather denote his authority and
dignity, as being the principal man in all those parts; though yet there
is one supreme monarch amongst them, much greater of stature than he^
commanding over all that Whole world, having under him twenty-nine
other princes of great power ; and every one of these has twenty-four
inferior govemorsi whereof this Pylonas was one. The first ancestor of this
great monarch came out of the earth, as they relate, and by marrying
the heiress of that vast monarchy, obtaining the government, left it to his
posterity, who have enjoyed it ever since, even forty-thousand moons,
which is three-thousand and seventy-seven years. His name was
Irdonozur, whose heirs to this day assume the same name; he,
they say, bavins; continued thereabout ^four-hundred moons, and be-
^ot divers children, returned (though by what means, they know
not) to the earth again. I tloubt, they have their fables as well as we,
since our historians never mention any earthly man to have been in that
world, before myself, and much less to have returned a^in. I cannot
therefore but condemn this tradition, as false and romantick, though I
found learning was in great esteem among them, and they seem to detest
lying and falshood, which is there severely punished, and which may
yield some credit to their historical narrations. Many of them live won-
derful long, even beyond belief, affirming to me, that some survived
thirty-thousand moons, which is above a thousand years, so that the ages
of three or four men might easily reach to the time of the first Irdonozur;
and this is generally noted, that, the taller people are of stature, the
more excellent are their endowments of mind, and the longer time they
live; for their stature is very di^^rent, great nunjbers not much exceed-
ing ours, who seldom live above a thousand akQov&^HiV!Ok^>OL '\& Vsn»:^^^^

S85 A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, 6ct.

of our yean; these they account base^ unworthy creatures, but one de-
gree above brute beasts, and employ in mean and servile offices, calling
them bastards, counterfeits, or changelings. Those, whom they account
true natural lunars, or moon-men, exceed our^ generally thirty tJiB€S|
both in quantity of body, and length of life, proportionable to the
quality of the day in both worlds, theirs containing almoat thirty of our
days*

The manner of our travel to the palace of Pylonas was more strsi^
and incredible than any thing we have related ; for, at our first setting
forth, there were delivered to each of us two leather £ans, like those o«ff
ladies in Spain cool themselves with in summer. You must underBtand,
that the globe of the moon has likewise an attractive power, yet,so muck
weaker than the earth, that if a man do but spring upward with all hit
strength, as dancers do, in shewing their tricks, be will be able to mouit
fifty or sixty feet high; and, being then above all attraction from the
moon's earth, he (alls down no more, but. by the help of these fans, si
with wings, they convey themselves in the air, in a short space, i(th<wgh
not quite so swift as birds) whither they please. In two hours tim^
as I could guess, by the help of these fans, we were carri«^ titroughdie
air those five leagues, in all about sixty persons. Being arrived at the
palace of Pylonas, after our conductor had declared what manner of
present he had broaght, I was called into him by his attendants. By die
stateliness of his palace, and the reverence done him, I soon perceived
bis greatness, and managed my a&irs, in order to procure his favour, ac-
cordingly ; and having, as you may remember, a certain little box or
casket of jewels, the remainder of those I brought from the East Indies,
before I was introduced, I secretly took them out of my pocket, andchu-
sing some of each sort^ I made them ready to be presented, as I should
think convenient.

I found him sitting in a magnificent chair of state, with his wife or
queen on one hand, and his eldest son on the other, one attended by s
troop of ladies, and the other of young men; and, all along the side of
the room, stood a great number of handsome personages, whereof, scarce
one was lower of stature than Pylonas, whose age, they report, is now
one and twenty thousand moons. At my entrance, I fell on my knees,
and taking out my jewels, I presented to the King seven stones of several
sorts, a diamond, a ruby, an emerald, a sapphire, a topaz, and an ophal^
which be accepted with joy and admiration. Then I offered the queen
and prince some others, and designed to have bestowed divers more up-
on his attendants; but Pylonas forbid them to accept any, supposing, as
I heard, they were all I had, which he would have me reserve for Irdo-
nozur, his sovereign. He then embraced me with much indearedoess,
and inquired divers things by signs, which I ans^'ered in the same man-
ner, to the best of my skill; which not contenting him, be delivered me
to the guard of a hundred of his giantsi, as 1 may ^'ell call them, strictly
charging them, that I should want nothing fit for me; that they should
suffer none of the dwarf-lunars, or little moon-men, to came near me.
That I should be instructed in their language ; and lastly, that they
should, by no means, impart to me the knowledge of several things, by
him specified; what they were I could never undecstanxU It may be,

A. VIEW OF ST. HELENA, ttt. eST

you long to know what Pylonas inquired of me ; why, what should it be! i
but, whence I came, how I arrived there, what was my name and busi-
ness, with the like ^ To all which I answered, as near the truth as pos-
sible.

Bein^ dismissed, I was pnwided with all ueccasaries as my heart could
wish, so that I seemed to be in a paradise^ the pleasures whereof did not
yet so transport me, but I was much concerned with the thoughts of my
wife and children, and still retaining some hope that fraighl again return
to them. I tended my gansa's daily with much care, which yet had sig«
nified little, if other men had not done more than I could ; for now the
time came, when, of necessity all people of our stature, and myself like-
wise, must needs sleep thirteen or fourteen whole days together ; for, by
a secret and irresistible decree of nature, when the day begins to appear,
and the moon to be enlightened by the sun-beams, which is in the first
quarter of the moon,all the people of our statute, inhabiting those parts,
h\[ into a dead sleep, and ate not possibly to be wakened till the sun
set, and is withdrawn ; for as owls and bats with us cannot endure the
light, so, at the first approach of the day, we begin to be amazed thene-
with, and fall into a slumber, which grows by degrees into a dead sleep,
till the light be gone, which is in fourteen or fifteen days, that is, till the
last quarter. During the son's absence, there is a twoifold light, one of
the sun, which I could not endure .to behold, and another of the earth.
Now that of the -earth was at the height, for, when the moon is "at the
change, then is the earth a full moon to them; and as the moon fncreases
with us, so the light of the earth decreaseth with them. I found the
light, though the sun was absent, equal to that with us in the day when
the sun is clouded ; but toward the quarter it daily diminisheth, yet
leaving still a competent light, which seems very strange ; though not so
remarkable as what they there report, that in the other hemisphere of
the moon, contrary to that I fell upon, where during half the moon they
see not the sun, and the earth never appears to them, they have yet a
kind of light not unlike our moon-light, which it seems the nearness of
the stars and other planets, that are at a far less distance than from us,
affords them.

You must understand, that of the true lunars, or moon-men, there ani
three kinds, some a little taller than we, as perhaps ten or twelve feet
high ; these can endure the day of the moon, when the earth shines btit
little, but not the beams of both, and so must then be laid asleep.
Others are twenty feet high or above, who can suffer all the light
both of the earth and sun. There is tn a certain island (the mysteriea
whereof are carefully concealed) men whose stature is at least twenty-
leven feet high. If any other come a-laiid there >n themoon^s day-time,
they instantly fall atfleop. This is called maniu Martini^ and hath a
|>atticular governor, who, as they report, is ^sixty-five- thousand moons
old, which makes five-thousand ol our years ; bis name is said to be Hi-
ruch, and he, in a manner, commands Irdonoeur himself, espe^rally in
4hat idand, out of which he never removi's. There is another coroct
vften thither, who, they say, is iK)t abow half his age, that is, about thir^
ly- three-thousand moons, or two-thousand vix-huodred of our years,
mad he orders all things through the globe of the moon, in matters of
^h^ouf as^bfohitely m the Pope doth in any .{aiet ^ UiiV^% V^w^i^

ISS A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, &6

fain have srcn this maiii but wa« not pennitted to come ndtr him;] \m
namr is Imozes.

Now let me settle myself to a long night's sleep, to whkh end my al-
tcndnnts take charge of my birds, prepare my lodging, and signify to me
by signs how I must order myself. It was then about the middle of
September, when I perceived the air more clear than ordinary, and, with
the increase of the light, i began to feel myself first dull, and then heavy
to sleep, though 1 had not been lately disturbed of my rest. At length
I delivered my self in to the custody of this shter of death, whose^prisonerl
was for almost a fortnight after, and then awaking, it is not to be belie*
ved how brisk and vigorous I found the faculties both of my body and
mind. I then applied myself to learning the language, which is the
same throughout all the regions of the moon, yet not so wonderful, since
I believe all the earth of moon does not amount to the fortieth part of
our inhabited earth ; partly besides the globe of the moon is farless,and
because the sea or ocean covers very nigh three parts of four, whereas
the land and sea in our world may be judged of an equal measure.
Their language is very difficult, since it bath no affinity with any other
I ever heard, and consists not so much of words and letters, as tunes and
strange sounds, which no letters can express; for there are few wonb
but signify several things, and are distinguished only by their
sounds, which are sung, as it were, in uttering. Yea, many words
consist of tunes only without words; by occasion whereof, I find
a language may be framed, and easily learned, as copious as any other in
the world, only of tunes, which is an experiment worth searching after.
Notwithstanding these difficulties, within two months I attained to such
knowledge therein, that I understood most questions demanded of ine,
and, with signs and words, made reasonable shift to utter my mind !
which Pylonas having notice of, he oftentimes sentfor m^, and was plea-
sed to inform me of many things my guardians durst not disclose ; though
I must needs say, 1 never found they abused me with an untruth, but,if
I asked a question they were unwilling to resolve, they would shake
their heads, and witli a Spanish shrug, divert to some other discourse.

After seven months time, the great Irdonozur, making his progress to

a place about two-hundred leagues from the Palace of Pylonas, sent for

me; yet would not admit me into his presence, but discoursed me

through a window, where I might hear him, and he hear and sec me at

pleasure. I presented him with the remainder of my jewels, which he

thankfully accepted, saying, he would requite them with gifts of more

considerable value. I staid there above a quarter of a moon, when I

was again sent back to Pylonas, for if we had staid a day or two longer,

the sun would have overtaken us, before we could have recovered our

home. The gifts he bestoi^ed on me were such, that a man would part

with mountains of gold to purchase ; they were all stomas, nine only in

number, of three sorts, one called Poleastis, another JVIachrus, and the

third Ebelus, of each s^rt three; the first are about the bigness of an

hasle-nut, very like jet. Which among many other incredible virtues hath

this property, that being once put in the fire, they ever after retain their

heat, though without any outward appearance, till quenched with some

kind of liquor, which no way damages them, though heated and cooled

therein a thousand times; xVi^i \\e«X u v^ N^^Bomt^ that it will make

nj nietsilf within a fool ot U, i^4<^oX, asv^ VYD%\sk ^Ofik\TKCkR^^Hi^s?(&&

A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, &c; 529

the room as if a great fire were kindled therein. The Machrus is yet
more precious, in colour like a topaz, so clear and resplendent, as though
not above the bigness of a bean, yet being placed in the night, in the
midst of a large church, it makes all as Tight, as if an hundred lamps
were hanged round. Can any man wish for more useful properties in a
stone than these ? Yet my Ebelus is so excellent, that it may be much
preferred before them, yea, prized above all the diamonds, sapphires, ru-
bies, and emeralds, that our world can afford. The lunar colour is so
exceeding beautiful, that a man woyld travel a thousand leagues to be-
hold it ; the shape is somewhat fiat, of the breadth of a piece of eight,
and twice the thickness; one side is of a more orient colour than the
other, which, being clapped to a man's bare skin, takes away all the
' weight and ponderousness of his body, but turning the other side, it
adds force to the attractive beams of the earth, either in this world or
that, and makes the body half as heavy {^ain. Do you not wonder now
why I should so overprize this stone ? Before you see me on earth again,
you will find I have reason to value this invaluable jewel. I inquired
whether they had not any kind of gem, or other means, to make a maa
invisible, which I judged a thing of admirable use, and could mention
divers of our learned men, who had written to this purpose ; they an-
swered, that if it were possible, yet they were sure, heaven would not
suffer it to he revealed to us creatures, subject to so many imperfections,
and which might be easily abused to ill purposes, and this was all I
could get of them.

Now after it was known that Irdonozur the great monarch had done
liie this honour, it is strange how much all respected me, more than be-
fore. ]\Iy guardians, who had .been hitherto cautious in relating any
thing of the government of that world, grew now more open, so that
irom them, and Pylonas together, I understood many notable particu-
lars ; as that, in a thousand years, there is found neither thief, nor
whoremonger, for first there is no want of any thing necessary for the
use of man, food growing every where without labour, of all sorts that
can be desired. As for clothes, houses, or whatever else a man may be
supposed to want, it is provided by their superiors, though not without
some labour, but yet so easy, as if they did it for pleasure. Again their'
females are all absolute beauties, and by a secret disposition of nature, a
man there having once known a woman never desires any other. Mur-
der was never heard of amongst them, neither is it hardly possible to be
committed, for there can be no wound made but what is curable; yea,
they assured me, and for my part I believe it, that though a man*s head
be cut off, yet if within three moons it be joined to the carcass again,
and the juice of a certain herb there growing applied, it will be so con-
solidated as the wounded party shall be perfectly cured. .But the chief-
cause of tlieir good government is an excellent disposition in the nature
of the people, so that all, both old and young, hate all manner of vice,
and live in such love, peace, and amity, as it seems to be another para-
dise; though it is true likewise, that some are of a Ix'tter disposition
than others, which they discern immediately at their birth. And be«
cause it is^an inviolable law amongst them, that none shall be f)ut to
death, theceforO; perceiving by their stature, or some othetv^^ii&^H^Vk^^'^

TOX.. XI. H Mm.

630 A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, tee.

like to be of a wicked ami debauched bumoury they send them, I know
not by wliat means, into the earth, and change them for other children,
before they have either opportunity or ability to do amiss among them ;
but first, they say, they arc fain to keep them there for some time, till
the air of the earth alters their colour like ours. Their ordinary vent
for them is a certain high hill, in the north of America, whose people,!
am apt to believe, are wholly descended from them, both in regard of
their colour, and their continual use of tobacco, which the Lunars, or
Moon-men, smoak exceedingly, the place abounding much with moisture^
together with the pleasure they take therein, and some other respects,
too long to rehearse. Sometimes, though but seldom, they mistake
their aim, and fall upon Europe, Asia, or Africa. I remember some
years since, I read certain stories tending to confirm what is related by
these Lunars, and especially one chapter of Neubrigensis. Inigo Mon-
dejar, in his description of .Nova Granaia; also Joseph Defia de Cft*
rana, in his history of Mexico, if my memory fail not, recount what will
make my report more credible ; but 1 value not testimonies*

If you inquire how justice is executed, alas ! what need is there of
exemplary punishment, where no offences are committed ? Neither need
th(>y any lawyers, for there is no contention, the seeds whereof, when
they begin to sprout, are by the wisdom of the next superior plucked
up by the roots. And as little want is there of physicians* they never
surfeit themselves ; the air is likewise pure and temperate, neither is
there any cause of sickness ; I could never hear of any that were dis-
tempered. But, the time assigned them by^ nature being spent, they die
without the least pain, or rather cease to live, as a candle does to giv»
light, when what nourishes it is consumed. I was once at the departure
of one of them, and was much surprised that notwithstanding the happy
life he lived, and the multitude of friends and children he 'should for*
sake, yet as soon as he understood his end to approach, he prepared a
great feast, and, inviting all whom he esteemed, exhorts them, ' To be
merry, and rejoice with him, since the time was come he should now
leave the counterfeit pleasures of that world* and be made partaker of
all true joy and perfect happiness.' I did not so much admire bis owa
constancy, as the behaviour of his friends; with us in the like case all
seem to mourn, when many of them do often but laugh in their sleeves,
or under a vizard. But here all, both young and old, did, on my cod*
science, not pretendedly but really rejoice thereat, and if any dissembled,
it was only grief for their own particular loss. Being dead, their bodies
putrefy not, and so are not buried, but kept in certain rooms appointed
to that piirpose, so that most of them can shew their ancestors bodies un*
corrupt for many generations. There is never any rain, wind* or change
of weather, never either summer or winter, but as it were a perpetual
spring, yielding all pleasure and content^ free from the least trouble or
a^inoyancc. O my wife and children, what wrong have you done me to
bereave me of the happiness of that place! But it is no great matter,
for by this voyage, I am sufficiently assured, that, when the race
of my mortal life is run, I shall attain a gieater happiness elsewhere.
. It was on the 9th of September^ that I began to ascend the Pike of
Te/iectfe;,. twelve dag^Lw8i&^)^]^um^ no^%^^ «iAw^iaUuUpco-

A VIEW OP ST, HELENA, &© 6Sl

vmce of the moon called Semiri, September the 21st. Mtty the 12th,
vre came to the court of the great Irdonozur, and returned back the 17th
to the palace of Pylonas, where I continued cill March, iGoi, when {
earnestly requestiid'Pylonas, as I had often done before, to give me leave
to depart, though wtth hazard of my life, back into the earth again.
•He dissuaded me, insisting on the danger of the ^oyag«, the misery of
that place firom whence I came, and the abundant happiness I now en*
joyed, but the remembrance of my wife and children outweighed aU
these reasons ; and, tn) say the truth, I was so elated with a desire of
tiie glory I should purchase at my return, as, methought, I deserved not
the name of a Spaniard, if I would not hazard twenty lives, rather tham
lose the least particle thereof. I replied, I had'so strong a desire to so»
my children, that I could not possibly live any longer without going to
them. He then isequested me to stay one year longer; J told him I
must needs depart now or never ; my birds began to droop for want of
their usual voyage, three were already dead, and, if a tew more failed, I
was destitute of all possibility of return. At length, with much solli*
citing, I prevailed, having first acquainted the great Irdonozur with my
mtentions^ and perceiving, by the often baying of my birds, a great long«
Jog in them to be gone, I trimmed up my engine, and took my leave of
Pylonas; and, March the 29th, three days after my waking from th^
last moon's light, Hastened myself to my engine, not forgetting to take
the jewels Irdonozur had given me, with the virtues and use whereof
Pylonas had acquainted me at large, with a small quantity of victuals,
whereof, afterwards', I had great occasion. A vast multitude of pcopla
l«ing present, and, amongst them, Pylonas himself, after I had given
tbeni all the last farewel, I let loose the reins to my birds, who, with
much greediness, taking wing, quickly carried mie out of sight. It hap-
pened to me as in my first passage, for I never felt either hunge): or
Hhirst, till I fell upon an high mountain in Cliina, about five leagues
from the high and mighty city of Pequin. This voyage was performed
in less than nine days, neither heard I any news of these airy men
I met with in ray ascending; nothing staid me in my journey; whether,
because of the earnest desire of my birds to return to the earth, having
already missed their season, or that the attraction of the earth was much
stronger than that of the moon, and so made it easier, yet so it was,
though I had three birds less than before. For thp first ei^t days my
birds fiew before me, and I on the engine was, as it were, drawn after;
I>ut the ninth day, when I began to approach the cloud, I perceived
myself and engine to sink towards the earth, and ^o belbre them. I
was then horribly afraid lest my birds, unable to hear our weight, being •
so few, should be constrained to precipitate both mc and themselves
headlong to the earth, and thought it very necessary to make use of ray
stone Ebelus, which I clapped to my bare skin within my clothes, and
instantly I perci*ived my birds made way with greater ease than before,
as seeming ft^ed from a great burden, neither do I think they could pos-
sibly have let me- down safely to the earth without that help.

China is a country so populous, that I think there is scarce a piece of
ground thrice a man's length which is not carefully manured. I being
yet ia the ah, some^f tht covrntry-peopki espyitig om, casai^ x^uMCKsaiyW^

M m 2

532 A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, &0.

troops, and, seizing me, would needs carry me before a magistrate, and,
seeing nb other remedy, I yielded to them* But, when I tried to go, I
found myselfso light, that, one foot being on the ground, I had roucii
ado to set down the other, which was, by reason my Ebelus took all
weight away from my body ; therefore I pretended a desire of perfono-
ing the necessities of nature; which being made known to them by signs,
for they understood not a word of any language I could speak, they pe^
raitted me to go aside amongst a few bushes, assuring tbemselves it was
impossible I should escape from them. Being Uiere, 1 remembered Py-
lonas's directions about the use of my stones, and knit them up, with a
few,' remaininj; jewels, into an handkerchief, all, except the least and wont
Ebelus, which I found means to apply in such a manner to ray body,
that but the half of its ^de touched my skin. This done, I. drew towards
my guardians, till coming so near, that, they could not cross my way, I
shewed them a fair pair of heels, that I might have time to hide my jew«
els, which I knew they would have robbed me of, if not prevented. Be-
ing thus lightened, I led them such a dance, that, bad they been all up-
on the backs of so many race-horses, they could never have overtaken
me. I directed my course to a thick wood, wherein I entered about a
quarter of a league, and there finding a fine spring, which 1 took for my
mark, I thrust my jewels into a mole hard by.

I then took my victuals out of my pocket, to which* till now, in all
my voyage, I had not the least appetite, and refreshed myself therewith,
till the people, who pursued, overtook me, into whose hands 1 quietly
surrendered myself. They led me to an inferior officer, who, under-
standing that I escaped from those who first apprehended me, caused an
inclosure of boards to be made, wherein they put me, so that only my
head was at liberty, and then carried me upon the shoulders of four
slaves, like some notorious malefactor, before aperson of great authority,
who, in their language, I learned was called a Mandarin, and resided a
' league off the famous city of Pcquin. I could not understand fhem, but
found 1 was accused for something with much vehemence ; the sub-
stance of this accusation, it seems, was, that I was a magician, as ap-
peared by my being so strangely carried in the air, and that, being a
stranger, as both my language and habit did declare, I, contrary to the
laws of China, had entered the kingdom without a warrant, and probably
for no good intent. The mandarin heard them with a great deal of gra-
vity, and being a man of quick apprehension, and studious of novelties,
he told them he would take such order as the case required, and my
bold attempt should not go unpunished. Having dismissed them, ha
ordered his servants I should be kept in a remote part of his vast palace,
be strictly guarded and kindly used. This I conjecture by my treat-
ment, and what followed; for my accommodation was much better than
I could expect. 1 lodged well, eat well, was well attended, and could
complain of nothing but my restraint. Thus continued 1 many months,
afflicted more with the thoughts of my gansa's than any thing else, who
1 knew niuat be irrecoverably lost, as indeed they were.

In this time by my own industry, and the assistance of those who ac-
companied me, 1 learned to speak indifferently the language of that pro-
v\nce (for almost ever>/ ^to\\ue^ vcv C^aJcoa^ \i^U\ its ^roj^cr tongu^

A VIEW OF ST. HELENA, &c. 533

whereat I perceived tliey were much pleased. At length I was permit-
ted to take the air, and brought into the spacious garden of that palace,
a place of extraordinary pleasure and delight, adorned with herbs and
flowers of admirable sweetness and beauty, with almost infinite variety
of fruits, European, and others, all composed with that rare curiosity,
as even ravished my senses in the contemplation of such delightful ob-
jects. I had not long recreated myself here, when the mandarin enter-
ed the garden on that side I was walking, of which, having notice by his
servants, and that I ought to kneel to him (a usual reverence I found
towards great officers) I did so, and humbly intreated his favour towards
a poor stranger who arrived in these parts, not designedly, but by the se-
cret disposal of the heavens. He answered in adifFerenl language, which
I hear all the mandarins use, and like that of the Lurfars, consisting
chiefly of tunes, which was interpreted by one of his attendants, wishing
me to be of good comfort, since he intended no harm to me. Next day
I was ordered to come before him, and, being conducted into a noble di-
ning-room exquisitely painted, the mandarin, commanding all to avoid,
vouchsafed to confer with me in the vulgar language ; inquiring into the
state of my country, the power of my prince, and the religion and man-
ners of the people; wherein having satisfied him, he asked about my
education, and what brou|ht me into this remote country. 1 then de-
clared to him the adventures of my life, omitting what 1 thought con-
veoient, and especially forbearing to mention the stones given me by Ir-
donozur.

The strangeness of my story did much ama2e him; and finding, in all
my discourse, nothing tending to magick, wberein he hoped, by my
means, to be instructed, he began to admire the excellency of my wit,
applauding me for the happiest man that this world ever saw ; and, wish-
ing me to repose myself after my long narration, he, for that time, dis- ■
missed me. After which, the mandarin took so much delight in me,
that no day passed wherein he did not send for me. At length he ad-
vised me to clothe myself in the habit of that country, which I willingly
did, and gave me not only the liberty of his house, but took me also with
him when he went to Pequin, whereby 1 had opportunity to learn the
disposition of the people, and the policy of the country. Neither did I,
by my attendance on him, gain only the knowledge of these thiijgs, but
the possibility likewise of being restored to my native soil, and to those
dear pledges which I value above the world, even my wife and children ;
for, by often frequenting Pequin, I at length heard of some fathers of the
society of Jesus, who were become famous for their extraordinary fa-
vour with the King, to whom they had presented some European gifts,
^ clocks, watches, dials, and the like, which, by them, were counted
exquisite curiosities. To th^se, by th^mandarin's leave, I repaired, and
was welcomed by them, they much wondering to see a lay Spaniard
there, whither they had, with so much difficulty, obtained leave to ar-
rive. There did I relate to Father Pantoja, and others of the society,
the fore-mentioned a«lventures, by whose directions I put them in wri-
ting, and sent this story of my fortunes to Macao, from thence to be conr
v^yed to Spain as a forerunner of my return. And, the mandarin bem^j;
indulgent to me, I came often to the falk«TS»\^\X\i'w\io\Si\<LW!k^NiSx^\

M m 3

5m a PARADOX;

mbout many secrets, and, with them also, laid &e foundation of my
TCtum, the blessed hour whereof I do, with patience, expect; Aat,
By inriching my country with the knowledge of these hidd^ mysteries,
I may at last reap the glory of my fortunate misfortunes.

A PARADOX :

tromg the Inhabitants of the Island, callad Madagascar, or St. L
rtnce (in fhings temporal) to he the happiest People m the World.

I Confess (worthy Sir) that I have undertaken an argument, which,
at the first sight, will seem to most men idle and impertinent; al«
Aougb I might answer for my excjise, that I^was therefore idle, because
I would not be idle; for it may be objected unto me, * Will you take
upon you to prefer this poor, naked, and simple ignorant people be«
fore the rich, gallant, understanding men of Europe ?* These are
naked* we are c loathed ; these are poor and misexable, we are rich
and wealthy ; these are simple innocents, we have hearing and expe»
rience of many things, wherein they are altogether ignorant*

All this I confess to be true; yet let us examine thar defects, which
are supposed to consist in their nakedness, poverty, and simplicity.
As for their nakedness, I hold them therefore happy, as approaching
Bearest to the greatest perfection of mankind. For Adam in the state
of innocency was naked; sin and apparel entered both together, those
fig*leaves being sewed together, for a veil or covering to hide his filtht*
ncsl and deformities, as his vain heart conceived, from the eye of hea*
yen. For as a painter or statuary, having limned a curious piece, or
carved a goodly image, doth take a great delight in the sight of it, as
of his !rjaster«piece; for if it should by some accident become spotted,
or blemished, he will delight no more in the beholding of it, but is
ashamed of his work every time he looks upon it, and will Uierefore
either cast it aside, or'hide and cover it out of his sight.

So, when this admirable piece of work, this perfection of nature,
this master-piece, this epitome of the world, this image ef the Deity,
man, was spotted and blemished by sin, it grieved the Almighty,, to see
his image so defaced in him; wfo therefore did doath him, as it were,
to hide and cover him out of his sight*

^ Apparel is but like unto so many plaisters and rollers, to cover our

sores and deformities; or like'masking suits wherein we act, not what

we are, but what we seem to be; it is the outside that deceivci us, and,

by H juggling trick makes u& lake Iho^l for a brave man, whicii it n

piece of sbred^f a ouere tkix4^Q{ at».^W^tedmiB^

A PARADOX^. iSi

For example, put the spruce gallant into a con;temptible babit, and
what is he then? A poor, miserable wretch, in the world's opinion,
which judgeth by the outward appearance, and so esteeraeth him.
But the same man he was? No, be is a ragged rogue, a tattered knave.
Again, put such a rogue, or knave, into the accoutrement of a gallant,
let hire be scarlifiied and beveriscd ; let his jupoon be carbonadoed, to
discover his damask purpoint, or his embroidered camise; arm his^ide
with steel, his heels with iron, and his head with feather; and then,
Irke Nebuchadnezzar^s' image, every man is ready to adore him ; as,
Will it please your worship to command me any service? I will wait
upon your worship; it is right as your worship says. And all this
while, we reverence nothing but a suit of cloaths, which these happy
people, happy in this want, judiciously contemn. Apparel to them is
a burthen, an impediment, a very disease ; they care not for it, they
tount it as an unnecessary bundle, and know that it will make them
dull, heavy, and effeminate. They prefer the good constructure of
the. limbs, and lineaments of the body, wnich they have by nature,
before all our artificial, bombasted . patches. We wonder at therA,
how they can go naked; but they wonder more at us, how we can en-
dure to go packed up in a fardle of clouts sewed together. We are
bound up, in prison, whilst they arc free, and at liberty: we are stifled
up in our sweat and stink, whilst the exhalations of their vapours
offend them not* Nor doth the coldness of the air hurt their naked
bodies, more than it doth our naked faces; it was our evil custom that
cloathed us, and their inuocency and freedom of nature that keeps
them naked.

For an instance of the premises, I will only call to your remembrance
the behaviour of the Rassee, or Governor Andrapela, at that time,
when he, with his followers, were invited by Captain Weddel, a-board
the ship.* The captain seeing \^\m naljLcd, did judge it to be rather by
a forced necessity, than a free election, and caused a suit of his own
apparel to be given himi which he knew not what to do with when he'
had it. Being told, that they would defend him, and keep him warm,
he said that he had no need of them, and that they would be but a
trouble to him. For, said he, I can pierce them through with my
lance. At last, with much ado, they were put on; but their putting
, On put him into such a fear and agony, as if they had been so many
fetters and maniclos laid upon him. He looked as if he had been
ashamed of hicaself, earnestly intreating the captain that be might be
set a-shore, expressing, in his countenance, a great deal of grief and
discontent, to be, as he thought, so discourteously dealt withal. Thei
barge being manned, I went a-shore with him, to observe his behaviour ;
and can testify, that he no sooner set foot on land, but he threw away*
his suit, flinging his doublet into one place, his hose into another, and
at last he tore his shirt from his back, as if it had been poisoned with
the blood of Nessus, the centaur ; and then, fetching two or three
frisks, he expressed a great deal of joy, that he was freed from that
bondage and imprisonment.

f Abend tht Cb«let, then riding in AugusUne Ba|^.

535 A PARADOX

As for oaraclves we are compelled (so miserable and poor we are)
to be beholding to the unreasonable creatures for our raiment, robbing
one of his skin, another of his wool, another of his hair; nay, not so
^luch as the poor worms do escape u$, whose very excrements we take
to cover us withal, while they, in the mean time, are nothing beholding
unto us? Was nature a mother to them, and astepdame to us? No,
but, as a kind and loving mother, she hath sufficiently provided for us.
It is our own luxurious effeminacy, that has stripped us out of our
natural simplicity, and cloathed us with the rags of dissimulation.
Iiet us consider the natural beauties of all the plants, fruits, and
flowers; they have no artificial coverings, yet they so far exceed man
in beauty and magnificence (the lilly in particular, truth, itself, hath
spoken it) that Solomon, in all his royalty, was not cloathed like one
oifthem.

The greatest and sole monarch of the world, Adam, was cloathed
but with the skins of dead beasts, which divines hold, was to put him
in mind of his mortality ; but now the height of apparel is grown to that
excess, that not the skins of the cattle, or the other commodities accru-
ing, but the soil of a whole lordship is scarce sufficient to cloath us.
Kow the taylor is become the best surveyor; Euclid might Jiave spared
his pains in geometry, he can measure all our lands by his yard-wand.
And what are the effect^ of this monstrous pride in apparel, but the
ruin of many noble families, the decay of hospitality, the ushering in
of oppression, bribery, and extortion, theft, murder, cousening, and
^.4eceit, and, in the end, beggary; or, which is worse, a death with
ignominy.

Now, for pride, such is the happiness of these people, that they
ktiow not what it means. Here is no man that respecteth another the
better for his outside, but for his inward virtue, and natural endowi-
Xnents. If he have but a clout to cover his privities, he thinks himself
sufficiently appareled.

Concerning their poverty, I do confess, indeed, that to be poor is to
be miserable, contemptible, and wretched ; a very abject of men, a
reproach to his kindred, and a shame to his friends. But, if you admit
this definition of poverty, which I dare aver to be a true one, poverty
is a want of all necessaries useful for this present life ; and, if I canprove
that they want no necessary thing for the use of this present life, I hope
there is no man that will judge them poor, hut will pronounce us poor,
who are always complaining of want, and them rich, which, in their
imagined poverty, express no token of discontent.

True it is, that they have not so many superfluous things as we have,
and therein are they happy. When Diogenes came by chance into a
fair, and saw so many toys and baubles to be sold, he brake out into
these words :

* Oh, how happy am I, that have no want of any of these things !'
And, upon a time, to shew how despicable unnecessary things are, he
^hrew away his dish, because he saw another lap water out of the hoU
low of his band.

These people know, that nature is contented with a little; and that
//;> 2;ot these outward tkingSi whicVi mds.<& tb^ "^QEsvei&K^i an^ thing the

.5

A BARADOX. 53r

better. They know that the inordinate desire of riches is the root of alt
mischief; a raging famished beast, that will not be satisfied; a bottom-
less gulf that cannot be filled ; a very dropsy, wherein, by desire of
drink, a man may sooner break his bowels, than quench his thirst.

They know that they are gotten with labour, anxiety, and care;
kept with continual fear, suspicion, and watchfulness; and lost with
extreme grief and despair.

As for gold, the soul of the world (as I may call it, for it giveth life,
motion, and action to all), these people know it not; or do they know
it, they regard it not; at least, I am sure, they value it not. Happy
people, unto whom the desire of gold hath not yet arrived. But it may
be objected here, that although they respect not gold, yet they are
covetous of red beads. It is true, they afiect ornaments, not as incura*
brances; for them as, whilst we lie, as it were, chained and manicled
in golden fetters, they adorn themselves with them, as with jewels ; only
bcre is the difference, they covet red stones, and we desire a refined
earth, almost of the same colour. We think them fools, because they
give us an ox for a few beads; but they account us greater fools to part
with such jewels for so small a value; for opinion of men, not their vir*
tue, that makes them to be dear, or of small price.

Those red beads, which peradventilre we value, but at six-pence,
' they may rate at six pounds. But suppose, that they should see us
• give the price of twenty oxen, bought at the dearest market in Europe,
for one white stone, of the same bigness; wouU not they laugh at our
extreme folly ? And yet, when it is bought, they will not give you a
calabash * of milk for it, though there is no more virtue in the one,
than there is in the other t; yet the oficnsive condition of the diamond
is notoriously exceeding the cornelian, for the powder of the diamond,
taken inwardly, b almost mortal poison, and corrodes the stomach, as
learned physicians have observed, who never could accuse the under*
valued cornelian of such a venomous quality.

The golden age, so much celebrated by ancient writers, was not so
called, from the estimation, or predomination, that gold had in the
hearts of m^; for in that sense, as one said wittily,

Aurea Saiurni redierunt scecuta^ nam nunc
Auro venii honos, conciliatur amor.

This may be truly callM the age of gold.

For it, both honour, love, and friends are sold.

But, from the contempt thereof, then love and concord flourished ;
then rapine, theft, extortion and oppression were not known ; which
happy age these people do at this present enjoy. But when men begin
to dive into the bowels of the earth, to make descents, as it were, down
into hell, to fetch this glittering ore, from the habitations of devils, and
terrestrial goblins, with it came up contention, deceit, lying, swearing,

• A Rourd. t This I have tried by oflfdrinc them m diaoMnd aad a red i>ead « aid Uiey

have takeo Um bead, and rtfnsed tbe diamoBd.

M9 A FAKADOX.

theft, mardcr, and all the leven capital mdb ; as pride, covetousnesSi
wrath, gluttony, and the rest: so that we must needs confess, that it
}iad been happy ibr us, if gold had never been known.

For the attaining whereof what labours, what sorrow, and what
dangers do we endure? We are contented daily to expose ourselves to
• thousand perils, to suffer a thousand injuries, in hope to enjoy it {
and yet scarce one, in a thousand, attaineth to the end of his labour.

For this do we suffer a voluntary exile from our native countiy ; for
this are we contented to be imprisoned in a nasty ship, to expose our
Uvet to the tempestuous fury of the merciless elements, and to expose
•or bodies to the rage of the enem/s thundering ordnance, where,
through heats, cold, hunger, thirst, watching, ill lodging, haul diet,
infected air, and a thousand other inconveniences, we not only endan*
fer our lives every minute, but sometimes lose them.

But grant that we do escape all these perils, and obtain in some
SMasure what we have so dearly purchased, it will be so confessed,
there it more care and danger in the keeping of them, than in the at<«
iaining of them.

For this do thieves lie in wait to rob us, friends to entrap us, and our
enemies to betray us. Nay, suppose we do escape all these outward
casuaktes, our inward vices, our disordered a&ctions, and our evil
concupiscences, do all threaten to ruin us* \

The consideration hereof caused the Lady Catharine* (who out of
her own experience, had tried both fortunes) that if it were put to
lier choice, to suffer the extremity of fortune in prosperity or adversity;
she would chuse adversity, because the former was never without dan*
ger, nor the latter without comfort.

• From their poverty, I come in the last place to speak of their sim-
plicity, which (as the simple uncompounded and unmixed elements
are purest) is an argument, if not of their freedom from corruption, y«t
that it doth not tyrannise over them ; and that they enjoy the happiest
condition, which mankind can live in. Out of doubt, had our first pa-
rents been contented with that simplicity of estate^ they were at the
first created in, and not have been so curious in the knowledge of (or-
bidden mysteries, they had not purchased the wrath of God upon them-
selves and their posterity.

But let us see wherein their ignorance and simplicity doth consist.
It maybe objected, that they are ignorant of the use of the creatures,
which we have attained to, and of many arts that we profess, and
that they are simple in all their actions.

For, fir&t, their houses are but simple sheds made with a few boughs
heaped together (in comparison of which) and are stately palaces.

That their diet is gross, and ill cooked ; that they eat their meat half
raw, and badly dr^sed; whereas our tables are furnished plentifully,
with sundry delicacies, curiously dressed by the art of cookery, and
that with great variety.

That their drink is water simply, which is common to them and

A PARADOX* tfSi

their beasts alike, wbibt we are served with all kinds of pkasant wioes,
and other artificial aroniatick drinks.

That their simplicity appeareth in thmr ignorance of many sciences,
wherein the well-being of a xonmonwealth doth consist; as the art of
navigation, by.means whereof, we are able to visit the remotest parts of
the world, to transport our own commodities to them, and to import
theirs to the inriching of ourselves; as abo, that they know not mili«
tary art, nor the use of powder and shot; all which are evidences of
their stupid ignorance, both in these and all other sciences.

What ian heat do these small coals cast? What a terrible shew d*
these poor anticksmake? They are just like the pageants or the galley*
foia% upon the Lord Mayor's day; deface tiieir paintings, rip off tha^
canvas, thou wilt find nothing in them, but a few rotten sticks, in tha
one, and a trimmed dung-boat of the other.

Let us compare them together by the square of reason, and we ^ali
find their defects, in these things, to be a main testimony of their hap-
piness, and on the contrary, our excess herein the cause of our miieiy
and wretchedness.

And first for their buildings, they are such as best suit with their fret
estate and condition, iising them but as tabernacles for the present, and
changing them according to the quality of the season, and goodness of
the soil. We may commend the wisdom of the stork, and swallow, for
this cause.

These men fear not the oppression of a covetous landlord, nor the
danger of a cracked title. His quarter's racked-rent rends not his sleep,
nor takes he care for the renewing of his old lease. The breakihg in of
thieves he fears not, for he hath nothing to lose; and the surprise of ene*
xnies he regards not, for if they be not strong enough for encounter,^
they can suddenly remove themselves to a place of more security.

I have seen a town, consisting of above one hundred families, and all
of them bu»ed about their several employments : some about their cat-
tle, some making of lances, and darts, and some weaving of cotton, to
make their aprons, when upon a sudden, suspecting us as enemies, in
the space of half an hour, they have planted and removed their dwel*
lings.

The wSroen carrying their implements for dressing their food, and
their young infants; their children driving away the cattle; and the
rest of their people as a guard unto them, with their darts, and lances^
some in front, some in fiank, and the rest in the rear ;* when again,
we having understood the cause of their departure, widi a litde persua-
sion, they returned and suddenly replanted themselves, and every n^an
quietly settled himself to his business as before, without any noise^ tu»
mult, or uproar, all which was done in the space of an hour.

Whereas we, like so many wild beasts, can hardly be forced out of
our dens, except fismine, sword, or fire do compel us. And then, oh,
what lamentation, what exclamation, and grievous complaints do we
make!

Yet what are our houses, but so many strong prisons, wherein the

• Tha casM tf Owir <iSMnl vat Un «onliv tr^wra tf om vith « fovUof^Me^ to UULCviA.
Ibr tba captaio.

«M A PARADOX.

owner lies bound in leveral actions of debt, which I forbear to particu-
larise; and although he walk abroad sometimes, ' he doth but trail his
fetters after him, and is bound to keep within the rule.

He must endure discommodity of evil neighbours, the unhealthful-
ness of the situation, which these happy people can avoid at their pica*
sure, without much puddcr or turmoil.

And lastly, suppose that one of our houses should take fire, by acci*
dent, or otherwise, then what passion? What rage? What ungovern-
ed fury do we fell into? Oh, I am undone for ever, Oh, I have lost
that chest, that box of writings, that casket of jewels, out alas ! I am
undone; what shall 1 do? h^ay, we are so far out of ourselves, and
transported with fury, that, as if the black chambers of death were not
to be found otherwise, we sometimes lay violent hands upon ourselves,
and increase the danger of an eternal death, to prevent a temporal
deneliction.

Whereas, on the contrary, if any of their houses happen to be on firp,
he is not moved at all with it, but can patiently stand hy, and wam
himself at the flame, and say, Here is a good fire, I find much comfort
by it This is the last benefit my house can do me, and in this pointy
they are happier than we are.

Thar Diet.

As for their food, it may be objected, that it is but coarse and sim-
ple; for defence whereof, 1 might answer, that it is therefore the more
healthful, and agreeable to nature, who is best pleased with meats of
simple qualities. But it is further objected, that it is sluttishly dressed,
transeous, and loathsome. How know we that ? Because we love it not,
is it therefore unwholesome? One man loveth no fish, another no
cheese, another no fiesh; which are not only hurtful, but poison to
their constitutions. Should we therefore infer, that fish, cheese, or
fiesh, are poison; such judges are we of their food, which best agreeth
with their constitutions, and preservetb them in health, strength, and
vigour ; for th»'y eat not, but for necessity, know . no other sauce,
than the Lacedemonian sauce, hunger; eating rather for preservation
of life, than delight, or luxury; whiUt we in our diet ^re so volup-
tuous, ' that we even dig our graves with our teeth' (as the French pro-
verb hath it), the whole world being scarce sufficient to make a Bacchan*
alian sacrifice for that deity, the belly. France, Spain, Italy, the
Indies, yea, and the Molucca's, must be ransacked, to make sauce for
our meat; whilst we impoverish the land, air, and water, to inrich a
private table. Thus we live, as if we were born to no other end, but
by gluttony and surfeiting to oppose nature, dull the spirits, subvert
the animal faculties, and heap upon ourselves an innumerable company
of diseases, it being a maxim amongst our European physicians, that
gluttony hath killed more than the sword. Whereas, to the contrary,
such is the tc»inperance of these people, that I can scarce see one sick or
distasted among them.

Now for wine, the chri isher of the heart, the expeller of cares and
torrows, the reviver oi tUc spmlS| «iA X\i<& viv^M^t of valour and cou?

A. PARADOX. 541

rage, those people know it not; and herein I esteem them (whatever otir
epicures think) most happy. For when I consider the dangerous effects
thereof, as namely, how it confoundeth our reason, disturbeth our
senses, dulleth our understanding, consumcth our memory, depraveth
pur judgment,, and finally transformeth us from men to beasts: I know
not whether I should bewail our own miserable condition, or applaud
their happy estate.

Heretofore, in our country of England, all foreign wines were sold
in apothecaries shops, for the relief of the sick, weak, and aged. Then
physicians walked on foot, for the service of God's people. But when
it once came to be sold publickly in taverns, then they rode on horse*
back like princes ; the excess of wine being a main upholder of theirs ;
thence proceed fevers,- convulsions, epilepsies,* vertigo's, lethargies^
gouts, and all exotick diseases^ unknown to our ancestors.

Besides, what horrible and execrable actions hath it not perpetrated?
What sacrileges, what rapes, what murders, have not been committed
by the excess of wine? The examples of this kind are infinite, and the
consideration* thereof moved some Kings and princes * to prohibit, and
lay great mulcts and penalties upon them which used it, though with
moderation ; knowing that it transporteth men into all unjust actions,
and transfoFDieth them into beasts*

Where, to the contrary, water produccth no evil effects ; for it as«
swageth thirst, rcfresheth the spirits, abateth choler, quickeneth the
senses, and temperately doth humect and moisten the inward parts of
the body. And, had not the distempeiature of our parents, our evil-
education, and our natural corruptions prevailed against us, we might
have enjoyefl the like happiness which these people possess.

And may not their ignorance, in the art of navigation, be deservedly
accounted a happiness ? Certainly, by this means they are not conta*
minated with the vices and evil -customs of strangers, when we have
derived to ourselves, with our comincrce with foreign nations, with
their wares and commodities, their vices and evil conditions; as our
drunkenness and rudeness from the Germans; our fashions and factions
from the French ; our insolence from the Spaniards; our Machiavillian*
ism from the Italians ; our levity and inconstancy from the Greeks;
our usury and extortion from the Jews; our atheism and impiety from
the Turks and Moors; and our voluptuous luxury from the Persians
and Indiansf; which, perhaps, might have passed without censure by
natural men, had not we been infected, by this means, with some dis-
eases of the body, as well, as corruption of the soul. Besides, to ba-
lance the account, what are our ships fraught withal, but with toys
and vanities, which we might well be without, and serve but SLs/omen*
ta luxunosOf stirrers up of pride, luxury, and wantonness; for which
cause only, some nations J are forbidden to have any commerce or ^
trafiick with strangers,, le&t they should be infected with their vices and
evil customs.

• As th« Tarkisb emperor* audi all the Eastern princes.
4> As the pox,' brought into England, by the first discovery of America.

t As the Chinese, who will suffer no strangir to come lato their coufitry* K« B. The Chi*
aest have altered this law Mace Uui anttior't tuM.

54« A PARADOX.

Bn

nature

■sides, those tiappy people have no need of any foreign conmodity,
......re having sufficiently supplied their necesuties, wherewith t^

remain contented. But it is we that are in want, and are. compelled,
like famished wolves, to range the world about for our livingy to tiit
hazard both of our souls and bodiei; the one by the corroptioii of dM
air, the other by the corruption of religion^

Jnu.

As for thdr ignorance in the milituy piofenion, tlioQgh they be not
tmined np in the practice of those anas our modems have lately in*
rented, they retain the use of those weapons, which have been in urn
ftom all antiquity, I mean, the lance and dart; whereia they haveatf
tained to such perfection, that therein, I belieye, no nation in tbs
world duth equal, I am sure cannot exceed them. But you will say,
Ihey want defensive armour, and places of strength and reciiement. It
is true, they have no other armour than iheir own valoar; nor fi)rtS|
bat fortitude and courage; who, like the Fanhiaas, fight %ing, n»b
ing their retreat as dangerous to the enemy as their first encounter.

And lastl^s for the use of powder and shot, and the maaagiog of

E»t ordnance, whereof they are altogether ignocant. Herein they an
ppy also, above all other nations; it being one of the snort damnable
inventions that ever was forged in the devil's oondave: against the fmy
whereof neither the courage of the valiant, nor the strength of the
mighty can prevail ; so that if Hercules himself^ whom the poets ialslji
or Sampson, whom the Scriptures truly deliver for the strongest of men,
were living in these times, a child might kill them with a pistol. Let
ns examine the invention, state, and progress, of this permcious and
cruel engine.

All writers do agree, * that a German monk was the first inventor of
the materials ther^; and, as it is thought, not without the devi), to
shew his hatred to mankind. The first invention was but rude and
simple, but time and the wickedness of men have added to the first pro-
ject, even to the mounting them upon wheels, that they mi^t be the
easier transported, and run, as it were, to the ruin of mankind. From
hence hath proceeded these monsters oif cannons, and double cannons,
and culverins, these furious basilisks and murtherers, those fiery falcons
and sakers; wherein it seems the inventors knew well what they did,
when they imposed on them the names of snakes, serpents, and ravenous
birds; the very names of them being terrible, and apt to beget in us a
horror and detestation of them. I forbear to speak of lesser engines, hut
of greater danger; as the dagger and pistol, which may be concealed in
a man's pocket, wherewith miuiy have been treacherously slain without
any prevention. Out of this miserable and cruel magazine have issued
these mines, counter-mines, fire- pots, fire^pikes, oranges, granado's,
hedge-hogs, petards, and the like; a most cursed invention, wherein
the malice of man to man is grown to that height, whom wc ought to
love as our brother; that such, as can iuvtnt the most wioked, cruel, and

A PARADOX. 543

execrable project to destroy men withal, are held the most worthy to
receive the greatest honour, respect, and reward ; and now, if ever,
it may truly be said, Hotno homini Demon ; that is, One Man is a Devil
to another.

All inventions, as they are but the imitations of nature, do ever fall
short of the pattern ; but in this they have exceeded nature. Take it
thus briefly : The thunder and lightning, which these Salmonians would
imitate, transcend the other in fury and violence; for the thunderbolt,
as natural and accidental, falleth sometimes on a tree, mountain, a
tower, seldom on a man; but this infernal engine, gnided by the malice
of man, aims only at man, to whose destruction it is wholly directed*
There are some countries, that by reason of the coldness of the climate,
as Russia, Tartary, Greenland, at certain seasons of the year, are
exempt from thunder. But no country or season can privilege the
ihhabitants from the fury of this pernicious engine. The thunderbolt,
by the means of the lightriing, and noise in the air, giyeth some warn-
ing to men, to avoid the ensuing danger; but this thundereth in stnk*
ing, and striketh in thunder, sending the mortal bullet, as soon into
our bowels, as the sound into our ears. Therefore, we have good
reason to detest the author of this so pernicious and damnable an in«
vention.

And here I cease not, presuming to advise Kings and princes (this
being but a paradox) in the use of the instrument (for I know it to be
sfi well defensive as offensive); but magnifying tbe mercies.of God towards
this people, whose simplicity hath herein made them more happy, than
our too dear bou^tkoQwledge hath adYantagcd m*

( 544 )

A MOST LEARNED, CONSCIENTIOUS,

DEVOUT EXERCISE, OR SERMON*

Heldforthy the last Lord^S'dm/ of Jpril,
In the Year 1649,

At Sir P. T/s House in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields, by Lieutenant-Gcneral
Oliver Cromwell; as it was faithfully taken in Characters by Aaron
Guerdon. ,

London, printed in the Tear 168O. Quarto, containing seventeen Pages.

RoMi xiii. 1«

Let every Soul be subject unto the higher Powers ; for there is no
Power ^ but of God ; the Powers^ that be^ are ordained of God.

DEARLY beloved brethren and sisters, it is true, this text is a
malignant one ; the wicked and ungodly have abused it very fre-
quently but (thanks be to God) it was to their own ruin; yet their abuse
shall not hinder us from making a right use of it. Every thing is
subject to be abused, be it never so holy or good. The men of God, the
creatures of God, all are subject to injuries and abuse. The council of
state, the Parliament, the army, the general have been, and daily are
abused ; nay, even myself have not escaped the violence of these sedu-
cers, whose tongues are 'sharper than a two-edged sword. My very
face and nose are weekly maligned and scandalised by those scribbling
Mercuries, Elencticus and Pragmatic us; insomuch that, were it
possible, they would raise a faction in my forehead, and make mutinies
amongst my very teeth. It is true, I have a hot liver, and that is the
cause my face and nose are red; for my valour lies in my liver, not in
my heart, as other men's; never any man could say my heart was
stout. Indeed the general's lies there, and that is the reason his face is
pale. You all know, I never was a drunkard, although, when I was
at the lowest, I had beer enough ; for you know I had m^r relation to a
beer-brewer; and I had always money to buy wine with, if 1 pleased,
so that I might have been a drunkard, if I would; yet, you know, I
am a temperate sober man, else I had never been so good a soldier. But,
what is it the ifialignanls will not abuse, who let not to abuse them-
selves? I Will warrant you, they would abuse our very wives too, if
they durst; and I fear some of them do ■■ ■ ■ yott know what I mean;
'bat DO iJiore of that, at fiefteiit.

A MOST LEARNED SERMON, &c. IN 16^9- 545

My text, you see, is scripture, and scripture must be believed,
next to our diviner revelations, be it what it will ; but the roalignants,
(they woyld interpret it one way, and we, the saints, interpret it ano-
ther. Now let any body judge, whether they, or we, are to be be-
lieved; whether, I say, those ungodly cavaliers, that fought to uphold
tyranny and Antichrist, or we, that, in the uprightness of our hearts,
fought for liberty and freedom, and for establishing the kingdom of King
Jeiius. Surely, beloved, k is wc that are in the right of it; I think none
of you will deny it.

But DOW, that I spoke of Kings, the main question is, Whether, by

fiigier powers^ arc meant Kings, or the commoners? Truly, beloved^

,il is.a very great question amongst those that say they are Idairned; but,

I think verily, they make more stir about it, than needs; for, may not

every body, that can read, observe, that Paul speaks in the plural

number, the higher powers? Now, had he meant subjection to aKing,

he would have said. Let every soul be subject to the higher power : that is,

if he had meant one man; but, by this, you see, he intended more than

one ; for he bids us be subject to the higher poiwerSf that is, the council

of state, the house of commons, and the army. 1 hope 1 have cleared

this point; so, now then I will come closer to the words themselves, and

shew you truly and plainly, without any gaudy rheiorick, what they

signify unto us^ that you be not deceived; and 1 tell you, this is not to

be done by every spirit, but only by such, who are more than ordinarily

.endowed with the spirit of discerning. I confess, there are many good

men and women amongst you, that intend well, and speak 'well, and

undci stand well, but yet cannot apprehend well all things that lurk in

scripture-language, for lack of a sufficient measure of the spirit: They

roust be inwardly called thereunto, or else they are subject to errors and

misconstructions.

Well then, you see who are fittest to interpret; and, I presume, you
believe God hath abundantly supplied me. 1 do not boast of it, but I
speak it to his glory, that hath vouchsafed to take up his lodging in so
vile, contemptible, unswept, unwashed, ungarnished a room, as is
. this unworthy cottage of mine. But it was his will, and I am thank-
ful for it.

Now the words offer themselves very naturally ; they are plain, not
difficult, but prostrate their sense in a most perspicuous manner.

For; first, bcloycd, by these words. Let every souly &c. we may
understand, that every one of us have souls; whence! raise this doc-
trine, That it is an ungodly, irreligious, profane, and idle tenent
amongst the wicked, to think, or say. That women have no souls.
Mark, my bcloyed, to think, or say, &c. for there are many now-a-
days, that think, and wiU not speak what they think; and others, that,
speak, and will not think what they speak. But we arc none such - -
. Dear sisters, it is a great abuse to your honourable sex. «-——— And
now, truly, I will turn to you only; for you have been our daily and
nightly comforters; indeed, la, ye have! You have raised our droop-
ing spirits, though never so much dejected; you have got usstomachsy
when we had none, and furnished us with flesh, on all occasions; we
never found you uuwiilingi or unready to help us, wheu we were the

VOL. Xl» V Q

BiS A MOST LEARNED SERMON, &c. IN I649«

farthest from home. Believe it : When I lay before Pembroke-Castle,
my landlady, where I quartered, who had once bepn a malignant, and
then but newly crept into the state of grace; she, I say, had a good
soul within her ; she was brim-full of the spirit, atul yet she was very
handsome; which is strange; for seldom we find a perfection without an
imperfection. Commonly, women, that are fair without, are either
false, or foul, within: but to me she was neither. And yet I do not
speak this to condemn beauty, for it is of a singular comfort and
good use, and those, that be fair, may be true and good. But this is
secundum maju9 ct miiiys^ as the Logicians cant; 'some are better than
other some ; that is the English of the Latin ; and, indeed I haw
found great difference in women. Then again, when I came into Yurk-
shire, I met with Mrs. Lambert, the espoused of that honourable and
valiant saint, Mr. G. Lambert : She, I say, is a woman, not very fair,
I confess, but of as large a soul, and as full of the spirit, as any I efcr
yet met with. I profess, I never knew a woman more endowed witk
those heavenly blessings of love, meekness, gentleness, patience, and
long-suffering; nay, even with all things that may speak her every way
deserving the name of a saini; and .yet, I say, she was not very bnxt-
teous, or comely, for she is something foggy and sun-burnt, which ii
strange in that cold country. But, what luUnre had denied her of
«>rnanient without, I found she had within her a soul, a devout, sncet
soul; and, God knows, I loved her for it.

Tims we find then both by scripture and experience,* that all of v
have souls, men and women. But then again, beloved, some have
good souls, and some have bad; Mrs. Lambert bath a good soul, and
no doubt, nay, I know, many of you, that be here, are, and have,
good souls within you. The cavaliersand their queans arc the bad souls;
they serve, and are subject to bad and ungodly men, men did 1 call
them, nay devils that would devour us, and drink themselves drunk
with the blood of the saints.

By this then it is evident who. have, and who are the good souls.
Whence I raise this doctrine, or rather point of faith. That we are not
to believe, or account any to have, or to be souls, but those thai are
of the family of saints. ([ would have said love, but that it b a parti-
cular sect, something differing from ours.)

Come on then : Let every soul he sitlfject^ &c. Whereby we sec all
souls, good and bad, are bound to be subject. All-Souls College in
Oxford must be subject to the visitors; All Souls Day, tho* a super-
stitious Holyday, and strictly kept by the papists; must be subject to
labour and toil. Your souls, brethren and sisters, must be subject to
persuasion, to love, familiarity,, and friendship, to all things that may
increase or elevate the spirit; to kindle and take fire, like tinder, upon
every spark and glance of our affections. O my dear brethren and
sisters, love, it is the fulfilling of the law; what need we more then?
It covers a multitude of sins ; lo you there ! It hides all our infirmities.
Had one of us loved another, these differences and blood-shed had never
happened. But some will object, and say, There is a lust, as well as
love; and sometimes lust is falsly termed love. I tell you, beloved,
these nice and critical dbtinctions ace things, that once had like to have

BY LIEUTENANT-GENERAL OLIVER qROMWELL. 547

undone us. (.ust is nothing but a desire of any thing; and if, tny
beloved, we desire to enjoy one another, God forbid but we should help
and comfort each other, and lay out ourselves, as far and freely as
may be, to assist eaph other, in the embraces of the spirit* The laws of
reason and nature require it of us.

But let us look yet a little further : Let every soul be subject to the
higher potcers, &c. What those higher powers are, I have told yuu
before, they are the council of state, the house of commons, and the;
army; and God forbid but all men should obey them; that is, that the
people be subject to the council of state, the council of state to the
house of commons, they to the army, the army to the general, and the
gteneral to me. To mc, I say, vTho have plotted, advised, counselled,
and fought for both you and them these seven years; and now at last
purchased your freedom and liberty. Dear brethren and sisters, I
speak it not in ostentation, but with thankfulness, and glory to him
who made me so useful an instrument in this blessed work of reformation.
For, beloved, it was I that juggled the late King into the Isle of Wight.
It was I dissolved the treaty. It was I that seized upon, and hurried
him to Hurst Castle. It was I Uiat set petitions a-foot throughout the
kingdom, against the personal treaty, and for bringing the King and
other capital offenders to justice. It was I that contriyec^ with the help
of my son Iretpn, the large remonstrance of the army. It was I that
prescribed the erecting of the high court of justice, and which brought
the King to his trial. In a word, it was I that cut off his head, and
with it all the shackles and fetters of the Noiman slavery and bondage*
It was I that cut off the heads of Hamilton, Capei, and Holland, it
Was I that surprised the levellers at Burford, and in Northamptonshire.
It was I that broke their design, destroyed Thompson, &c. dispersed
and appea^d the rest, and which have healed the late distempers of the
army, whereby the land is now restored to this blessed peace, tranquil-
lity, and plenty* And therefore, 1 say, I may justly, and without
ambition, stile myself the author of all the kingdom's present and future
happiness.

It is true, beloved, the general is a stout and valiant man, and he
hath great appearance of God in him ; but fitter far to be passive than
active in the affairs of state. He is fitter for a charge than a council ; and
the truth is, as Tmay tell you under the rose, he wants brains to do
any thing of moment. But indeed, this I may say for him, he is a man
doth not seek himself; I never found him wilful, but willing always to
submit to better judgments than his own. For when Sedgwick, that
fast and loose priest, of Covent^garden, upon the Kiu^s trial had writ to
his lady to advise him to remit the execution of that sentence, and to
wash his hands of his death ; he, honest man, presently acquainted me
with the business, and shewed me the arguments, given to persuade
him ag^nst itj and freely referred all to my judgment. And the twenty-
eighth of January, being the Lord'srday, at night 1 went to him in
Queen-street, attended with two troops of my own regiment, to remove
the scruples he made upon that rascally priestfs letter, or to secure him
by ibrce, in case he had contracted more, and would not be satisfied*
But he, good man, gave me thanks for my pains, and told me I had

54S A MOST LEARNED SERMON, &C..IN l649;

fully rcsolvrd him. All this, beloved, I speak in honour of the man;
Viut truly hi> is too groat, to be so good as we must have a general, for
you know he is a Lord, and unless be bi* a Lord, and no gentlemaD, as
I fear he will not acknowlcMlge himself, he is not for our turns; the
rather, for that he is easily seduced, I have experience of him, and
led away by every wind of doctrine, by mere appeaiunces and shadows
of reason. Truly, beloved, I think myself and nxy son Ireton may
prove of greater use to the republick, than any other ; and if we be
but once the acknowledged governors thereof by the people, we believe
we shall answer their expectations to a hairVbre^dtb ; which if ever
we bi', then beloved, it is I and my son who are the higher powers meant
in my text, to whom subjection is commanded. For, as I told yoa
b<*fore, it cannot be to one single man, must bo to two or more; and
truly, if the people shall think us, as we think ourK^ves, worthy of
that trust, we shall discharge it faithfully, and study to merit it at tboir
hands. But mistake me not, I do not mean to merit as the papists do,
that is, to deserve it at their haiMls, for the good works we have done;
no, no, we will ackiK)w ledge it to be merely out of the free grace and
mercy of the people; for when we have done all we can for them, wt
conft*ss we are but unprofitable servants.

1 thank ihem, they have made me geueral for Ireland ; and you know
I am iipon the point of going thither, in hopes of reducing those rebel*
lious tray tors to our obedience. But then, beloved, so many of you,
as go along with me, must be mindful of my text; that is> yoa must
be subject to me, and my lieutenant-general. Whensoever we bid you
go, you must run; when we bid you slotm, you must do it, though it
be against nothing but stone walls. You owe us your lives and your
limbs, and all that you have.; whensoever we demand them, you ought
to surrender, and that freely, not grumbling; for you must submit to
the higher powers, 6ic.

The verity is, this expedition against Ireland is like to prove a very
hard ta:>k, unless I can in policy engage Owen Roe, if not to join with
Jones, Monk, and Coot, )et to keep off at a distance with Ormond.
I am, beloved, about it ; and I shall do my endeavour too, to sec
Inehequeen and him at variance; and yet at that very instant will I lose
no opportunity to re-oblige him to the parliament; for you all know

what inehequeen is— ~ i have him — I will not say how But

it is very probable an act of indemnity, tied in the strings of a five-
tiiousand pounds bag, may work a miracle. For he, good man, U but
misguided; he stands not upon such punctilioes of honour asOrmund
doth- -In truth, beloved, this Ormond is a skrawd fellow, and, wtre
he not oDc of the wicked, a man highly deserving; not so much for his
knowledge and experience in military affairs, wbkh yet may challenge
some proportion of honour, as for his diligence and iaithlulness in the
trust committed to him. Valour I will not allow him any ; it is only
dcsperateness, and that he wants not; but, .remember we not how puli-
tickly he curried himself in the business of Dublin, after he had subdued
the common enemy here the fii-st lime? How dexterously he avoided
the m<^S!>ages and commands of the late King, which weexfoyted from
Hmj fur the surreudci oC that city I How .shamefully hb baf&ed .oar

BY UEUTENANT-GENERAL OLIVER CROMWELL. 549

ComtDissioners which were sent to treat with him about it, at what dis-
tance he kept them, 8till urging the captivity of the King to excuse Iiis
disobi*dience; and how often, and on what sleeveless erran(fs, he sent
them back to re-iiiforce their instructions; whilst all the while he was
underhand endeavouring to know the Kinj^'s pleasure, by the hands of
bis own messenger ? And when he was satisfied with the reality of the
King's desires and condition, how notably he trucked with us, for his
own security and satisfaction? Nay more, when he stood upon the
receipt of some thousands, before he would surrender, you shall hear
how he thexe served us:— —For notwithstanding that I caused the par-
liament, by their letters, voluntarily to assure him the full double of
the »um he demanded, upon condition he would quit the King's, and
declare for our interest; and that hen^unto he had relumed a fine silver-
tongued response in answer to the parliament, and had thereupon
returned him the authority of the parliament, to indemnify him and his
followers, for all things said or done in relation to the English or Irish
wars, and four-thousand pounds in recompence for his losses; with this
additional assurance, that he should, soon after the surrender, be re-
invested with full power and government of Dublin, by commission
from the parliament. Yet no sooner -was Dublin delivered to us, u|)on
the King's letters, and his passport sent him, but in contempt of all our
fair and civil proffers, he transports himself for P'rance, abruptly waving;

both our proffers and protection. This, beloved, 1 instance not to

justify him in his rebellious courses against the nation, those I will use
my utmost to destroy him for, but, to let you see how gloriously even
a wicked and ungodly man, as this Ormond i?, appears in the eyes of the
world, who but approves himself true to his trust, that scorns to be
corrupted with gold, and ccnlinues so to the last; whereunto, beloved,

you are all of you enjoined by the words of my text: Be subject to

the powers^ &c.

Nor will I let to acknowledge him Irss formidable than faithful ; for
doubtless he hath gone very near to pacify all interest^, and picked out
of them a numerous army; over whom, he hath placed good officers:
(70od, said 1 ? 1 do not mean, beloved, godly officers, for thry an* all of
them prelatical orpopishly afftctcd, but tried soldiers; sucji as will not
easily turn their backs on an enemy. I must ingenuously confess too,
tlK7 have a great strength by sea, and a number of wilful fellows for
mariners ; who are in great heart, by reason of the many and great
prizes they have taken from us, and so forth. But, what of all this ?
Shall we therefore be discouraged ? God forbid ! The more numerous
the enemy is, the greater shall be the victory over them ; the more
difficult the work is, the more our honour; the fuller their pockets are,
the worse they will fight. You know by experience, the plunder of
Leicester gave us the victory at Naseby ; there you saw the cavaliers
chuse rather to leave their King to his shifts, than shift from behind
them their jcloke-bags. Believe it, brethren, we shall meet with many

advantages against them R. himself, I know, will do us some good,

though it be but in crossing of proverbs: And hear I but once that

Culptrpper or Hyde is there, doubt it not, all is our own. 1

canoot recount a tithe of tbem^ But this I am sure, the honest citizens

N n 3

650 A MOST LEARNED SERMON, kt. IN 1649.

htfve feaited us to good purpose: for, upon tbat occasion, we had their
promise to advance monies a-fresh for Ireland.' Sim Noubr§ cm

Mensure : That is French, beloved ; the English whereof iv Without

weight or measure Verily they are, of a stiflf-necked generation,

become very tractable and obedient servants; of a turbulent and moti-
nous, an exceeding meek and humble people.

And indeed, my beloved, it was no small work we had, to subdoe
those malignant spirits of the city, considering, how audaciously they
once withstood our authority, and despised our government; bow
peremptorily they petitioned for a personal treaty with the King, an4
«ent their servants into Colchester, Surry, and Kent, to force us there*
unto; how bitterly the inveighed and railed against the honourable
proceedings of the parliament and army; how largely they contributed
to bring in a foreign nation to invade tis, whilst, yet, they denied us the
payment of our arrears, or to continue the necessary taxes, or excise,
for our future maintenance,, who had preserved them and their &roilies,
from the rapine and cruelty of a barbarous enemy. But, beloved
brethren, I mean not to rip up all old matters: Let it suffice, that,
being thus warned by their mishap, yoa fall not into the like&in of dist
obedience to higher powers; there being no powers but of God, the
powers that bo being ordained t>fGod«

Object. But it may be, somQ here may object, and say. How shall
wc be secured,, in your absence, from the malicious plots and con*
trivances of the presbyterians, malignants, and levellers; since we
cannot but expect, they will be coroplotting our ruin, especially UU
burn, and the rest with him in durance, whose spirits can never be
quelled, but by a Cromwell, they being so implacable and desperate?
Answ. Truly, beloved, you that do, do very well to make these doubts;
I like these doubting Christians above all Christians, provided they be
not jealous. And yot, my beloved, a man or woman may be jealous
without cause as that holy man of God, Maj«)r-Gcneral Lambert, is of
his wife; which truly proceeds, not so much out of any corruption of
judgment, as manners; yet the man was well bred, though not educated
fo well, as we are in the south. But, as to this point, you shall hear
how careful 1 have been to provide for your safety, and the peace of the
nation, in my absence. For supposing that lulburn and his faction,
and the rest of our enemies, as God knows we have too many, will
strive t) alienate the hearts of the people from me, and to usurp the
rule and dominion to themselves, if a convenient strength, and someone
or other were not left, fitted with policy and courage to restrain them;
I have taken care, that my son Ireton shall stay amongst you, and that,
my Corrival, noble Lambert, shall go in his stead, as niy lieutenant-
general, into Ireland. And my son, you all know, wants no spirit; if
he did, he should never have married my daughter, that you may wdl
think. As for his policy, I suppose you have as little reason to doubt
of it, as I have of his fidelity. The large remonstrance renders him, as
I take it, very clean-handed and subtle; and, with him, I will see a
. sufficient strength both of horse and foot be left ; which, together with
the city forces which we have engaged, and are ascertained, will stick
to us. Tfic general, so popular and valiant a man, staying here 9,]so tQ

BY UEUTENANT-GENERAL OLIVER CROMWELL. 551

OFersee them^ shall, I warrant yoa, suppress all insurrections and
tumults wliatsoever. However, 1 have given such order to my son
Jreton, concerning Li 1 burn and the rest, if ever hereafier he observe
Aim» or them, to stir up the people to sedition, or scribble any thing,
as formerly, against our kwiul proceedings that, forthwith, he shall
execute justice upon them. And I think, dear brethren, you will judge
it but necessary, since ueither our mercy, nor the sense they have of
the uprightness of our cause, will invite them to forbear bespattering
the innocent robes of this infant state.

And now, beloved, as we must not conceal any thing from one ano-
ther, I shall make bold to requite your ingenuity by the instancing one
Other doubt, wtth a danger, at the end of it; which although it may;
startle you at first sight, yet be of good courage, be faithful and strong ;
it admits of air easy solution. And that is the accord of the Scots with
their new King.— —Truly, I roust confess my designs were never, till
now, 80 diverted and confounded ; for I must tell you, 1 have reverenced
that short, but pithy precept of my father Machiavel {Divide ct impero.)
So long as I could keep them at odds amongst themselves, I feared not
but to order them, as I pleased. But now it is too true, that both trie
parliament and priests of that kingdom have attainted Argyle of high-
treason; that is, for holding th^ hands of the Scots, until we executed
that examplary piece of justice on the King. And that therefore they
intend to cut his head off; which, if they do, then, beloved, they
destroy our only friend in that kingdom, and tlie di0'ere;)ce^, on foot
there, must needs expire with his breath. Which being oace done,
they will have nothing left to do, but vie authority with us, and threaten
a second invasion. For you must understand, the Scots are a warlike
people, and that there is nothing will make them sooner rebel, than
idleness and peace ; so that, if this be so, we shall be sure to have them
amongst us. Now, beloved, to preserve ourselves against them, in this '
great garison of our English commonwealth, it is for our safety, that
we quit those out-houses of Ireland; and, if they were burnt, it
matters not, so we preserve but what we have already in possession.
To which end 1 have resolved, if they cut off the head of Argyle, or
otherwise disable him to prosecute our interest there, that then 1 <vill
wave the war of Ireland, and, keeping the fore-door of this nation close
sliut, bend all powers to defend the back-door against that perfidious
nation. And this I conceive to be the surest way, provided I can but
make choice of able and trusty men to secure the ports, towns^ and
inland garisons, without revolts or treachery, ■ And this wjll be
easily done, considering the men and monies we have at our pleasure.
I toll you, brethren, our thousand shall slay their ti*n thousands, apd,
in a short space, make them a miserable little people; and, at length,
root them out from off the face of the earth, ^nd possess us of |heir
lands, for an inheritance to us and 6ur generations, for ever.

But I have straypd too far from my text; I ytWX now come to the.
remaining words thereof, and so conclude: «—- For theh are no powers
but uf Godf &c. The council of state, the house ot commons, the
council of war, and the high court of justice, when it was, were all
powers of God: and thefollowing words ol my text jg^ve you the

ir n 4

55S NEWS FROM THE CHANNEL, &«•

itason: For tkeptmerty thai ht^ are ordmeA if God. Be they just
or unjust, they are all of God, God ordained them ; and so he did
that tyrannical power of the late King, and those belly-gods the bishops,
to punish us for our infirmities. But, now that he hath graciuusiy
■removed those powers, he hath ordained ours, to preserve, cherish,
elevate, comftirt, and delight the saints, and to rule and govern the
land in sincerity and in truth; to distribute justice, equally and inh
partially according to bis will.— —But the time is spent, and I mait

be marching. 1 desire therefore, my dear brethren and sisters, that

you daily pour oat your prayers and supplications^ for ut, and for our
success against the wicked and ungodly that are risen up against us;
and* that you cease not to comfort one another, with mutual embraces
and spiritual kisses, to delight and sweeten youir passage through this
vale of misery. And that you take especial care to strengthen and
corroborate yourselv(*s, with capon and cock-broth, that I may find oil
in your lamps, at my return.

NEWS FROM THE CHANNEL:

OR,

The Discovery and perfect Description of the Isle ^ Serke\

Appertaining to the English CrAh^

And never before publickly discoursed of:

Truly setting forth th^ notable Stratagem whereby it was first taken,
the Nature of the Place and People ; their Government, Customs,
Manufactures, and other Particulars, no less necessary then pleasant
to be known. In a Letter from a Gentleman, now inhabiting there,
to his Friend and Kinsman in London.

London, printed by John Lock, for John Clarke, at the Bible and Harp in
Wcst-Smithfield, i6;3. Quarto, oontaining six Pages.

Dear Cousin,

THE Anne of Bristol, touching here homewards-bound, brought
safe those commodities I gave you the trouble to send me, and
inriched me with the treasure of your more welcome letter; to 1fhich|

• This is the Sfaitktli la Uia Cattilosoe of tbt HtrleUa ^amphla^.

MEWS FROM THE CHANNEL, tte. 6ii

ihoiigh I caniK^t answer in the same haddsotne exptMioiis afeid ptn«>
broidery of language, a failure easily excusable in a place whore my
native tongue is almost a stranger, and French generally spoken mor^'
barbarous than that of Littleton, yet be confident 1 shall never, when
opportunity offers itself, come short in the real offices of good-will and
affection. I am glad some of our old acquaintance are still sd kind as
to preserve me in their memories ; and could not but call Ned and
Jenny to help laugh at the pleasant narration you make, of the suqjrisd
many of them are in, when you tell them, I have left Southampton to
go to dwell in the Isle of Serke; some inquimg in whkh of the Indict
diat strange island lies; others offering ws^er^there is no such place in
the world, but that it is younger sister to the Isle of Pines. Nor, indeed,
can I condemn their wonder, since, although this place hath, for about
four-score years, paid obedience to the English scepter ; yet, scarce one
Englishman of a thousand hath heard, or can give any good account cff
it. Our geographers have herein proved land-lopers; and the very maps,
wherein oftentimes painters gratify their wive^ with jointures of ima-
ginary islands, have been content to omit the real one. However, to
satisfy the curiosity of my friends, but more especially to comply with
your desires, which I .must ever interpret commands, I shall venture on
a brief description of this little part of the world, where Providence hath
allotted me at present, and, 1 thank heaven, no uncomfortable habit-
ation.

Serke, the place whence this letter comes to kiss your hands, is an
island situate in the channel betwixt England and France, lying at once
in view of the banks of Normandy, and of our two other more eminent
islands of Jersey and Guernsey, and about four leagues to the south*
west of the latter. Though its circuit or extent can yield no great
temptation to any prince's ambition to make himself master of it, its
dimensions being not above five miles in length, and about two miles
in breadth, where it is largest over, in other places not so much ; yet
nature, as if she had here stored up some extraordinary treasure, seems
to have been very soUicitous to render it impregnable, being on every
side surrounded with vast rocks and mighty clifts, whose craggy tops,
braving the clouds with their stupendious height, bid defiance to all
that shall dream of forcing an entrance. Two only ascents or passages
there are into it. The first where all goods and commodities are received,
called LaSoguien, where, for a large space through a solid rock, there
is a cart-way cut by art down to the sea, with two strong gates for its
defence, wherein most of the storage for navigation, as masts, sails,
anchors, 6cc, belonging to the island, are kept, and two pieces of
ordnance above, always ready to prevent any surprise. The other is
La Frickeree, where only passengers can la»d, climbing up a rock by
certain steps, or stairs cut therein to a vast height, and somewhat
dangerously, nor is it possible there for above person to come up at
once.

This description of its situation I persuade myself, cousin, will put
you into a little fit of longing, to know by what means our countrymen
came, at first, to make themselves masters of a place so naturally
forti&ed; and' truly, in discovering that| we shall acquaint you with

5M NEWS FROM THE CHANNEL, &e; :

• fttimteKnn, excdling moit you iball meet with in the Gicdr and
Roman historiis, and eqoalled by few of thoae in the Low-Country wan,
or any more modem expeditiona.

In the reign of our matchlesa maiden Qoen, thia island being wholly
poMeaed by France (as moat of the inhabitanto, not only thmoi; but
of Jeiary and Guernsey too, are to this day of that nation) « searcaptain
(whose name, I at present remember not, though it ia pity it twr
should be swallowed by oblivion) apprehending its neighbourhood, if
it continued in the French hands, might, one time or other, portend
no good to the i»les of Jeney and Guernsey, the only remaining trophifs
of our French conquests,^sollicited the Queen to commission him to
reduce it to her obedience; who, having received former information
of it, told him the place was so small, and the attempt so haamrdous,
it would scarce be worth while, and that she feareil the loaa of mea
about it would be more damage than its taking of importance or
advantage. For you must note at that time the passage down at U
Soguien was not made, nor did it ap|)car halt so accessible as now it
appears. But our subtle captain replied, If her Majesty would but
give him command and necessaries, he durst assure hcr» to settle Uie
English coloun there without the luas of a man. I'he Queen, seeing
his confidence, yields to his iroportunity; who, accompanied with
about one hundred resolved men, puts to sea, and, after some time
crui«ng up and down, comes and lies before this island of Serke, in
quality of a merchant-roan homewards-bound ; and, making out hii
boat with several taking commodities, the people suffereid three qr four
of their crew to land, and traded with them, with much amity, for
a day or two. At last, having insinuated into the good- opinion of
the cxedulous islanders, they told ihep, having been a long trading
voyage in the Streights, their master was some time since dead, but
had engaged them not to expose his corpse into the ocean to be de-
voured of the fish, but to inter it with christian burial, in the next
place where they should touch ground ; and therefore they desired
that christian favour of them, that they might lay him in their church-
yard, coming only some few of them a shore, without any arms, to
perform the ceremony. The unwary people consent, and our captain,
with about twenty of his stoutest men, with a coffin, and much seeming
solemnity, got a shore, the natives assisting them lo get their Trojan
horse up the precipice. But no sooner were they arrived at the church,
but clapping too the door, as if they had some private devotions to
celebrate, at which the inhabitants might not be present, they break
open their coffin filled, in stead of a dead body, with instruments of
death, and, instantly arming themselves, slay that small French guard
that there offered resistance, and retiring, to the landing place, secure
that, get in more of their company, and, in five hours time, without
the loss of one man, made themselves masters of the whole island, which,
ever since that time, has had the honour to boast itself part of the
dominions of the English crown.

fiui since nothing is niiore necessary to the life of man, than those
four elements, whereof he, together with the re&t of the un^versei is

NEWS FROM THE CHANNl^L, kt. 555

originltlly composed ; I shall, in the next pla^, observe how we are
therewith accommodated.

Our air, considering the narrowness of the place, and how it is
encompassed with the ocean, is much better than can be expected ;
our haven serene, and our sky generally free from that, nasty dish-
clout of fogs and clouds, which, in your marshes and city too, are
wont to muffle up the sun's glorious face. In brief, it is so agreeable
tb nature, that, although I know not one physician in the island, and,
perhaps, wc live the longer for their absence, yet to meet here with a
hearty old man of fourscore is nothing rare or unfrequent.

Our water, I confess, is sometimes not very ready, and yet we
have in the island no less than six very fine springs generally running,
whose water purified in its under-ground passage, and by being drawn
so high through nature's lerobick, bubbles up so free from any smack
of brackishness, that it may compare with your Lambs-conduit, and,
for aught I know, is no less miraculous for curing sore eyes than Crow*
der^s well.

Our earth or soil is, for the most part, hot and sandy, yet fruitful
enough to afford all necessaries to its inhabitants, excellent for beslring
all kind of roots, as parsnips, carrots, turneps, &c. and very well
stored with fruit-trees, for the most part planted of late, by the good
husbandry of the people, furnishing us with cyder, not at all inferior
to your Herefordshire redstreak; and, to render it the more whole*
some, it is generally boiled with a little spice, which preserves it and
gives it an incomparable relish. Com we have of most sorts, but not
in any extraordinary quantity. Our pasture is but short, yet exceeding
sweet, and therefore we have rare mutton, but no great plenty of bee^
and cows only enow to supply us with milk and butter, for our cheese
we have generally from England.

Our firing, to speak of the most aspiring element last, is for the most
part furzes and sometimes turf; for we have but little wood, and no
timber at all growing throughout the whole island; so that we are
forced either to make shift with old apple*tree for our houses, or furnish
ourselves as well as we can with deal.

For belly-timber our three staple commodities are fish, fowl, and
rabbits. Of the first a little industry will purchase us a hundred
sorts; particularly, a large fish we call a vrack-fish, which we split;
and, nailing it to our wails, dry it in the sun for part of our winter
provision; as also a large shelfish taken plentifully at low tides, called
an ormond, that sticks to the rocks, whence we beat them off with a
fossil or iroi^-hook ; it is much bigger than an oyster, and like that,
good, either fresh or pickled, but infinitely more pleasant to the gusto ;
so that an epicure would think his palate in paradise, if he might but
always gonnondise on such delicious ambrosia, to borrow Aretiue's
phrase, upon his eating a lamprey.

For fowl, your city cannot be better furnished with woodcocks or
widgeons, besides the abundance of duck, mallard, teal, and other
wild-fowl, with clift-pigcons, with which, at some seasons, almost the
whole island is covered.

Of conies we-havc every where exceeding plenty, and yet, lest wc

556 -MEWS mOM THE CHANNEL, 3k.

^ouM trant, iiatura hfw provkled us a parttcalar warren, placing
at a small distance in the sea an island of about half a mile every way
over, which is inhabited by nothing else, whither wc commonly go a
ferreting, and have thence such abnt^dance that it has been confidently
told me some fomilios here haive made fifteen or twenty pounds
8 year only of their skins. If aril this rich fare will not contem you,
we have a most excelh^t pottage made of milk, bacon, colcworts,
iMckarcl, and goosebiTnes, boiled together all to pieces; which our
mode is to cat, not with the ceremony of a spoon, but the more courtly
way of a great piece of bread furiously plying betwoen your mouth and
the kettle.

But, lest you should think we mind too much our bellies, take
next a surfey of our political government. First, for our defence,
Hire have a captain with about forty soldiers, who continually keep
guard, and arc maintained by contributioti of the inhabitants; then
we have a court of judicature held every Tuesday, whore an honest
fisherman we call the judge; another, at present his son, tbat is
ifatitled, Monsieur le Provost, a person that has the gift of writing, and
learning enough to read the obligation of a bond, serving as clerk or
recorder, with five other sage burghers that are justices, or some of
them meet, and, without any tedious formalities, intricate demurrers,
^cial verdicts, wire-drawn arguments, chargeable injunctions, mul-
tiplied motions, or endless writs of error, briskly determine all causes
secundum JEquum et Bonum, according to their mother-wit and grave
discretions, except in criminals where life is concerned, in which
case the o^nders are immediately sent away for trial and punishment
to Guernsey.

Since the taking the place by the English, Huguenot ministers
officiating, the people have subscribed to the discipline which, beyond
the seas, they call reformed ; but wanting much of that beauty and
decent order wherewith the church of England entertains her children.
The present minister, whom I must acknowledge a person of more
industry and parts, than could be hoped for among such people, hath
lately begun to teach grammar to the children, with writing and
arithmetick, erecting a school for that purpose; so that who knows
to what prodigious learning we may here one day arrive? Sure I am,
the genius of the people cannot but be docible, since they are naturally
of a courteous- affable temper, and the least tainted with pride that
ever I saw any of their nation. That apish variety of fantastick fashions,
wherewith Paris is justly accused to infect all Europe, has here no
footing, where every one retains, the same garb their ancestors wore
ih the days of Hugh Capet and King Pippin; so that 1 can give small
encouragement to any of the knights of the thfmblo, to transport
"themselves hither, where cucumbers are like to be more plenty than
in the backside of St. Clement's; each man religiously preserving his
vast blue trunk breeches, with a cod-piece larger than King Harry's,
and a coat almost like a Dutch fro's vest, or one of your watermen's
liveries* Nor are the women behind-hand with them in their hospital
gowns of the same colour, wooden ^sandals, white stockings, and red
petticoxts, so mean, they axe ^caicc^ viocth taking up. Both sexc9

NEWS FROM THE CHANNEL, &c. 557

on festivals wear large rufB ; and the women, instead of hats or hoods,
truss lip their hair; the more genteel sort in a kind of cabbage-net;
those of meaner fortunes in a piece of linnen, perhaps an old dish-clout
turned out of service, or the fag end of a table cloth, that has escaped
the persecution of washing ever since the reformation ; this they, tying
on the top, make it shew like a Turkish turbant, but that part of it
hangs down their backs like a veil, which might be of use to our wanton
youngsters, when the spirit moves them to a kissing exercise, but tha(
we are never, in such case, put to use violence; for though our females^
for proportion and complexion, are perfect French, and may, for the
most part, without any usurpation, ^sume Don Quixot's title of
damstls of the ill-favoured face; yet, to compensate that, and it is much
this sex should know their own defects, they are the most kind and
obliging in the world; so sprightly, frolick, and gay-humqured, that
I am confident Mahomet can, no where, pick up more buxome girls to
stock his paradise with. x

But it is more than time to release your patience, save that I persuade
myself you have not had enough to read half thus far. Let me coiv*
elude with a word or two of our trade, which, I confess, is not very
great to the levant or either of the Indies, Bristol, and some other of
your western ports, being the furthest places of our trafldck : for the
grand, and almost only manufacture of our island being knitting, whicJn
our people perform with a woi\derful dexterity, both for stocking!^
gloves, caps, and waistcoats, men women and children being brought
xip to it; so that you may commonly see thirty or forty of thein assem*
bled in a foam, •which you would take for a conventicle of your sweet
singers of Israel ; for, though all ply their knitting devoutly, yet lit th«
same time they tune their pipes, and torture some old song with, more
distracted notes^than a country quire does one of Hopkins's psalms.
These commodities, when finished, we veiid into England at the places
aforesaid, having several small vessels for that purpose, and thence in
return furnish ourselves with necessaries.

I doubt not, but by this time you repent your curiosity, and confess
that I have suthciently tormented you with the isle of Serke; nor know
I any way to receive your good opinion, which, I am more confident,
my tediousness has forfeited, but by begging your pardon and drinking
your health in a black-jack of French wine, which, paying no custom,
we have here as plentifully cheap as in France itself. 1 hope you will
pledge me at the Bear, where, if the old Bacchus be still living, com*
mend me to him. Assure all my friends, that I shall return their loves
with usury. Speak my respects particylarly to Esquire D. and Captain
S. and, to yourself, take jne as I am,

Wholly and intirely.

Your most affectionate kii^^man

And humble servant,

F. yf.

AIT tbis, though yoa read It not till Michaelmas, was
told you at Serke, tbit Fir^t of April, O. S 1073.

SKD Ot YOL. XL£VEN.

Th» Publisher of the HARLEIAN MfSCELLANY most
rerpectfully informs the Subscribers, that he is under the unavoidable
necessity of extending it to another Tolume. When they consider the
extent of the work, and the difficulty of ascertuning with precision in
the commencement of printing the exact quantity it would make, in a
size in which it has never before appeared, he trusts they will excuse its^
thus exceeding the limits originally proposed.

r
OraeeehMTch'^ireet,
Oct,9f 1819.

AN

ALPHABETICAL INDEX,

TO THE ELEVENTH VOLUME,

Page

ADVICE to a yovng Clergyman • • • • • 408

Advociitc^»» lord, letter to earl of Mar • • 83
Affidavits in Courts, oa filing •••••• 53

Alberick, earl of Hainanit, restored Mons 93
■ ' , description of his castle • • • •9^,91

, his wall demolished 97

Al heron ,- prince, the founder of Mons, ftc. 90,96
Albert, archduke, slreHgthens Mons • • • 103

Altbna, a description of • • 953

Andrapda, governor of Madagascar • • • 535
Angels, Isle of ••••«••• ••••• 488

Annals of Mons, a MS. • • • • 97

Anne, queen, on her victories •••••• 30

■ , letters, dec. for Scotland • 84, 86

Arms of John, of Avesnnes 99

Army, imperial one ••••• gOB

Arquennef-, battle of*-*»»^ ••• 113

ArreHts, remarks on •••• • 56

Artimedemsi his dream^book •••••• 484

Ascension isle, description of • • • • • • 107

•Atheism, what it is 302

Attachments, remarks on • » 56

Attila, leader of the Huns ••••••• 314

Attorneys, on serving five years • • • • • 58

Andley, lord, his rebellion and execution,

484. 4S7
Avesnnes. prince John of, war and dtath • 98

AuUc Council, account of gf7

Aussij^ hbtory and descri|»tion of • • • • S19
4mtru, a dtKiiptioB vf ^ . • • « • 91% gSl

B

Page

BAHAMA islands, importucenf • • • • 8'

BailiflFs itses of, and duty • 50, 5C

Baker, rear admiral, his instructions • • • 7^
Baldwin UI. earl, his wall demolt«h«d • 9f
-— • — IV. the bnitder, improved Mons • itm
— — '— — his wall demoHshed •••••• 98

Bsreelona, preserved trwn the French • • S7

Bavaria, elector of, snppoHed bj Fiwice • 18|

■ -, always dangerous to the empire 186

Bccka, an account of* •«••••••• S46

Bergen, or. The Hill • 9S

Berlin, a description of* 333

Berwick, earl orSnrrey retires to • • • • 480

Blackheath, Cornishmen arrive at • • * • 4g5
Blackness castle, its garrison • • • • • •73,76

Bohemia, fir-trees common there • • • • . fgo

■' ■' ■ ■ , ponds are numerous in • • * • • 89s
, effiBcts of hurricane in • • • • • $94

i its various circles described • • 310
Boil, their first access to Bohemia • • • • 319

Bourn, aparliament*s admiral • w

Bowers, King Charles met by rebels at • • 385

Brinn, toparchy of, its limits S90

Britain, its first natives ••••••••• 44^

British Ambassadress's Speech to French

king ipi

Broughtoo, Sir Thomas, &c. attempt rebel-
lion •••••*••••«•••••• 37s

Brunswick, a description of * ••»..• 34ft

5::"hlfm"d

%r.'l;u».;,;^i'^!

"""'" ' ■

-Li-\^^i,'^L^^*2

Bx'Liord.

d.tDwik.rk m

INDIX.

niwbnrT, lord, b>k«B pnMiMB lai la

liele>dB>i Pedjo, lulled bj Gonnlei

C*T)E. JkV. pfnoMWi Mortlirnr •

HMuiit or ■ K4. <M, S<8, Kg
I tioclh, •UDnlof *et

lattii Wurw, >ii<xrcdi duke Philip

ir.biitiUu -.■.'. tie

Ctallpcnck. Uii(, InclMu Tcmmiji HT.

Chinnj. jirinee of, f»Der«1 of wlillf rj ■ -
ChnainphlOi OC.SurvaT of Neweuae ■
CliriiUMmniiiChriitiuidiii, ■book ■ ■ ■
C>ll«r, >dncrlptiani>f

Cirtlity Mwwj, Mia'rtof

ClorMin>ii,Mlrici! lo« joongoM - - . .

Oack. tba fimoui out *t Pn^uc
Cl«dioii,kiB,ofFr.pr«. . . .

UwI-niDW Dfl^CWCUll*, U»UD
Colboro, foniflflt BerfrD dd Sikh
Conminiantn at Prini, neli; I

OirtiliDg Pom, m uHr n talltd ■ • • • tt

Dop, iileof w(

DoofDidi, or Doomvlcl, mILu Tborutown 110
Ooaij. uk>Qb*iavukisf DfFrUKO- > I'M
Doter CHitlo. OD ftikia Wubeck-i Mug u «l*
Drake'iOri«l,arNc«iforEi(l>Dd- ■• JS
DmUiichM, 01 TrukiirlMo. ■uaut of - SSI

Juued t» Slieiiab of ■ '

Emms, Dr. hit propqHtl lieiuiroctio
ZlBf^iar ulatrmnaf, U'^tOnuitj

Eaiti qdorT. a d* ii rictieu of ■ . ■ ■ - • ■ • lU

Equilj-, iopc*»fnl di-taj.io i)

Ero9liatuilKiriiedDi*o«'it toinplft, ■ ■ ■ . ail

Eur'lui, U.nUtDtted i;UI|al>ck ■ . . ■ 1)3

Cuiild,uk,lll.Kjiqt«d clfciyiniis. - ■ . . .1M
BifcDcniCi ig vcvi W Ui90 1ST

FABtllCnTS, Or. h

Fin^'.n of Vol lb, u

Piinfits, daagbiti of, muiiad to a«B-

FlBiiderat on mnpiiEn Ifierc

ri«l,Eu,li5n,,«rn>fWR=™

;htad™nM?ofmuoiB»" . - . - '

Fak.bi/hDp.drfeadsNortlimmtli ■ ' -

,' on pojwjiiiig Frtburjli .

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au>«,|»utii.i..>f.

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yi(e ta Ch> Mon ■ 911
inc. Wirbecfj H-

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Hostoi W.fer,oii'«p<H

JZStrns.Uwirbabicftc in

Ifutlu. S« Larali.

Couii, ijliiiuioui pmoni thire *T5

lolidBMy, itigrovtb contiderfid . . ■ . . IQS

by Bi-cFtiUj *•

[. Nktiolu.Nevcude «M

l>8l4pd.l3cr>ldii>clardcn«iHlli)rof . ■ Sir

W,rbB£l->.prfchin i9t

Iblr, eiiFiiti>rpo>tsihue «R

LACT'S iDTltmliou, or UIghQ Hind*

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nghqrU

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Luis, btRh-pUn ofSelkick ■

Ijiw HDd fcifulljr, on prevbiling dflfcf . •

Laipiick. I dBvrlpIioD of ■ . ■ 3

Leien.Bitl of,liiitouar9,l:c,Gg.7g.SO.Bl,l
Uwii XIV. of Fme* itucki Uofli, he. I(

tVOlK*

T/ieuto In <lMt t!r •••••• • • •

London, iti defenct aKrimt CoratoMMB •

Lov«J,lord, atl'oijrt* artrWJioB

m. flit & Into IrelHiid

Ijowoftitz, m Bohemiii, «rcouBt t f . - . .
Loyalty, oi I>r«1ir*« and Raleigh t ghosts
LoyoU*. Ignatius, founder of Jesuits • • •
Lunars, amocr muchcohareo ••••••

Lu&eiiiburg. duke of, nttacked ••••••

V.

I Ml

319
M
180
693
106

MACAO. Gouftalet tends theace to Spain 533

JilailaKaK-aff people of, happy 5W.

Malion, Hurt, irsimportHiice to England • O

■ , ilk noble port ^

MaU«eit'H. blark prpperat ....... 48

Waudarin. GoiiS«;e8, broucht before ■ • • 532

Waniiev I lie, Sir John, on his travels » • . 4M

JJai. rarlot. Ins letters »79»*^W

W arbuF Jill, custom oT Inns there • .... *37

Jtfarcomdnni, some acrount of ■ • • • • • 285

■ .seated in Bohemia 313

Margaret of llaiuault. her war . . • r • 9^

— of Biirftuni^y, supports Warbeck HIJ3

Miirtin of Dorset, uis pr.mioiiou I6

MHScnu. Dr. of Liipsick university .... 320

Mi(|h1s ill emperor s cabinet at Vienna . . 2(5l

Meissen, noted for its jfKjrtelaiii .... 32.'i

Merovigniaus, Alb<*ron's war with ...» 91

Westrf, some account of 21B

M-.kowitJt, a casih- there 319

Minorca, lis imjjortame to England ... 27

With' ic. pr« tcijce of a muhty one . . • • 62

"Mi* carriages, naval cause! or 5

- c! public affairs, enquiry of. .141

MoianH, some accouift of Sly

Moncdstor, or Monkche5tcr, a Saxon town 446

Money raised u. England, in I9 j« ars « IhO

in 12 years . • 161

Moi.s. .t* ceojjrapJy and liistory • • . 88. &*c.

Moiitrosr, tiiHrquisof. his dt-claration • • 460

Moon, describen by (innsales ...... 52i

WorMvia, some account of 284, Arc

Moreton. archbishop, denounced by Corn-

■ ishmen • • 422

Mountain"^ of Feist ri«z, their height • • • 234
Mouiitford, Sir Siinun, heh«'ad<d • . . • 404
, Corl.el, &c. taken and exe-
cuted 412

Mountjoy,loid, opposes Warbeck • « * • 424

Nettingliaoi, dcfMt of ratals

NDDserlesin Vicona • >

Nans ID Eogliih cteisfear at ]>anklTk
Nysel, panipl, emperor** libranan •

or
m

SSl

NAPLES, a description of ••►•••• 47^
INaseby shipbroufjht over Charles II. . • • 17
liTavHl uiiAi-arriages, causrs of • . • r • • 5
K:iuportu8 river, now Laubach . • . . . 22(i
Ueressity the mother of invention • ... 44
INcrvii, fiist foundeis of Tournay .... 115

Douhaus, an account of • . . 29*J

Ueustaiit, do 24y

>fewcasile upon Tine, sunrey of 44<i

Kews from tne Channel 551:

l^ieumeisler. Dr. an intemperate Lutheran .S53

Uobility of Bohemia, veiy rich 316

Kohlcman, his treatment of a clergyman > 216
Hon-juring parson, on pressing; ..... n
l^orham castle, siege and defence of * • • 428
HorthnmberlandyWarbeck proclaimed there 194
Vorth/ familtes and cutlM of » • • • 465, 407

OBSERVATOR. writer of, tlire»tened •. • 9

Olmuia, limits of its toparehj * ^o

Oranges, plentiful in St. Helena .••'•• Ui
Osbeck. Nathitonel. acrount of Warbeck • jgj
Osgualdo, Saa, a noted bill there . • • • (14

Osmau's dream, the great Turk |M

Oxfurri, f grl of, satyr on • • . • igt

PALACES in Tienfie £S>}

» noUe one, in Pra^oe • • . • ijo

Palnia, an account of. ••-••••••til

Pampedon, or Pandoa, e pert of Kew-

caatle 4>;o

■ deeciiption of . • M3

Pannoiiia. history of «*'«*S(9

Paradox of Madagascar people -a » • • • j^
Pari lamrnr, long, their expences^ ••••157
Parma, prince of, governs Fl-ioders • • . 1S8

Pay, naval, on punctuality of 15

I'eina, an account of • . . •••••..343

Pembroke, earl of, lord lientenant of Ira-
land ....■•■ ••••••.•■• ^

Pensions and places, mischiefs of • • • * 8
Piquiu, Gcnsales alight* near it, &c. 5S;,5M

I'erkin Warbeck, his history $Sj

Pcrsecut:on, thoughts on SoC

» etf-r the Great, CaHr,.his unlimited power 3i5

i'cterswalda, account of K2

rhiiip, duke, <iHcceeds to Hainault, &c. aj.it.

I'iave river, in Italy '. £Ct>

P.chau. or Bfcka. account of 140

I'icts, their irruption from the Norlh • • 451

wall, account of . > 40]

Piemculo trees, plenty- at Juan Femandez

45,41.

Pipaco, an account of > . • £24

Pirna, a large town 3:1

Pistol. invent<M by a German monk ... 54:
Placvs and pensious, mischiefs of • • • • 8

Plauino, an account of • *iS5

Poinings, Sir Edward, account of 403. 406,410
Pomecrauates, plenty in '$t. Helena • • • 511

Pomoeiium, what 04

Ponds, numerous in Bohemia Stii

Porcelane, some account of 3C5

Portland, on Mai tin's conduct there « • • if*
Portugal, counterfeit king of • . • • • . J71

Post-Boy's news ...loi

Posts of Italy, their extent .20:

PoLsdaiiT, an account of • . • • . • . . J 3.11

Prague, a description of $93

Prefaces to books, observations 00 * • • . 300

Prejudices, notion of rectified 358

Press-pang, on conduct of one Irt

Prcstoun, colonel, valour at Tournay . « li9

Pride, unknown in Madagascar 53D

Prcjciamation of upstart Atheist ..364

Prophsnenfss, growth of considered . .16^
Providence displayed, account of Selkirk 40
Provisions, naval, on plenty and goodneis
of 14

Fruisi. kin! m; hit eli

Tic*

• MT ftprifi of cBuUa, i

OUADI, *ai» icwuBt sf

■ HAIUlERI.Mrl.ulieBMptiiit *

hoiDu<.fiT>t;ii BhiuD

- «n liBprnptt raodc olmiat ■
IHD, caunurffit kinf oFPartiital

•HBgn, I lariKd Mt orComwril'i •

t. S>r Edwvd. BngluA wlini

mu. a dracri'iHlou aS I '■
■-•. M'Ciaiii out* U Wm .Mot

an. veu, Ac Kcoiuud (o'l

viand. Hrl of. bitkttf'n'.

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VA LVASOK. Mcoool of Ci
V>^u7uoD>. rw^H Mo

Englith fira jcui • ■ • IM

Villfn(«ii. tiMirinl hj ihr Fnath
Ulm.iU <l>'pg« Iram tne b'n'nch *

madaliHiSll. •■ mim^mmktn • ' • • . m

ItttrrMcoHBou* . 4t6

• • 478

i,..^waatof ■• S90

»lLL,><Mcriptioa#f. •
Zlabnio, 4itto • . • •
Zn«ia, limitB of its 4isbrict

• • 4 I

• • • <

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STANFORD UNIVERSITY LIBRAR

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STANFORD AUXILIARY LIBRAR

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STANFORD, CALIFORNIA 94305-

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(4151 723-9201

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All booki mo, be recoiled oFler 7 .

^H

^ATE DUE

Kl

BD 3^1^1995

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MAR^«,*rf

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